TRIPOLI

in 1925 the population of this seaport was estimated at 60,000. since 1912 it has been the capital of the italian colony of tripolitania (q.z.) which is also commonly known as tripoli. in a looser sense tripoli includes, in addition, cyrenaica (q.z.). considerable improvements have been made in the city and harbour by the italians. the minimum depth of water at the entrance to the port is 24 ft.; at the pier quays 20 to 24 feet. in april 1926 signor mussolini visited the town, this being the first occasion upon which a prime minister of italy had set foot in an italian colony. sce a. fantoli, piccola guida della tripolitania (tripoli, 1925). | tripolitania, an italian colony in north africa (see 27.288), has an area approximately of 300,000 sq. m., mostly desert. the natives numbered, according to a 1925 estimate, between 600,000 and 700,000. european population (1921) 20,716, of whom 18,093 were italian. the chief towns, all on the coast, are tripoli (¢.2.), the capital; misurata, 14,000 inhabitants; and homs (see khoms) 4,000. history.—the vilayet of tripoli (tripolitania), together with that of benghazi (cyrenaica), passed from ottoman to italian rule as a result of the italo-turkish war of 1911-2. the italians at the end of 1912 held only the coast region, and they met with considerable opposition from the natives (berbers and arabs) in their occupation of the interior. their most redoubtable opponent was the berber chieftain suleiman el baruni, who set up an independent kingdom in the nefusa hills, but was beaten by the end of 1913 and fled to europe. by aug. 1914 every place of importance in the vilayet was in italian hands. meanwhile in the coast districts the italians had begun with great energy a big programme of public works, while towards the arabs and berbers they adopted a policy of confidence and trust. unfortunately, in the adjoining vilayet of cyrenaica the war continued, the turks having incited the senussites to continue the struggle (see senussi). in sept. 1914 the fezzani, many of whom adhered to the senussi sect, rose in revolt. turkish, german and scnussi propaganda was very active throughout tripolitania, and the declaration of war by italy upon austria (may 28 1915) was the signal for a general rising. there had already been serious fighting with the rebels, and in one engage- ment the libyan auxiliaries of the italians had gone over to the enemy on the field of battle. in view of the situation in europe the italians now abandoned the whole country with the ex- ception of the scaports of tripoli and hloms (khoms). another seaport, zuwara, was reoccupied in aug. 1916. meanwhile a brother of the senussi chief ruled in fezzan; suleiman el baruni reappeared (sept. 1916) with a firman from the sultan of turkey appointing him governor-general of the vilayets of tripoli, tunis and algiers; ramadhan el shtewi, another powerful chieftain, established a so-called republic of tripoli and ruled at misurata, which place became a german sub- marine base. all through 1917 el barun) harassed the italians, but failed to fulfil his boast to drive them into the sea. there was in fact little cohesion and much jealousy among the op- ponents of the italians. the turks sent prince osman fuad to misurata in april 1918 with instructions to compose the quarre}s among the tribes, a task in which he did not succeed. moreover, the senussi were now divided, one section, which in the end gained the mastery, having as early as april 1917 come to terms with the italians—a fact of more importance, however, to cyrenaica than tripolitania. such was the state of chaos in the country at the end of the world war, and the italians were then in no mood to undertake troelstra—tropical medicine the reconquest of tripolitania by force. a plan was formed to govern through native chiefs, to whom were to be attached political officers. negotiations entered into with el baruni, el shtewi and other chiefs led to their acknowledgment of italian rule, and a royal decree of june 1919 gave the country ‘‘ com- plete local citizenship ”’ with an elective assembly styled a parliament. the chiefs cared little for such an assembly. they were more concerned in consolidating their own authority and did not scruple to flout that of italy. there was little real im- provement in the situation until signor giuseppe volpi became governor in aug. 1921. under his direction a campaign, which began in jan. 1922 with the reoccupation of misurata, was conducted to a successful issue by the end of 1923. thereafter, by wise and conciliatory measures and by a bold policy of economic reconstruction, signor volpi restored order and a degree of prosperity to the greatcr part of the country, though fezzan was still troubled by rival factions. in the latter part of his governorship signor volpi had the full support of the fascist goverment. for his services he was created count volpi of misurata, and on re- signing his post in july 1925 he became minister of finance in the italian cabinet. his successor as governor was general de bono. economic conditions —owing to the disturbed state of the country little progress had been made up to 1926 in economic development, which depends for marked progress largely on the construction of costly irrigation works. the italians, however, planted very large numbers of olive, orange, vine and other trees, and began the afforestation of the dunes. since 1918 italian immigrants have taken up a number of land concessions and have made fair progress. the government has built a rail- way along the coast westward from tripoli to zuwara (75 m.) and begun a line eastward to homs. another railway (31 m.) runs inland from tripoli to el ‘aziziva. the chief exports are tunny fish and sponges, henna, esparto grass, wool, dates and salt; the chief imports, foodstuffs and textiles. trade is mainly with italy, malta, egypt, greece and great britain, and rev- enue is largely derived from import duties, which give pref- erence to italian products. according to a british consular report, the value of imports, in 1922 was, in sterling £985,000, while that of exports was only £145,000. the colony has been a considerable burden to the italian treasury, largely through military expenditure. the military establishment in 1924-5 was some 17,000 men, of whom 4,800 were italians. in that year military expenditure was 112,300,000 lire, compared with 34,470,000 lire spent on civil administration. bisliography.—a ifandbook of libya, british admiralty pub- lication (1920); c. fidel, une mission en tripolitaine (1921); p. (sherardi, ““la reconquete de la tripolitaine,” renseignements coloniaux ef documents, no. 7, supplement to l’afrigue francaise (july, 1925); see also bolletino di tnformazion:, italian ministry for the colonies (rome) and l’agricoltura colontale florence c) troelstra, pieter jelles (1860- ), dutch politician, was born at leeuwarden and educated for the legal profession at the university of groningen, but early abandoned it for politics and journalism. he adopted socialist opinions, but becoming dis- satisfied with the leadership of mr. domela nieuwenhuis, under whom dutch socialism had assumed an extremist complexion bordering on anarchism, he founded the social democratic la- bour party in 1894. the new party prospered in the country and in the states-general, and for many years dr. troelstra was the acknowledged leader of the socialist movement in the nether- lands. at the elections of 1918, as a result of the introduction of universal suffrage, the social democrats made important gains, and under the influence of the german revolution dr. troelstra in a remarkable speech in the chamber called upon the govern- ment to resign with a view to the formation of a socialist state. his party, however, refused to support him and the attempted coup d’etat failed (see netherlands). thenceforward dr. troel- stra’s influence steadily declined. in 1925, owing to failing health, he retired from political life. 827 troeltsch, ernst (1865-1923), german philosopher and theologian was born at augsburg on feb. 17 1865 and studied at erlangen, gettingen and berlin. he began his teaching career at gottingen, and thereafter became professor first at bonn, and thenat heidelberg and berlin (1915). in 1919 he became a member of the prussian national assembly and parliamentary secretary of state in the prussian ministry of worship and instruction. for some time in 1921 he was a member of the imperial government. he died in berlin on feb. 1 1923. troeltsch was a contributor to the theologisches rundschan, the zeitschrift fiir theologie und kirche, the theologische jahresberichie, the preussische jahrbiicher, etc. among his many works may be mentioned die bedeutung des protestantismus fiir die entstehung der modernen kultur (1906, 1924); trennung von staat und kirche, sostallehren der chrisilichen kirchen und gruppen (1919); naturrecht und iiumanitat in der weltpolittk (1923). trondhjem, norway (see 27.305), has grown considerably, and had a population of 55,030 in 1920. a garden suburb has been laid out at lillegaarden, and costly harbour works have been undertakeh. since 1921 trondhjem has been connected with oslo by the dovre railway. tropical medicine.—as medicine advances from the status of an art to that of a science, so do the bounds which demarcate tropical medicine become more faint. few major diseases are restricted to the lower latitudes, and tropical medicine, as here considered, embraces all those maladies which, for some reason, prevail especially in the tropics, though not necessarily limited thereto. some diseases lightly regarded to-day as essentially tropical are merely commensurate with a primitive stage of civi- lisation, and consequent unhygienic conditions. bubonic plague smouldered in england for centuries, every few years flaring up to epidemic degree, and ceased as an endemic infection only about 1679. cholera was common enough in john wesley’s day to demand a paragraph in his little volume on household reme- dies. the londoner of charles ii.’s time could enjoy a jest in hudibras unintelligible to anyone not familiar with the stages of a malaria paroxysm. these captains of the men of death, in bunyan’s phrase, no longer menace britain, but, with many others, they still confront the increasing multitude who follow their avocations beyond the seas. the present stimulus to the special study of tropical medicine comes from the spread of commerce and empire, from causes far back in history and from the ever-growing complexity of modern economic conditions. special problems of tropical medicine liability to contract disease in the tropics is not due in the main to inherent change in the individual, but to circumstances generally favouring a luxuriance of animal life. the causative organisms of some diseases, e.g., malaria and yellow fever, de- pend for their propagation on insects most numerous and active in tropical conditions; warmth and humidity are essential for the development of hookworm larvae in the soil; and in such sur- roundings bacterial life in general flourishes most abundantly. though exceptions to these rules spring tothe mind—typhus fever, a louse-borne disease, reaches its maximum range under cold weather conditions, and the factors governing the transmission of common colds and coughs determine the spread of pneumonic plague. the newcomer to the tropics is faced by all these poten- tial dangers, with risks of infection usually intensified an hundred- fold by native standards of sanitation. preventive medicine has done him one great disservice. born in pre-hygiene times, he would almost certainly have acquired a natural immunity to a variety of diseases which nowadays in his own country he escapes, but to which the native, surviving child- hood, is relatively immune. this resistance to disease, previously believed a racial characteristic, is now generally considered a per- sonal immunity gained by the individual during early life. as regards this aspect of malaria in natives, christopherson has shown that in hyper-endemic areas children pass through a period of acute infestation lasting for about two years. during this time manifestations of the disease are practically continuous. a stage 828 of immune infestation is then reached which lasts through child- hood into adult life. whatever the nature of the immunity it is sufficient to enable adults, under conditions that lead to intense infection in the child, to live infected but without suffering appreciably from sickness due to malaria. the briton, beyond most others, does not lightly resign his national prejudices and customs, and for years a red tunic anda tight leathern stock were thought suitable wear for the plains of india. so to-day the sojourner in the tropics may complicate the problems of tropical medicine, already sufficiently involved, by an unwillingness to adapt his regimen and habits to new sur- roundings. therefore, physiological changes, including altera- tions in the functioning of the endocrine glands, may result, with a consequent train of morbid symptoms. native customs and modes of life evolved by the empiricism of years, may repay study. a temporary adoption of the indian fashion of wearing the shirt outside the trousers has in practise averted the threat- ened onset of heat stroke. the early inhabitants of northern africa cooled their houses by structural devices which modern architects might copy and adapt to the needs of european resi- dents in hot climates. even the adobe houses of the mexican natives are designed on sounder principles than the corrugated iron furnaces occupied by white settlers in parts of the tropic zone. wise in their generation, the conquistadors did not disdain to jearn from the aborigines of the new world, and we are the richer in possessing cincona and ipecacuanha as the result. methods of tropical medicine accurate diagnosis is essential to the correct treatment of any disease; this is no new knowledge—‘“‘ as sayeth the prince of physic avicenna: ‘ how shouldest thou hele a sore and not yknow the cause?’ ” the aim of modern medicine is to prevent rather than to cure, and in like manner a close study of causation is a requisite preliminary to wise and successful prevention. therefore a basic knowledge of bacteriology, entomology and other branches of medical parasitology is a necessary part of the training prescribed for students of tropical medicine. not every species of anopheles can be infected with malaria, nor are the breeding habits of all the malaria-carrying anophelines the same. a system of drainage which eradicates malaria in one locality may have no effect in another, and actually may intensify the disease in a third. slight changes in the chemical reactions of water may prevent mosquito breeding, a discovery likely to have far-reaching results in malaria prevention. and thus the impor- tance of these ancillary sciences to tropical medicine becomes more obvious every day. further, statistical data, when investigated and scrutinised by exact methods and correlated with clinical observations, may yield valuable information regarding the nature and origin of disease. if a malady is found to be periodic, the climatic and physical changes associated with the rise and fall of the infection may indicate the causal agents, and when their identity is estab- lished effective measures may be taken against them. rogers’ researches show that cholera begins to spread only when the de- gree of atmospheric humidity has reached a certain figure; in consequence, the possible commencement of an epidemic can be foreseen and appropriate prophylactic measures undertaken in advance. already tropical research has achieved great triumphs, and when the true economy of preventive medicine is realised more fully in tropical administration, the return in the form of mcreased efficiency will multiply accordingly. results before the last decade of the roth century, the agent responsi- ble for the spread of malaria (q¢.v.) was unknown. no eye had seen the bacillus of plague; and fleas were thought merely un- pleasant creatures, rather less scandalous than lice. yellow fever mosquitoes besported themselves unheeded, except in so far as they might disturb an afternoon’s siesta. but when patrick manson argued that some biting insect serves as intervenient host for the nematode parasite of man, filaria bancrofti, and turned his theory into proven fact, he stood like cortez on a peak tropical medicine in darien, viewing a new world. following on manson’s example and advice, and faced by difficulties which would have disheart- ened most, ross carried out his laborious researches and finally anopheles was incriminated as the vector of malaria. in the old yellow fever (q.v.) days, a king’s ship, the ‘* tiger ”’ cruised off barbados, and out of a complement of 220, buried 600 men dead of vellow fever within two years; the commander, as he reported, “ still pressing men out of the merchant ships that came in, to recruit his number in the room of those that died daily.”” the heroic work of reed and his collaborators proved that this infection is transmitted through the bite of a mosquito, aedes argenteus (stegomyia fasciata), and noguchi’s discovery of the causative micro-organism has confirmed their work. for- tunately the peculiar breeding habits of the insect vector render it relatively easy to control, and in the west indies to-day yellow fever ts little more dreaded than in england. ankylostomiasis (hookworm) (q.v.), which reduced the vital- ity and lowered the efficiency of millions of people, has been la- boriously investigated. firm, constant, but inexpensive measures of sanitation prevent infection, and recent close study of the free- living stages of the worm points to still more effective methods of control. schistosomiasis yields to the antimony treatment elaborated by christopherson, and the labours of miyairi and suzuki and leiper, showed that the parasites develop in water snails vulnerable to attack. prior to the recognition of the curative prope ties of intra- venous antimony, kala azar (g.v.), which decimates rich populous tracts of bengal and assam, killed over 90% of those attacked. the disease is in process of investigation by a special commission, and the mode of transmission, so far baffling identification, is likely to be revealed. if the active agent proves to be a species of ‘ sand-fly,” as has been surmised, the success of the hygienic methods adopted in practice will be explained. the progress of physiological knowledge in the special branch of endocrinology has secured success in the treatment of cases of sprue (q¢.v.), where the restoration of the calcium content of the blood has been effected by the administration of parathyroid extract. cholera and plague may be stayed by prophylactic vaccines, and the results of anti-typhoid inoculation were one of the medical triumphs of the world war. the incidence of tropical liver abscess has been enormously reduced by the use of emetine, and the special “ liver-abscess-days ’—earmarked for surgical operations—once a feature of some tropical hospitals, are now a thing of the past. synthetic chemistry adds to the resources of the scientific physician of tropical diseases; “‘ bayer 205 ” ‘and tryparsamide in the treatment of african sleeping sickness have given hopeful results, while new antimony compounds are re- placing tartar emetic for intravenous medication, seemingly with all its advantages and none of its drawbacks. thus the diseases which take so heavy a toll of human life are one by one yielding to science and coming under control, and the outlook to-day is brighter than even the most optimistic would have dared to prophesy some thirty years ago. in honouring the men who thus have extended the science of medicine, we should not forget those of old time who caught glimpses of truth, often through a glass darkly, but at times with a clearer vision. of such was donald monro; nearly two hundred years ago he expounded methods of preventive medicine superior, in part, even to the practice fol- lowed in our own time. in these affairs, as in others, we are too apt to forget that there were heroes who lived before agamemnon. problems of the future even should science succeed in finding a cure for every tropical disease, still other problems await solution. can the individual be protected and enabled to work as efficiently as in a temperate zone? can impairment of his vitality and nervous energy be pre- vented and normal health and longevity secured? whether or not the tropics can be made a safe home for white settlers depends largely on the extent to which local administration will initiate and maintain effective and scientific systems of sanitation, and will educate the indigenous population into ways of cleanliness trotsky and order. panama sanitary methods, dependent on abundant capital and a soldierly precision of enforcement, are possible only in limited and specially favoured areas. the public health official who finds himself hampered on every hand by apathy, or worse, may dream enviously of some such despotic and off-with- his-head regime, alas, seldom realised in these days of govern- ment by enumeration of heads without regard to the cerebral content. and in certain tropical localities it is notorious that the practice of sanitary law bears little relationship to the excellence of the principles embodied in the statute-book. when all these difficulties have been faced and overcome, and the life of white settlers modified in matters of housing, diet, work and play to meet their altered physical environment, there re- mains the great question: can a white race settle perma- nently in a tropical country and after several generations still retain its original stamina and mental vigour? in spite of thousands of years of colonisation this question still awaits a final answer. heretofore the results of disease—chronic malaria and ankylostomiasis stunting body and mind—moral decay, con- sequent on association with lower or even debased native modes of life, have been confused inextricably with the effects of climate. who can assess the share of the climatic factor, per se, in the production of the “ poor white ”? an adverse environment alone can weaken mental and moral fibre in an astonishingly short space. children reared in a glasgow slum may appear a race far apart from their cousins-german, hardy fisher lads in the outer hebrides. yet here there is no climatic difference to account for the observable deterioration. the unfavourable factor in tropical climates has been variously identified as the heat, or light, rays of the sun, the depressing monotony of an equable temperature, or a high relative humid- ity; the last admittedly trying, and affecting both comfort and efficiency. even so, the individual can be trained to withstand a degree of temperature intolerable before acclimatisation, but whether continued exposure to such temperatures results in some subtle change in the nervous system, with loss of vigour and driv- ing power, is a matter of dispute. whatever the responsible agency, certainly some diminution in vitality commonly occurs, as is evidenced by the accepted practice of granting home leave to government servants and to staffs of business concerns, and this from no motives of philanthropy but because it pays. the history of the dutch settlement abandoned and forgotten in the east indian island of kisser is often cited as evidence of successful tropical acclimatisation of europeans, and the de- scendants of the settlers have been described as retaining their north europe characteristics after 250 years of tropical life. un- fortunately for this contention, elkington’s researches show that the ordinarily accepted account of the colony is far from accurate. the dutch colonists have inhabited kisser only since the end of the 18th century, at the longest; moreover, four of the original nine settlers married women of coloured blood. when the island was rediscovered, the colonists were found to have retrogressed, and had lost both the christian religion and the dutch language. elkington concludes that their lowered mental and physical state can be explained by the environmental conditions and acquired disease; that the measures adopted by the dutch govt. during recent years have resulted in definite improvement and regenera- tion, and that a european standard of mentality persists in sub- stantial degree. none the less, the admixture with native blood vitiates what otherwise might rank as a conclusive experiment, at any rate so far as concerns climates resembling that of kisser. race problems when two races live in association there is a natural tendency either for the weaker to disappear, or for both to amalgamate. such a fusion has taken place over large areas of south america, and in parts of the west indies. but the modern nordic man views with repugnance any mass admixture with indigenous stocks, however suitable the resulting hybrid race might prove for tropical existence. this colour prejudice, though seemingly of relatively recent origin, is deeply grounded, and in any colonisation scheme affecting north europeans the persistence 829 of racial integrity is a fundamental principle (see anthropology, applied; colour and race problems). for reasons which need not be discussed here, the prestige of the white man has received a serious set-back of late years, and in consequence he may be excluded in increasing measure from certain tropical countries and forced to find an outlet elsewhere for his energies. in professor j. w. gregory’s words!:— “we have seen therefore that in north america the presence of the negro has introduced problems of inscrutable perplexity; that in south america a mixed race is in firm possession; that in africa as a whole the white man has no chance as a colonist; and that in south africa his future depends on some complex measure of segregation. in asia only, in the north and northwest, has the white man any prospect of permanent dominion. in contrast to those restrictions, in australia the fundamental problem is the possibility of the occupation of the whole continent by the european race.” the settlement of tropical australia by whites, with the de- liberate exclusion of other races, amounts to trade-unionism on a national scale, and raises questions of far-reaching political and economic import. it is not even known if such settlement and acclimatisation of white stocks is possible. we are assured in the most pragmatical manner that there is no physiological objection to the projected colonisation of tropical australia by whites. the case, either way, is unproven, and a final pronouncement can be made only when five or six generations have been born, reared and married in tropical surroundings. will the race then retain the qualities of temperament and nervous force inherent in white folk bred in the temperate zones? can these peculiar character- istics persist in any race of nordic blood who never see the snow fall? prophecy is dangerous, and these questions cannot be answered here, nor within our lifetime. (w. p. maca.) trotsky, lev davidovich (1877- }, russian poli- tician, whose real name was bronstein, was born near elizavetgrad, the son of middle-class jews. he received an excellent education at the peter and paul real schule in odessa and at the university of that town. leaving the university in 1897, he was arrested as a revolutionary in the following year and soon after exiled to eastern siberia. in aug. 1902 he escaped and made his way to england with a forged passport in the name of trotsky (which name he used thenceforward). in london, despite his youth, he soon became an important member of the small body of social democrats which included plekhanov and lenin. he col- laborated with the latter and others in the publication of iskra (spark), the most famous of the russian revolutionary newspa- pers. in 1905 he returned to russia, was elected a member of the st. petersburg soviet of workers’ deputies and was chairman of the meeting at which the whole soviet was arrested. he was exiled to tobolsk but escaped immediately on his arrival in si- beria and went to vienna, where he worked for the arbetter zeitung and the pravda. he also worked for some time in a chemical factory. in 1910 he attended the social democratic congress at copenhagen, defending a position of his own, mid- way between that of the bolsheviks and that of the mensheviks. in 1913 he was in constantinople as a war correspondent. the following year found him in zurich and paris, taking part in the publication of a revolutionary paper. he wrote a book on the aims and origins of the world war which, published in german, earned him a german sentence of eight months’ imprisonment. but he opposed the war not only in germany but in the allied countries, and in dec. 1916 was expelied from france. he was arrested by the spanish authorities on crossing their frontier but was presently allowed to leave for america, where he edited the russian revolutionary newspaper, novy mir (the new world). when the revolution broke out in march ror7 trotsky’s friends and subscribers to the paper collected the money for his journey to russia. he was, however, arrested by the british authorities and taken ashore at halifax, where he was interned until the russian provisional govt. asked for his release. h{[e arrived in petrograd soon after lenin. he was the leader of a small party of social democrats and soon joined the bolsheviks, together with his followers, although he did not actually become a member of the bolshevik party until july 1917, when he was 1 address to british association, 1924. 830 arrested for being concerned in the rising which took place in that month. he played a part hardly less important than that of lenin in organising the bolshevik revolution in nov. to17 and became people’s commissar for foreign affairs in the new soviet government. trotsky was the most important figure in the russian delega- tion during the negotiation of the brest-litovsk peace treaty. believing that the moral effect of the revolution had already been such that the germans would be unable to force their troops to move against russia, he met the oppressive german demands with the statement that russia would not sign a treaty on such terms but that she considered the war to be at an end and would demobilise her troops. lenin disagreed with him, considering that the risk was too great since at that time the germans could easily have taken petrograd. a few days of uncertainty inter- vened, followed by the german advance. after a series of heated debates in the central committee of the bolshevik party, trot- sky announced that he now sided with lenin and by a majority of one it was decided to sign an even more unfavourable treaty than that which he had previously refused. trotsky was replaced by chicherin as commissar for foreign affairs and, on taking over the commissariat of war, he entered upon the task of creat- ing the red army. in spite of opposition from many of the older communists he made great use of officers of the old army. the results obtained by so doing were used to justify the employment of ‘* bourgeois ” technical experts in the factories. when he had made a new army that showed itself superior to those of the whites his energies were used in preventing the complete col- lapse of the railways. in 1920 he organised “‘ labour armies,” using for the building of bridges and the collection of fuel armies which had been freed for such peaceful activities by their victor- ies on the various fronts of the civil war. until the introduction of the new economic policy trotsky urged industrial conscription, but wholeheartedly accepted the new policy which made such measures impossible. during the polish war of 1920, he opposed the disastrous advance on war- saw but was overruled by lenin. in the autumn of 1923, during a discussion in the communist party, he adopted a position whereby it was possible for the “‘ old guard ” of the communist leaders to accuse him of canvassing for the support of the younger men. he was ill at the time but his illness did not save him from a most violent attack by stalin, zinoviev and others. many of his friends were shifted from their posts and he himself was on the way to the caucasus to take a cure, when lenin died. throughout the revolution the names of lenin and trotsky had been coupled together and the death of the one seemed to leave the other alone in the field. this was not really so. seniority counts for much in the communist party and the older leaders never forgot that trotsky, in spite of his prominence, had only joined the party in 1917. the campaign to discredit him was con- tinued and some went so far as to urge that he should be ejected from the central committee and even from the party. he lost his post as commissar of war and when he returned from the caucasus was given work of small political significance, being made head of the committee for the development of electric power in russia. in 1925 he resigned from this post and was made head of the central committee for concessions. trotsky stood revealed as by far the most brilliant of the revo- lutionary leaders, a striking orator with a gift for metaphor, an extraordinarily persuasive writer of pamphlets, an acute debater, with a power of practical organisation rare not only in the com- munist party but in russia in general. his chief recreations were writing and shooting. he wrote a number of books on the history of the revolution, on lenin, on the civil war and on the relations between revolution and literature, besides a long serics of polemic essays on questions of the dav. one of the most im- portant being rgr7, 2 vol. (moscow, 1924) eng. trans. of intro- duction the lessons of october 1917 (1925). for this encyelo- pedia trotsky wrote the biography of lenin. (a. r.) trumbic, ante (1863- ), yugoslav statesman, was bornat spalato(spljet). he became successively mayor of spalato, and deputy for the city in the dalmatian diet, and after 1907 trumbic—trusts deputy in the austrian parliament. in 1905 he and his fellow dalmatians, pero cingrija, smodlaka and supilo, as delegates of the croat national party, played a leading part in the movement for renewed co-operation between serb and croat, which culmi- nated in the resolutions of fiume and zara in 1905, and in the par- allel negotiations with the magyar coalition parties. the pro- gramme of reform in croatia, which was the basis of the agree- ment with hungary, was soon frustrated by the intransigent atti- tude of the wekerle government. the dalmatian croats, and notably trumbi¢e and supilo, consistently endeavoured to im- prove their relations with the italians and to combat the con- stant efforts of vienna to set the two.races at variance. on the eve of the world war trumbie crossed the frontier to venice, where he was joined by supilo and several other croat and serb leaders. the first winter of the war he spent in rome, hoping to win italian official support. but sonnino’s anti-slav policy and the secret agreement concluded between italy and the entente at the expense of the yugoslavs in the spring of 1915, forced him to transfer his centre of operations to france and england. the yugoslav committee, of which trumbie was presi- dent, was formally constituted in may 1grg5 in london. in the summer of 1917 he and several of his colleagues conducted lengthy negotiations with the exiled serbian govt. in corfu and representatives of all the serbian parties, and the result was the so-called ‘‘ declaration of corfu,”’ which outlined the princi- ples on which the united yugoslav state was to be based. through the mediation of his british friends trumbie met repre- sentative italians in dec. 1917 and march 1918, and reached an agreement which became the basis of the congress of oppressed nationalities, held in rome in april. in the closing stage of the war the yugoslav committee was handicapped by the narrowly pan-serb attitude of pagie, and the entente govts. withheld their recognition of the yugoslav programme pending a definite agreement between pasi¢ and trumbi¢e. the result was that after the collapse of austria- iiungary the italian claims were revived in their full force. when the provisional yugoslav govt. was formed at zagreb in oct. 1918 trumbie was appointed foreign minister and peace delegate in conjunction with pasi¢ and vesnie. in spite of his sane and convincing advocacy of yugoslav claims he was unable to win the support of the entente, which considered itself still bound to italy by the secret treaty of london. with the waning of president wilson’s influence, the yugoslavs were obliged to come to a direct agreement with italy, and the treaty of rapallo was signed nov. 1920. trumbie’s long absence in paris, coupled with the policy of abstention pursued by the croat peasant party under radie, placed him at a fatal disadvantage when the question of the new constitution came up in 1921. trumbie voted in the minority and thereafter drifted steadily into stronger opposition to the new regime in yugoslavia. his group formed part of the coalition “ bloc” which was in power from july to oct. 1924, and for a time he effected a working alliance with radi¢e and committed himself to federalism and even republicanism. the sudden volte face of radie after the elections of 1925 leit trumbie somewhat isolated, as the leader of the newly constituted ‘‘ croat federalist peasant party.” trusts (sce 27.334).—the term trust is a convenient though mostly inaccurate label popularly applied to any large business concern, or amalgamation or association of business concerns, which exercises some degree of monopolistic power over output and prices in the industry with which it is connected. the “trust,” as it first appeared in america in the ’eightics, was a form of organisation in which the shareholders of a number of enterprises agreed to assign the whole of their stock to a group of trustees, receiving in exchange trust cert ficates representing the valuation of their properties. under this arrangement the trustces controlled all the businesses and could not only co- ordinate and regulate the operation of the plants thus brought under one direction, but could also dictate to some extent the output of the whole industry and the prices at which its products should be sold. consolidations formed on ‘“ trust ” lines still trusts exist in important industries in many countries, but they rep- resent in europe but a small part of the whole movement, from interbusiness competition to monopolistic combination, with which this article is concerned. i. the united kingdom this transition from competition to combination, which has been a marked feature of industrial development the world over since the latter part of the roth century, has in each country accommodated itself to national characteristics and conditions. in the united kingdom great consolidations wielding monopolis- tic and political power have not hitherto been so formidable as in america, nor have british associations of independent manu- facturers developed the range of activities displayed by such organisations in germany. the movement toward industrial combination in the united kingdom has been relatively more cautious and less spectacular than elsewhere. the reasons for this would appear to be partly the deep-rooted individualism of the british manufacturer and partly the greater difficulty of establishing monopolistic consolidations in a country where many of the principal industries are widely. dispersed, where the raw materials of most of the great industries are drawn from world- wide sources and where such shelter as monopoly might obtain from protective import duties has not been available. none the less, combination has replaced or minimised competition over a great part of the industrial activity of the united kingdom. terminology.—it is usual to distinguish the various types of combination by convenient labels, but the terminology is some- what arbitrary and the distinctions sometimes without much significance. the holding company,.the ‘‘ combine,” the vertical consolidation and the horizontal consolidation are frequently quoted types, but they are by no means mutually exclusive; and often a concern which by origin belongs to one of these categories belongs by present nature and actual operation to another. the one feature which these four have in common is that they are permanent fusions of previously independent busi- ness concerns, which, under the new regime, are under more or less completely centralised direction and control. under the holding company arrangement each of a number of companies sells its shares to another company established for the purpose, receiving in exchange shares in the holding company. the “ combine ” might be described as another name for the holding company, except that whereas the holding company may operate firms in various lines of business and may have been initiated by outside financial interests, the term combine is usually employed to designate a merging of firms previously in the same line of business at the instance of a majority of the firms or of some dominant concern among their number. al- though the holding company or combine is always subject, as already mentioned, to centralised control, there are cases in which the constituent firms retain some limited measure of au- tonomy. the vertical consolidation is a complete merging into one industrial and commercial entity of previously independent firms engaged in the production of a commodity at successive stages of manufacture: ¢.g., coal and iron mining, pig iron, iron and steel, ships. the horizontal consolidation is a complete merging of previously independent firms engaged in the same line of business at the same stage of production and can only be dis- tinguished from the holding company or the combine by having originated in the outright purchase of a number of concerns by one predominant concern in the industry or by some outside financial interest. a more easily definable and distinct type of trade combina- tion and one that has proved particularly applicable to british conditions, is the terminable association. under this arrange- ment the firms constituting the association remain independent financial and commercial entities, but they associate for the purpose of controlling output or prices or both in the industry in which they are engaged. such associations are properly con- stituted bodies having rules, constitution, officers, subscriptions, entrance fee, etc. the methods of trade regulation are various. some associations simply fix a schedule of prices to which all 831 must conform; others have arrangements in regard to tenders for contract work; others regulate output by allotting to each mem- ber a fixed percentage of the total production, whatever that total may be, with penalties for exceeding the quota and com- pensation for falling short. some partition out the home market, or the foreign trade, among the members, and some have from time to time reinforced their control of the markets by agree- ments with similar foreign associations as to the amount which shall be exported from each country to certain markets. the distinguishing feature of the association is that each component firm remains a financially separate business concern, with full freedom of action in all matters that are not ruled by the asso- ciation. if under stress of circumstances, or for reasons of internal jealousy, it should break up, the constituent firms revert to their original unfettered independence. permanent combinations.—permanent combinations, falling into one or more of the four categories mentioned above, are found in the united kingdom in most of the main industries and in many smaller ones. any amalgamation of two or more busi- ness concerns might, of course, be called a ‘‘ combination,” but the present article is confined to those cases in which the com- bination produces a concern of such predominance in its industry as to give it some degree of monopolistic power. it has been asserted that any consolidation or association which covers 80% of the output of an industry can dictate the prices at which the other 20% shall sell its competing products and so may be de- scribed as having an effective monopoly; but that formula can- not be applied indiscriminately, inasmuch as the limiting con- ditions of control vary greatly from industry to industry and in some industrics very effective monopolies of merely local range may exist. it must suffice here to mention a few outstanding examples of consolidations in a position to exercise some degree of monopolistic power. in the cotton branch of the textile industry great amalgamations of previously independent firms are to be found. messrs. j. & p. coats have long occupied, as a result of growth and absorption, a pre-eminent position in the sewing- cotton industry. the fine cotton spinners’ and doublers’ as- sociation is a mammoth amalgamation, dating back nearly 30 years. in the cotton spinning and manufacturing branches two other great amalgamations have come into being since the war, the amalgamated cotton mills trust and crosses and winkworths, in both of which previously independent concerns have been merged. principal industries.—in the woollen and worsted industries com- bination has taken the form rather of association than consolidation; but woolcormbers ltd. is an amalgamation dating back some years, while since the war large amalgamations have been formed in the worsted spinning and knitting wool spinning sections of the industry. in textile bleaching, dycing, printing and finishing the combine type of consolidation prevails. the three largest combines are the bradford dyers’ association, the bleachers’ association and the calico printers’ association; all these had their origin in the early days of the century. in view of the terminology adopted above in describing the various types of combination, it should perhaps be emphasised that these are not terminable associations but permanent amalgamations. two other combines in this industry are the british cotton and wool dyers’ association and the english velvet and cord dyers’ association. in the chemical industry, brunner mond and company and the united alkali company are predominant concerns in the manufac- ture of heavy chemicals. lever brothers, british dyestuffs ltd., the salt union, borax consolidated, and nobel industries ltd. are each dominant in their respective branches of industry. in the coal industry amalgamation has not proceeded far, except in south wales, where there are two large groups of anthracite col- lieries, merged under amalgamated anthracite collieries ltd. and united anthracite collieries limited. a pre-war welsh combine is the consolidated cambrian limited. colliery combines are only to be found in occasional instances in england and scotland. in the iron and steel industry combination by terminable associa- tion has been accompanied by great concentrations of capital, such as dorman long & co., bolckow, vaughan & co., baldwin’s ltd., the ebbw vale co., guest, keen and nettlefolds, the united steel companies ltd. and richard thomas & company. al! these are what have been described as vertical consolidations, but in fact the merging which they embody has been on both the horizontal and vertical planes. . 832 the engineering and shipbuilding industries, again, present a network of terminable associations studded by large consolidations. foremost among these are vickers ltd., armstrong whitworth & co., cammell laird & co. and john brown & co., but a score more could be quoted within almost the same range of importance. most of these great amalgamations are of pre-war origin; but they acquired additional properties during and since the war. in the post-armistice boom period some new amalgamations of considerable importance were formed. only a few of the principal industries are dealt with above. in other industries examples of dominant consolidations are to be found, notably in matches, glass bottles, electric lamps, shoe- making machinery, glass and tobacco. other associations.—preceding paragraphs have dealt with consolidations. as regards the terminable associations, it would avail little to mention even the most important by name or to describe their individual activities. suffice it therefore to say that associations of manufacturers and traders for the regulation of prices or output or both are found in most, if not all, branches of british industry and trade. even in industries already domi- nated by a single large consolidation there is usually to be found a trade association, of which the dominant concern is a member, and through which it can exercise more directly than otherwise its influence upon the industry as a whole. the consolidation and the association by no means exhaust the catalogue of arrangements whereby trade and prices may be controlled. the “gentlemen’s agreement” or “honourable un- derstanding ” may in favourable circumstances be as powerful an instrument for minimising competition as a formal organisation. interlocking directorates, with or without exchange of shares, may result in two or more companies coming under concerted control without any outward change in constitution. other ex- amples of the tendency towards concentration of capital and economic power will be seen in the great banking amalgamations, in the multiple shop system, in the tied house system in the licensed trade and in the control exercised over tobacco, meat and other commodities by interests domiciled outside as well as inside the united kingdom. the amalgamations of shipping companies and the maintenance of liner freights by the shipping rings are other long-standing examples of the concerted control. the degree to which combination has supplanted competition as the ruling factor of business operations should not be over- estimated. even in the most powerfully organised industries competition plays its part with fitfully recurring intensity; while there are still industries (e.g., coal, shipbuilding, textile manufac- turing, as well as a host of minor industries) in which the con- certed control of output or prices has made relatively little head- way. but the steady trend is toward increased combination. under the influence of war conditions not only were numbers of listless associations galvanised into greater activity and enter- prise, but many new associations were formed. also, one effect of the excess profits tax was to encourage the buying up of un- profitable businesses by prosperous concerns, for such purchases were in effect paid for by moneys which would otherwise have gone in excess profits duty to the revenue. for this and other reasons the war period was one of unusual increase in the num- ber of amalgamations. advantages and disadvantages of combination.—industrial combination has undoubted advantages. by combination sub- stantial economies can be effected in buying, manufacturing and selling. as regards the buying of material and components, pur- chases can be made in gross instead of in detail, with the ad- vantages of better selection, better terms and lower transport charges; middlemen can be side-stepped and, if need be, the control over the sources of material can be acquired. as regards manufacture, parts can be standardised and made interchange- able, with consequent economies and benefits, sectional specialisa- tion can be developed, orders can be more advantageously dis- tributed and the whole of the plant and methods of production can be raised to a uniformly high level. as regards selling, the wastes of competitive salesmanship and advertising can be great- ly diminished, and a serviceable selling organisation, inspired by the interests of the industry as a whole, can be instituted. along trusts with all this goes another advantage; the wider and freer spread through the industry of what would otherwise have been jeal- ously guarded knowledge of processes and costs. against these possible gains on the score of productive and distributive efficiency must be set some possible losses. where an industrial unit grows beyond the compass of one man’s personal detailed direction, ‘‘system’’ must be introduced, and system can degenerate into bureaucracy and red tape. what is gained in power and knowledge at the centre may be lost in freedom and strength at the circumference, and the over-grown unit is in constant danger of becoming inefficient and reactionary. again, under the shelter of monopoly a comfortable somnolence may descend upon the giant concern, the fear of change is a well- known characteristic of large administrations, and the large busi- ness unit may become stagnant and even reactionary, especially if its control falls increasingly into aged hands. but whatever the balance of these influences may eventually be—greater or less productive efficiency—combination brings in its train the further danger of monopoly power being used to exact monopoly prices and conditions from the public. the problem as ‘seen by british eyes has therefore been one of how to leave business concerns free to achieve the economies and other advantages of combination in so far as they are consistent with the general interest, and at the same time to provide means of curbing any tendency to use monopoly power detrimentally to the public and of penalising those who do so use it. the committee on trusts.—the policy of ‘‘ declaring war on the trusts "’ has found little informed advocacy in the united kingdom. american experience of repressive legislation as embodied in the sherman and clayton anti-trust acts has been observed, but with- out admiration. the committee on trusts, appointed by the minister of reconstruction in feb. 1918, turned its attention rather to what might be called ‘‘ policing '’ action than to repression. it sought for ways in which combinations might be controlled or supervised to safe- guard the public interest from the abuse of monopoly power while being otherwise left free to achieve all those economies and improve- ments which combination alone can furnish. public ownership, public control, public competition, profit limitation and profit taxation were passed under review. in all these suggested schemes three main difficulties were encountered at the outset: first, that of defining a monopolistic concern; second, that of distinguishing rightful rewards of enterprise and efficiency from the exactions of monopoly; and, third, that of determining the datum on which rate of profit can be calculated. these suggestions were one by one rejected as limited in scope, difficult of application, or hazardous in reaction, and the committee turned its attention in other directions. it was thought that if fuller publicity in regard to the conduct and earnings of business concerns generally, and of the working and effects of combinations in particular, could be secured, the desired object would be in great measure achieved. it was also thought that some machinery should be provided whereby suspected or alleged abuses could be penalised. accordingly, the conclusion was reached that there should be established a department of state charged with the duty of inform- ing itself as to the nature, extent and development of combination of all kinds in so far as they tend to the restraint of trade and the crea- tion of monopolies, and of making preliminary inquiry into com- plaints made in regard to them; also that a tribunal should be set up to which the department could apply for powers to obtain par- ticular information, and would refer for full investigation cases in which combinations appeared to act injuriously to the public inter- est. the requisite publicity would thereby be secured in two ways: the relevant facts as to offences proved before the tribunal would be made public, and the department would present annually to parlia- ment a report upon the nature, extent and development of combina- tions. publicity thus secured would not only be in itself a consider- able safeguard against the abuse of monopolistic power, but it would serve to reveal actions and developments for which publicity alone was not a sufficient safeguard, and against which further action should be taken, whether in the form of nationalisation, public competition or the control of prices and profits. these conclusions formed in substance the recommendations of the committee; but down to the end of 1925 they had not been made the subject of legislation. until the appointment of the committee on trusts no official investigation of the problem presented by the growth of combination in british industry generally had been made. the report of that committee, with its appendices, afforded for the first time to parliament and the public authoritative information as to the posi- tion. subsequently committees appointed under the profiteering acts of 1919 and 1920 issued reports upon particular industries in which much detailed information was embodied. these reports trusts constitute a mine of information for the student of industrial com- bination in the united kingdom. bibliography.—report of the committee on trusts (cd. 9236 of 1919), with afemoranda by mr. john hilton, mr. percy ashley and sir john macdonnell. reports of 57 committees appointed under the profiteering acts 1919 and 1920. a list of these reports, together with a survey of the work done by the committees, will be found in a report—the work of the central committee (h.m. stationery office, 1921). other official publications bearing closely on the sub- ject are the report af the royal commission on food prices (cmd. 2390, 1925); reports of the committee on industry and trade (1925 and 1926); various reports by committees appointed under the safe- guarding of industries acts; reports on the coal industry and coal prices by committees appointed by the mines department (1923 and 1924); the linlithgow reports on the distribution and prices of agricultural produce by committees appointed by the minister of agriculture (1923 and 1924); reperts on prices of building materials by ministry of health and board of trade (1923 to 1925); report of the royal commission on the coal industry (1926). the best ac- count of industrial combination in the united kingdom before the war is given in h. w. macrosty, the trust movement in british industry (1907). (j: he) il. the united states the sherman anti-trust act of 1890 did not satisfy the popu- lar demand for corporate control. the rapid industrial devel- opment brought about an even flercer competition, which in turn brought about many consolidations. between 1898 and 1901 there were an extraordinary number of consolidations which, while checking many of the evils of excessive competition, were attended also by many of the evils that are an inevitable part of great and sudden prosperity. with consolidation came power and sometimes the temptation to use it without a nice regard for business ethics. moreover the feverish consolidation of business gave added impetus to the labour movement, result- ing in the employment by organised labour of methods no less reprehensible than were some of the practices of their employers. to meet this situation president wilson recommended to con- gress, jan. 20 1914, a comprehensive programme of trust legis- lation, embracing: (1) laws to prevent the interlocking of the directorates of competing corporations; (2) a law giving the in- terstate commerce commission power to superintend and regu- late the financial operations of railways; (3) a legislative defini- tion of the meaning of the anti-trust law and of the practices prohibited thereunder; and (4) the creation of a federal trade commission as a fact-finding agency for the guidance of business and the public. | trade commission act.—this programme was embodied in three bills: the federal trade commission bill, the clayton bill and the railroad securities bill. the last-named measure was postponed on account of the disturbed conditions created by the war, but the trade commission bill was approved on sept. 26 1914 and the clayton bill on oct. 15 1914. the trade commission act provides for a federal trade commission of 5 members vested with powers of regulation and investigation. it is empowered to prevent persons, partnerships and corpora- tions, except banks and common carriers subject to the com- merce acts, from using unfair methods of competition in com- merce; to investigate and gather information concerning the organisation, business conduct, practices and management of any corporation engaged in commerce, except banks and com- mon carriers; to investigate and report, upon the direction of the president or of either house of congress, the facts relating to al- leged violations of the anti-trust laws by any corporation; to investigate and make recommendations, upon application of the attorney-general, for the adjustment of the business of any corporation alleged to be violating the anti-trust laws, to in- vestigate trade conditions in and with foreign countries, where these conditions may affect the foreign trade of the united states, and to report to congress thereon with such recommendations as it deems advisable. the important business practices which the commission regards as unfair methods of competition are: misbranding, local price cutting, use of bogus independents and “fighting brands,” full-line forcing, boycotting and black-list- ing, espionage, commercial bribery, false and misheading adver- tising, false labelling, rebates and coercion. 833 clayton act.—the clayton act forbids, where the effect is substantially to lessen competition or to tend to create a monop- oly in interstate or foreign commerce: (1) discriminations in price between purchasers of commodities; (2) exclusive purchase and sale arrangements in connection with any patented article; (3) the acquisition by a corporation engaged in commerce of the stock of a competing corporation, except solely for investment purposes or the formation of subsidiary corporations to carry on their immediate lawful business; (4) interlocking directorates in corporations engaged in whole or in part in commerce, other than banking and trust companies and common carriers, whose capita; surplus and undivided profits aggregate more than $1,000,000, if such corporations are or have been competitors. the remedies provided against the violation of these provisions are: (1) en- forcement by the interstate commerce commission where ap- plicable to common carriers, by the federal reserve board where applicable to banks, banking associations and trust companies and by the federal trade commission where applicable to all other character of commerce; (2) suits by the u.s. govt.; (3) suits by individuals for three-fold damages; and (4) suits by individuals for relief by injunction. the clayton act further contains certain provisions desired by organised labour. ‘these provisions, it was popularly be- lieved, gave labour certain immunities not enjoyed by any other class. section 6 of the act declares . that the labour of a human being is nota commodity or article of commerce. nothing contained in the anti-trust laws shall be con- strued to forbid the existence and operation of labour, agricultural, or horticultural organisations, instituted for the purposes of mutual help, or to forbid or restrain individual members of such organisa- tions from lawfully carrying out the legitimate objects thereof; nor shall such organisations, or the members thereof, be held or con- strued to be illegal combinations or conspiracies in restraint of trade, under the anti-trust laws. section 20 limits the use of the injunction in labour disputes, and legalises strikes, picketing and boycotts, when carried out in a peaceful and otherwise lawful manner. the courts have held that these provisions do not introduce any new principle into the equity jurisprudence of the federal courts, but they are merely declaratory of what was the best practice always. cotton futures.-—on aug. 18 1914 a cotton futures act was approved, which levies a tax upon all contracts for the sale of cotton for future delivery, except such as comply with certain prescribed conditions, such as specifying the grade, the prices paid, etc. it is required further that standard grades shall be delivered and full weights tendered. disputes shall be settled in accordance with rules and regulations prescribed by the sec- retary of agriculture. war afeasures—the effect of the war experiences upon the attitude of the public toward combinations was marked. the first act of the secretary of the treasury when the railways were placed under his charge was to order that they all be managed as one system. the emergency of war showed at once the economic mistake of the interstate commerce act of 1887 in forbidding pool- ing under proper restrictions, a mistake to which the interstate commerce commission had from its beginning called attention. again, the services most efficiently rendered by such organisa- tions as the leading packing companies, the great steel corpora- tions, the american telegraph and telephone co. and others, services that could not possibly have been so promptly rendered by any number of smaller competing companies, showed clearly to the general public—and, one may add, made clear also to the courts—the real advantages that may lie in consolidation. this change in public opinion has been clearly shown in the trend of later legislation and court decisions. other legislation-—the webb-pomerene act of april 1¢ 1918 exempted export trade associations, not operating so as to restrain trade or to enhance or to depress prices within the united states, from the operation of the anti-trust laws placing them under the supervision of the federal trade commission; and the capper-volstead act of feb. 18 1922 extended similar exemption to agricultural associations, provided such associations operated for the mutual benefit of their members as producers; 834 and placed them under the supervision of the secretary of agri- culture. | the packers and stockyards act of aug. 15 1921 classified packers, commission merchants and stockyards for special regu- lation under the direction of the secretary of agriculture. these businesses are held to be agencies of interstate commerce, and as such are subjected to the afhrmative law of public service. it is unlawful for them to engage in or use any unfair, or to manipu- late or control, prices, to create a monopoly or otherwise to re- strain interstate commerce. similar regulations were cxtended to boards of trade by the grain futures act of sept. 21 1922. the act forbids the use of any interstate instrumentality of com- merce or communication in offering or accepting sales of grain for future delivery or to disseminate prices or quotations there- of, except by the man who holds the grain he is offering for sale, or by the owner or renter of land on which the grain offered for sale is to be grown,or by members of boards of trade located at a terminal market on which cash sales occur in sufficient volume and under such conditions as to reflect the general value of grain and its different grades, and which have been designated by the secretary of agriculture as “ contract markets.” besides this national legislation there have been numerous state laws, or amendments to state laws, regulating the intra-state activities of industrial combinations and trusts, resulting in much duplica- tion of effort, some conflict of jurisdiction and considerable in- convenience to business. the relations of government and business.—the result of this anti-trust legislation, especially the early legislation, has been to take the government more and more into business and busi- ness into politics, thus creating evils in many ways as serious as those which the laws were designed to correct. furthermore, the government has been only partially successful in preventing unfair business practices and in maintaining effective competition in business where such competition is desirable. to meet this situation there is now well under way a movement from within business to remove the causes for public regulation. this move- ment is based upon the theory that no matter how wisely con- ceived or how efficiently administered governmental regulation of business may be, it can never be as effective as regulation by business itself from within. in pursuance of this policy of indus- trial self-government, many trades, acting through trade associa- tions, have formulated fair business practices codes and there have been organised voluntary co-operative agencies for investi- gating and prosecuting false advertising and the many forms of commercial fraud. in line with this practice is a procedure in- stituted by the federal trade commission in r919, under which the trade submits its trade practices to the commission for that body’s information. the commission makes no ruling, but for its own information it requests the members of the trade to put into concrete form their conclusions as to the practices regarded as unfair and in several instances it has instituted formal proceed- ings against those who refused to conform to the standard prac- tice. numerous suggestions have been made to bring about joint action between producers and distributors to eliminate business wastes. to this end the department of commerce has co-oper- ated effectively. many national trade associations are furnishing to it business data which are published monthly and the bureau of standards is engaged in the work of standardisation and of co- operative research with many of these trade associations, which result in enormous annual savings to business and to the gov- ernment. decisions of the supreme court.—these attempts at self-improve- ment on the part of trade associations, and the co-operation of these associations with the government in the ways noted, indicate a new trust policy in the process of evolution, a policy involving less perse- cution and more co-operation. in 1911 the supreme court in united states v. standard oil company (221 u.s. 1) applied the rule of rea- sonable construction to the sherman anti-trust law, holding that only contracts and combinations that were in unreasonable restraint of trade at common law are illegal. in 1920, in united states v. united states steel corporation (251 u.s. 417) this court refused to regard the mere size of a corporation as of itself illegal, and intimated that it did not approve prosecutions under the anti-trust laws that tschakste—tsingtao, capture of did not serve the public interest. and in 1925 two decisions of far- reaching importance to the industrial life of the country were given (muple flooring manufacturers' assoctation v. united stutes and cement manufacturers’ association v, united states, 45 sup. ct. 578), holding that ‘“‘ trade associations or combinations of persons or corporations which openly and fairly gather and disseminate infor- mation as to the cost of their product, the volume of production, the actual price, stocks of merchandise on hand, approximate cost of transportation . . . and who. . . meet and discuss such informa- tion and statistics without however reaching or attempting to reach any agreement with respect to prices or production or restraining competition, do not thereby engage in unlawful restraint of com- merce.’’ similar trade association activities had been held illegal in 1914 and 1921 (234 u.s. 600; 257 u.s. 377). it is also significant that comparatively few of the corporations cited for violation of the anti-trust laws since rgro were what are popularly known as “ trusts.” it is big business that is sctting the higher standards. these higher standards have long been advocated by economists and by many of the great leaders of the large combinations, but the change of policy has doubtless been affected also by the tremendous increase in corporate stockholders in the years 1915-25, a movement largely instigated and furthered by special offers of stock in some of the largest corporations to their employees or of gas companies to their customers. in the meantime no amount of regulation has mate- rially checked the integration of american business from the small independent factory, performing but a single step in the process of production, to the horizontally and vertically organ- ised super-combinations of to-day, tending to become complete and self-sufficient industrial units. (see also cartels; federal trade commission; inter-state commerce.) bibliography.—j. w. jenks and w. e. clark, the trust problem (revised, 1924); e. jones, trust problem in the united states (1921); f. d. jones, trade association activities and the law (1922); r. j. swenson, national government and business (1924); w. l. thorp, integration o industrial operations, department of commerce, bureau of census monograph iii. (washington, 1924); e. h. naylor, trade associations, their organisation and managentent (1921); trade association activities, department of commerce (washington, 1923); commercial and industrial organisations of the united states, department of commerce, bureau of foreign and domestic commerce (revised ed., 1923); trade associations, their economic significance and legal status, national industrial confer- ence board (new york, 1925); public regulation of competitive practices, national industrial conference board (new et i — tschakste, jan (1859— ), first president of the repub- lic of latvia, was born in courland sept. 14 1859. he was edu- cated at the mitau gymnasium, studied law at the university of moscow, and was for some years in the public prosecutor’s de- partment of the courland government. leaving the public serv- ice in 1888 he started practice as a barrister in mitau and began to edit the paper 7ev7ja (fatherland). in rgo02 he served on a committee appointed by the local administration to inquire into agricultural conditions in courland, and from time to time was employed on various imperial govt. committees. in 1906 he was elected a member of the first russian duma. the german invasion of courland, july r1o15, obliged him to leave mitau. he went to petrograd (leningrad) where he founded a central relief committee for war refugees. in 1916 he went to stockholm to promote the cause of lettish independence and published there in german, his book die letten und ihre latvtja. in 1918 tschakste was elected chairman of the people’s coun- cil and was later head of the delegation sent to paris and london to secure the recognition of the republic of latvia. in 1920 he was president of the latvian national assembly, and also be- came professor of international law at the university of riga. on nov. 14 1922 he was unanimously elected president of latvia by the first latvian saeima (parliament), and on nov. 6 1925 was re-elected for a further period of three years. tsingtao, capture of.—the first part which japan took upon herself to play in the world war was the reduction of the german stronghold of tsingtao, on the bay of kiaochow. this fortress served at the outset of the war as the only base of operations in eastern asia for the german marauders menacing the allied trade routes. it was imperative to make von spee’s raiders homeless, and the military and naval operations against tuan chi-jui—tuberculosis the redoubtable base, which was under the command of capt. meyer-waldeck and garrisoned by some 13,000 men, of whom . 5,599 were german regulars, were started with the utmost dispatch. on aug. 27 1914 the blockade of kiaochow bay was declared by the japanese navy, and lungkow, 150 m. north of tsingtao, was chosen as the point for landing troops. on sept. 2 1914 the japanese division, under the orders of lieutenant-general kamio, commenced landing at lungkow. despite the terrible weather conditions, the vanguards arrived on the 12th at the small town of tsimo, where they encountered the enemy for the first time. the second japanese contingent began to land at laoshan bay, within the leased zone, on sept. 18 and soon established touch with the i. army. the japanese forces under general kamio thus amounted to about 22,980 officers and men, and they succeeded in some 10 days in wresting from the germans several of their advanced positions. on sept. 24 there arrived at the arena of campaign the british force, commanded by general barnardiston, consisting of g1o officers and men of the znd south wales borderers and 450 of the 36th sikhs. after the non-combatants had been permitted to leave the fortress, the general attack on the position was commenced on oct. 31, the japanese blockading fleet off the harbour assisting by a con- tinuous bombardment. on the morning of nov. 7 white flags were descried on the forts of moltke, bismarck and [itis, to the pleasant surprise of the attacking army, which had expected a protracted siege. after the fall of the stronghold it was ascer- tained that all enemy ships, including the austrian cruiser ““ kaiserin elisabeth,” had been sunk in the port of tsingtao. the japanese army lost, during the campaign, 1,968 killed or wounded, and the japanese navy a cruiser, a destroyer and a torpedo boat. the port of kiaochow was reopened for trade by the japanese on dec. 28 1914. (see world war: bibliography.) tuan chi-jui, chinese politician, was born in anhwei and graduated from the peiyang military school. rising rapidly, he was largely responsible for the re-organisation of the northern army and after succeeding yuan shih-kai as viceroy of the hukuang province, he became commander of the i. army. he was one of the military leaders who signed the memorial of jan. 1ot1, urging the emperor to abdicate, and joined the first republican cabinet in nov. 1912 as minister for war. he was acting premier from may to july 1913, minister of war again in 1914, and premier in april 1916. in may 1917 he was dismissed by li yuan-hung, but the failure of chang hsun’s attempt to restore the monarchy brought him back to office. in oct. 1918 he resigned, and, after an ill-advised coup on behalf of the anfui club, played no great part in national affairs till nov. 24 1924, when he succeeded tsao kun as president.