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    "source_key": "britannica_1926",
    "source_title": "Encyclopaedia Britannica (1926)",
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    "chunk_id": "1926:trade unions:64992ecf6eda",
    "title": "TRADE UNIONS",
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    "verified_text": "this article gives (1) an account of the british trade union movement since 1911, (2) par- ticulars of trade union growth in other countries and (3) an ac- count of the international organisation of the movement; a fur- ther section deals with the movement in the united states. i. the united kingdom the outstanding features of british trade unionism since 1911 have been:—_ | 4 806 (1) the improved organisation of and extension of trade unionism amongst “‘ general workers ’’ and women, in agriculture and on the railways, and in the public services and professions; (2) the increasing importance of the trade unions in the com- munity, and in the administration of legislation; (3) the consolidation of trade union forces through the processes of amalgamation and federation; (4) the growing authority of the executive body of the trade union congress. the policy of the trade unions and their attitude towards the problems of industry, have been influenced by many different factors, among them the abnormal conditions of war time and the post-war period (with its prolonged trade depression), the advent of a labour government, and developments of economic theory in the labour movement. growtit of membership trade union membership increased before and during the world war, especially among women, the curve rising rapidly during its later years, and culminating in the peak period of 1920, after which it progressively declined during the years of depres- sion, recovering during 1924. : trade union membership all trade unions, registered and unregistered, in great britain and northern ireland percentage increase no. of unions at end of year 1,266 1,256 1,226 1,221 1,234 1,254 1,346 1,358 i,241 1,190 1,135 1,155 the highest degree of organisation amongst women is to be found in the cotton industry, where about 62% of the women workers are in the unions. in the bleaching and dyeing trades, which are closely associated with the cotton industry, 50% of the women are organised; in the boot and shoe trade 48 %; in printing, paper and bookbinding, 36%; in the wool textile trades, 22%; in linen and jute 285%. amongst shop assistants and clerks, and in the food, drink and tobacco trades, on the other hand, which employ in all over 750,000 women workers, the degree of organisation is very small. only 8% of the women shop assist- ants and clerks are members of unions and 2% of the female employees in the food, drink and tobacco trades. before the war the battle for the recognition of trade unionism was really won and the principles of trade unionism, which had been laid down primarily by the craft unions, were applied on the one hand by the larger body of semi-skilled and unskilled work- ers, and on the other hand by the “ black-coated proletariat ’’— the salaried employees and professional people, such as puhlic servants, draughtsmen, actors, commercial travellers, teachers and journalists. after 1914 new organisations arose and others which existed precariously before the war were put upon a firm foundation. some of the new bodies, such as the bank officers’ guild, have not as yet affiliated with the ‘trades union congress, but they nevertheless exist for avowed trade union objects. the national federation of professional, technical, administrative and super- visory workers was established in order to bring together for consultation and common action the various organisations of non-manual workers. the steady growth in trade unionism before the war may be attributed partly to a trade prosperity and partly to a recognition amongst almost all grades and types of workers of the need for effective organisation. certain legislation, such. as the trade membership (000’s omitted) it) me ft = wl nwwin dtm doo oo = nathan ww che vo trade unions boards act, 1909, and the national insurance act, ro1r, strengthened the position of the trade union movement. the increased membership during the war was partly due to the influence of higher wages—which invariably result in en- larged trade union membership. as the war went on, high hopes were held out of a brighter future for the workers; the workers themselves, whose services, the community had realised, were es- sential to the prosecution of the war, and to the satisfaction of the nation’s needs, visualised more clearly their power in the state and saw in trade unionism a weapon to enable them to maintain in the time of peace the place their services had won for them in time of war. but there were other factors operating. particularly in the munition trades, trade union membership be- came virtually compulsory. the government itself, and a large number of employers actually encouraged workers in the larger industries to join a union. towards the end of the war, the pub- lication of the reports of the committee on emplovers and em- ployed (better known as the whitley committee) and their adop- tion by the government, gave a new importance to the organisa- tions of employers and workers, and in their desire to promote the establishment of joint industrial councils (and interim industrial reconstruction committees, when the joint industrial council was not possible), members of the government emphasised the im- portance of effective organisation. (sce innustrial relations.) as a consequence of these various influences, between the early days of the war and the year 1920, the membership of trade unions doubled, reaching the figure of 8,328,000, of whom 6,988,000 were men and 1,340,000 women. during this time the number of women trade unionists was actually trebled. similarly there had been phenomenal increases in the membership of unions catering for the less skilled workers. before the war, what are known as the general labour unions had already become factors of some importance in the trade union movement. during the war period, their strength increased rapidly. the number of or- ganiscd non-manual employes also rose much above the pre-war level, and included workers hitherto practically unorganised. but just as rising wages are closcly followed by a rise in the curve of trade union membership, so unemployment and falling wages are accompanied by a decline in it. the onset of the grave trade depression after the temporary post-war boom led to a de- cline of trade union membership amounting to 20%, in the first 12 months and a further 15.6% in 1922, the total roll of trade unionists falling in two years from 8,328,000 to 5,580,000. the net loss on the previous year’s figure was less than 4%, whilst during 1924 there was a net increase. the backwash of the trade depression, and the disillusionment which followed the shattered dreams of post-war ‘‘ reconstruc- tion”’ had spent themselves. the trade union movement had shed the temporary passengers, and those who entered its ranks through the abnormal influences of the war and early post-war periods; and a definite attempt to stem the tide and re-create a powerful trade union movement had begun to take effect. the established minimum trade union membership may be taken as being about 5} millions, an increase of over a million on the fig- ures of 1913. the year 1924 saw a beginning of a slow but steady increase on this minimum, though there was a further smal! de- crease in the number of women trade unionists. affiliated membership of trades union congress no, of trade unions no. of members 1911 127 1,645,507 i9i2 127 1,987,354 1913 135 2,217,836 iqi4 190 2,866,077 iqi5 192 2,6775357 1916 227 2,850,547 igt7 . 235 3,082,352 igi8 262 4,532,085 i9i9 266 5,283,676 1920 215 6,505,482 1921 213 6,417,910 1922 206 5,128,648 1923 194 4,369,268 1924 203 4,328,235 1925 203 4,342,982 trade unions the affiliated membership of the trades union congress fol- lowed the general trend of the aggregate tracdle union membership as will be seen from the preceding table. though in 1925 the affiliated membership was but two-thirds that of the peak year 1920, it was practically double that of ro13. the broad distribution of trade union membership amongst the industries of great britain is indicated in the following table:— . number of | membership at unions end of 1924 mining and quarrying. : 966,031 metal, engineering and ship- building . - ‘ : : textile ‘ building =. transport . ; : public employment . paper, printing, etc. . clothing. : : : woodworking, furnishing general labour . ; all other 678,974 609,968 3352334 1,028,348 318,765 187,087 165,111 94,380 511,206 639,930 from 1924 onward the general council has pursued a policy of propaganda, first by means of a national “ back to the unions ” campaign and then by special activities with a view to the spread of trade unionism amongst women agricultural workers respective- ly, whilst individual unions, though impoverished as the result of the long depression, renewed their efforts to secure an increasing membership. trade unions and the community the growth of trade unionism has meant that the trade unions have become an integral part of our social machinery. this de- velopment has taken two main lines. in the first place, the trade union is now regarded as the normal machinery for the prevention and settlement of disputes. the state itself regards trade unions as responsible representative bocies. they are called into con- sultation by the government in times of dispute, and their lead- ers are invariably the spokesmen and advocates of the workers before courts of enquiry set up under the industrial courts act. they express the workers’ point of view before royal commis- sions and government committees, and the labour members of such investigating bodies are drawn from the ranks of organised labour. on the whitley councils in the government services, the staff side is conducted by the representatives of the civil service unions. the joint industrial councils concerned with serv- ices in which local authorities are interested are, like all other such councils, composed on the workers’ side of trace unionists. the trade unions have won for themselves a definite place in the system of “ industrial government ”’ and they are partics to the industrial agreements which govern the relations between em- ployers and employed, lay down the methods of consultation and negotiation, and determine wages and working conditions. share in state administration.—in the second place, the trade unions play an important part in the administration of certain legislation. when the trade boards act, 1909, was passed it was applied to four trades in which trade unionism was weak, and at the outset the interests of the workers were in large measure in the hands of the national anti-sweating league and the women’s trade union league. but trade unions have since been extended to almost every industry. the trade boards act of 1918, which amended and broadened the original act, extended the minimum wage to trades to which hitherto the act of 1909 had not been applied. (see trade boarps.) the recent growth of the gencral labour unions is partly due to the opportunities which the establishment of more trade boards has given them to organise the workers; particularly in the case of women workers, where, however, the increased trade union membership has been obscured since the war by the with- drawal from industry and from the trade unions of women who came into the labour market to make good the shortage during the war. 807 the corn production act, 1917, set up agricultural wages boards on which the representatives of the unions catering for agricultural workers sat. the boards were, under the law, en- gaged in establishing binding rates of wages. the unions ob- tained a new status, and the corn production act gave a new im- petus to the difficult task of organising these workers. when the act was repealed in 1921 the trade unions had nearly 300,000 members employed in agriculture. in 1924 the labour govern- ment re-established the system of wages boards, and the unions concerned are represented on the boards, and participate in the administration of the act. the national insurance act of ror1 opened the door to trade union participation in its administration. part i. of the act dealt with health insurance and provided, in general, for the payment of state benefit under the scheme by approved societies. many trade unions formed trade union approved societies to administer the health insurance scheme, and these have become important agencies in the conduct of this vast system of social insurance. a national association of trade union approved societies exists to protect the interests of the constituent societies, and played a prominent part in the opposition to part i. of the economy act of 1926, which reduced the state contribution to health insur- ance. the insurance activities of the unions have not only asso- ciated them with the working of an important piece of legislation, but have consolidated, and in some cases strengthened, the posi- tion of the unions with their own members. part ii. of the national insurance act, 1011, dealt with unem- ployment insurance, but the scheme was a limited one. compul- sory insurance against unemployment was widely extended by the unemployment act of 1920 to cover nearly 12,000,000 work- ers. provision was made whereby trade unions which ordinarily distributed out-of-work pay to their members should, subject to certain conditions, be allowed to administer the state scheme, and pay the state benefit to their members, for which service the unions received an allowance. many unions applied this provi- sion of the act, but the reduction of the administration allow- ance from 1s. per week’s benefit paid to sixpence led to some unions ceasing to administer the act. in 1926, however, there were 15 unions with a membership of 1,126,700 still operating un- der sect. 17 the act of 1920, and in order to secure a common policy on matters affecting their position under the unemploy- ment insurance acts, the unions concerned set up a standing committee, which acts in co-operation with the trade union congress general council. on the local employment committees and juvenile advisory committees attached to the employment exchanges and on the juvenile choice of emplovment committees of local authorities, the trade unions are represented; whilst since the establishment of ‘‘ uncovenanted ” and “‘ extended ” benefit they have been actively associated with the employment exchange rota commit- tees for the administration of this form of benefit. war work of the unions during the progress of the war the trade unions were intimately connected with the conduct of certain phases of na- tional affairs. in march 1915 the government came to an agrce- ment (known as the treasury agreement) regarding the produc- tion of munitions, which included compulsory arbitration, the relaxation where necessary of trade union rules, and the limita- tion of profits in munitions industries. from then onwards, the unions were called upon to assist in accelerating the production of munitions, in administering certain of the controls which were in- stituted (such as those in the cotton and wool textile industries) and in the selection of men for war service. parts of the treasury agreement were embodied in the munitions acts, and offences under these acts, except such as were brought before the ordinary courts, were dealt with by specially appointed munitions tribu- nals. each tribunal consisted of a chairman, with either two or four assessors, drawn equally from panels representing employers and workers respectively. these bodies played a great part in the administration of the munitions of war acts, and dealt with many thousands of cases against both employers and employees. 808 a national labour advisory committee on war output was established early in the war, together with local labour advisory boards in each munitions area. the national committee was re- placed in 1917 by the ministry of munitions trade union ad- visory committee, which was divided into three sections repre- senting the engineering group, the shipbuilding group and the general labour group. a special women’s trade union advisory committee was also appointed in the same year to advise the ministers on all questions relating to women’s work. towards the end of the war, further steps were taken arising out of unoff- cial strikes in coventry and birmingham which, though speedily settled by the trade unions concerned, led to the appointment of a government committee (on which there was trade union repre- sentation). this committee, which was critical of the policy of the ministry of munitions, recommended the establishment of a joint committee of employers and trade unionists, and the closest possible consultation, both nationally and locally, upon changes and developments of policy—a proposal which the government accepted. the recruiting of men for the army was in the early stages of the war left entirely to the war office. but haphazard recruit- ment led to the crippling of essential industries, by the withdrawal of skilled men in considerable numbers, and to industrial un- rest. it was, therefore, found advisable to bring trade unions into consultation on questions of recruiting. the recruitment of miners for the army was dealt with by committees composed of representatives of the miners and mineowners, with a chairman appointed by the government. similarly, when the government imposed its control over cer- tain industries, the trade unions primarily concerned played an active part. the cotton and wool textile controls may be taken as an illustration. the cotton control board (set up in 1917) de- termined the amount of machinery which was to be run upon other than government orders, and imposed a levy upon con- cerns working full time to pay out of work benefit to workers em- ployed by firms suffering from the operation of the raw cotton order (which prohibited the purchase of cotton except under licence) and the control board. the wool control board, also in- stituted in 1917, consisted of eleven representatives of the trade unions, the employers and the war office contracts department respectively. all wool was purchased by the government and the board controlled the allocation of supplies and organisation of the civilian trade. when the consumers’ council was set up under the auspices of the ministry of food, the trade unions were officially represented on it, after the war, these various forms of organisation came to an end; but they had given a new standing to the trade union move- ment. since 1918 the chief administrative activities of the trade unions have been in connection with health insurance, unemployment insurance and trade boards. the consolidation of trade unions the movement towards consolidation of trade union forces which was very pronounced between rgit and 1926, was partly the outcome of the theoretical teaching of syndicalism ancl guild socialism, but it was largely due to experience and the hard facts of economic life. federations have changed from loose alliances to negotiating bodies acting on behalf of the constituent unions. this develop- ment is seen in the case of the engineering and ship-building trades federation and the miners’ federation of great britain, both of which have achieved responsibility for national negotia- tion. in nov. 1910, on the initiative of the dockers’ union, the national transport workers’ federation was formed comprising practically all the unions catering for workers employed in water- side transport, including seamen, dockers and carters. the triple alliance-—the triple industrial alliance which came into existence in r914 was, in effect, a federation consisting of the miners’ federation of great britain, the transport workers’ federation and the national union of railwaymen; it was thus composed of two bodies which themselves were federations and a large industrial union. the associated bodies were the unions trade unions concerned in the key industries of coal and transport, and the formation of the alliance created some consternation. but the only occasion when the triple alliance decided to embark upon industrial action was during the coal stoppage of 1921, when the alliance issued notices calling a strike in support of the miners. the notices, however, were postponed and then withdrawn on april 14 (black friday). the effect was to destroy the al- liance, but the association of the railway, transport and mining unions continued, as they formed one of the ‘ groups ”’ consti- tuted by the general council of the trades union congress. in 1925 attempts were made, largely on the initiative of the miners’ federation, to establish a new alliance on a broader basis than the triple alliance; but as membership of the new alliance in- volved in some cases an alteration of the rules of certain unions, and as the implications of the proposed association needed care- ful consideration, the completion of the alliance hung fire, and certain unions definitely decided against co-operation. textile trades.—in june 1916 the national association of unions in the textile trade was established. of the 36 unions of which the association is composed, 20 represent wool textile workers. the association, however, includes, besides workers engaged in manu- facturing and finishing processes, those engaged in the textile machinery trade, and the skilled workers engaged in the maintenance of plant. the association appoints the workers’ representatives on the joint industrial council of the wool textile industry. but the association also exists to promote trade union amalgamation in the industry, and to secure co-ordination in the case of disputes. in the summer of 1925, during the stoppage which occurred in the wool textile industry, the workers’ side of the dispute was handled by the association and not by the separate unions, and when the dispute was referred to an industrial court, the workers’ case was submitted by the association on bchalf of all the unions concerned, general workers-—the general labourer'’s national council (established in 1908) developed in 1917 into the national federation of general workers, composed of the seven chief unions of general workers with an aggregate membership of over 800,000, building trades,—the national building trades council (repre- sentative of the 13 chief unions in the building industry) formed the basis for the national federation of building trade operatives established in 1918. this body has become the recognised organ for consultation and negotiation with the national federation of build- ing trade employers. [in 1925, however, the amalgamated union of building trade workers withdrew from the federation, which thus no longer represented the whole of the organised workers in the industry. foundry trades.—early in 1918 the federation of foundry trades came into existence to promote amalgamation of the unions in the industry, deal with demarcation disputes, and secure joint action wherever possible. it included about a dozen unions with a total of between 50,000 and 60,000 members. three of the unions in the federation—the friendly socicty of ironfounders, the associated ironmoulders of scotland and the amalgamated society of core- makers, in 1922 merged to form the national union of foundry workers. the g. f. t. u-—the general federation of trade unions has changed its character. it does not now take any active part in trade union disputes and negotiations or in the work of promoting closer industria! organisation. the g.f.t.u. was formerly the medium of communication between the british and foreign trade union movements, but since 1920 the general council of the trades union congress has been the representative british organisation in the international federation of trade unions. the chief work of the g.f.t.u. is in connection with dispute pay. contributing asso- ciations pay contributions to the federation on the basis of their membership, and receive, when involved in a stoppage of work, benefit to be paid to their members. in 1925, there were 118 unions affiliated to the federation with a total membership of 830,316 members. ’ the following table gives the number and gross membership of federations in great britain and northern ireland at the end of each year :— approximate membership 125 4,370,000 137 4,730,000 134 9,896,000 114 10,744,000 108 8,623,000 93 6,232,000 90 5,654,000 ne aie 5,331,000 trade unions amalgamations trade union amalgamation was hampered by the trade un- ion act of 1876, which required that each of the organisations concerned should carry a motion for amalgamation by a two- thirds majority of the whole membership. in 1917, however, the legal requirement was reduced to a 50% vote. some important amalgamations followed upon this alteration of the law. the n. u. r.—one of the most striking amalgamations which was carried through prior to the act was that which resulted in the establishment of the national union of railwaymen. up to 1913, when it was formed by the merging of three independent unions, the railway unions had not yet won full recognition from the companies. the n. u. r. shares with the associated society of locomotive engineers and firemen, which is a craft union, and the railway clerks’ association, the representation of railway employees, and with certain other unions, the representation of the workers in the railway engineering workshops. the n. u. r. illustrates both the tendency towards larger scale organisation, for its object is ‘‘ to secure the complete organisation of all workers employed in or in connection with any railway in the united kingdom \"; and also the incomplete success it has achieved and the difficulties inherent in this policy. in time, the associated society of locomotive engineers and firemen and the railway clerks’ association may possibly merge into the national union of railwaymen; but the organisa- tions of the engineers, boilermakers, carpenters and other railway shopmen, for which other unions cater, is one which raises a conflict of principle which has not yet been settled. iron and steel trades.—a new method of consolidation was adopted in the establishment of the british iron and steel and kindred trades association and the iron and steel trades confederation in 1917. the former was, in effect, a new union, which the various participating unions influenced their members to join. these unions admitted no further members, all new members joining the b.i.s. k.t.a., and they transferred their powers to the iron and steel trades confederation, which conducts the work of organisation and negotiation, when all the members of the participating unions have been transferred to the b.i.s.k.t.a., it will assume the duties and powers of the confederation, which will then cease to exist. engineering trades.—the amalgamated engineering union, one of the largest post-war amalgamations, illustrates the consolidation of craft unions. the nucleus of the present union was the amal- gamated society of engineers, with which nine other craft unions engaged in engineering coalesced in 1920. the a.e.u. catered for skilled mechanics but has now opened its ranks to include other grades of workers. other trades.—jan. 1921 saw the establishment of the amal- gamated society of woodworkers, the nucleus of the new organisa- tion being the acnaiba tated society of carpenters and joiners. in the same year, the amalgamated union of co-operative and com- mercial employees and national warehouse and general workers’ union merged to form the national union of distributive and allied workers. the amalgamated union of building trade workers formed at the beginning of 1921 was an amalgamation of the opera- tive bricklayers’ society, the manchester unity operative brick- layers’ society and the operative stonemason’s society. in 1922, the dock-wharf, riverside and general workers’ union formed the nucleus of an amalgamation under the name of the transport and general workers’ union, uniting the national union of dock labourers, the scottish union of dock labourers, the national union of vehicle workers, the united vehicles (which was an amalgamation of the tramway workers and the licensed vehicle workers) and several other unions. originally established as the gasworkers’ and general labourers’ union, this union became the national union of general and municipal workers, when in july 1924 it absorbed the national amalgamated union of labour and the municipal employees’ association. in 1923 the national federa- tion of women workers was merged in the national union of general and municipal workers. discussions have since taken place with other unions, e.g., the workers’ union and the transport and general workers’ union as to the possibility of further amal- gamation. other post-war amalgamations include the united g;arment workers f 20) which unified several sectional! and local bodies, the union we post office workers formed (1920) by the combination of three unions, and subsequently enlarged by the absorption of half a dozen other organisations of post office em- ployees, the national union of blastfurnacemen (1922) which took the place of the national federation composed of five local unions of blast furnace workers, and the national union of sheet metal workers (1921) which combined a number of small federated societies of steel metal workers and brazicrs. federations are becoming more powerful; in some cases they pave the way to the amalgamation of some of their constituent bodies; in others the federations themselves become amalgama- tions. the following table shows that during the five years 1920-4, 809 there was a net reduction in the number of trade unions amounting to about 200, due in no small measure to the effect of amalgamation. new unions forme reductions due to aot year (other than net tica by amal- . : amalgama- | 27 f© uchon | gamation | dissolutions bens 1920 | 119 3° 82 +4 | 1921 45 73 85 = 113 | 1922 28 40 36 —48 192 16 42 16 — 42 | ro2g | 26 | tg these various amalgamations have been pursued with the def- inite object of securing unified organisation over an extending field, so as to render negotiations more comprehensive and possi- ble action more effective. the trades union congress has passed frequent resolutions dealing with the need for improved organisa- tion, and in 1924 adopted as its policy the reduction in the num-— ber of trade unions to “ an absolute minimum,” and “ as far as possible, organisation by industry with every worker a member of the appropriate organisation.” the central organisation in 1919, proposals were submitted to a special trades union congress for the replacement of the old parliamentary commit- tee of the congress by an enlarged executive body, for the crea- tion of a machinery of co-operation between the congress and the labour party, and for the establishment of joint administrative departments under the auspices of the congress and the labour party. these general proposals put forward in the interim report of a co-ordination committee, which had been appointed by the parliamentary committee, were accepted by the special congress. the full scheme was submitted to the congress in the following year. the parliamentary committee was superseded by the general council, a body composed of 32 members representing the 17 groups of trades and industries into which the affiliated membership of the congress was divided, including two women representing the women membership of the trades union congress. the following table shows the organisation of the general council into groups:— no. of mem- no. of e bers ‘ neue sroup on |no. off of affil- no. groups gen- |unions| — iated eral unions coun- (1925-6) cil 1 mining and quarrying 3 9 840,543 2 railways ; ; 3 3 454,924 3 transport (other than railways) 2 9 397,126 4 shipbuilding . : ; i 4 122,850 5 engineering, founding = and vehicle building . , 3 23 394,051 6 iron and steel and minor metal . trades ; ; , 2 21 153,932 7 building, woodworking and fur- nishing ; ; 2 16 349,658 8 printing and pape i 13 167,665 9 cotton . : , ; 2 a7 234,864 10 6‘fextiles (other than cotton) i 17 152,307 ir clothing a eee i fe 90,428 12 leather and boot and shoe i 5 86,868 13. glass, pottery, chemicals, food, etc. 5 ; ; ‘ : a i 16 186,534 14 agriculture i i 30,000 1§ public employees i io 150,627 16 non-manual workers . i 8 62,845 17. gencral workers 4 5 475,760 18 women workers 2 a pe totals 22 205 | 4,350,982 it will be seen that the mining and quarrying group is the largest in point of membership, the second being the group known as general workers. 810 trade this organisation is carried further by the establishment of group committees. for administrative purposes the 17 trade groups were formed into six group committees as follows:— (a) mining and quarrying, railways, transport; (b) shipbuilding, engineering, iron and steel, building; (c) cotton; other textiles, clothing, leather; (i) glass, pottery, etc., agriculture, general workers; (:) printing, public employees, non-manual workers; (f) the two women members and three members appointed by the general council from organisations with women members. the congress also accepted in 1920, as did the labour party conference of 1921, proposals for the establishment of a national joint council consisting of the chairman and secretary and three members of the general council of the trades union congress, the executive committee of the labour party and the parlia- mentary party, making 15 members in all. this body was set up to deal with questions affecting the labour movement as a whole. the congress and conference, further, agreed to the establish- ment of four joint departments—(a) research and information, (6) press and publicity, (c) international and (d) legal. this new central machinery resulted in a great expansion of activi- ties by the general council of the t. u. c. itself and by the council in conjunction with the political labour movement. in 1925 the standing joint committee of industrial women’s organi- sations included 25 national organisations, and represented over 1,000,000 organised working women. the general council of the t. u. c. deals with a wide range of questions andits authority continuestoincrease. it has instituted a standing trade boards advisory council, composed of repre- sentatives of organisations catering for workers covered by the trade boards acts. it has its education committee which has concerned itself with the problem of adult education, whose pro- posals, approved by the trades union congress in 1925, were de- signed to assist in the promotion of educational facilities for trade unionists, and had been arrived at in agreement with ruskin col- lege, the education department of the co-operative union, the labour college, the workers’ educational association and the national council of labour colleges. the object of the propo- sals was ‘ to provide working class education in order to enable the workers to develop their capacitics and to equip them for their trade union, labour and co-operative activitics generally, in the work of securing social and industrial emancipation.” early in 1926, the countess of warwick handed over her estate, easton lodge, dunmow, in essex to the general council of the trade union congress for use as a labour college and as a labour centre gencrally. the general council has taken an increasingly important part in large industrial disputes. at the hull congress of 1924, its hands were strengthened in this matter. in the event of a break- down of negotiations in a dispute, however, “ the deadlock being of suchacharacter as to directly or indirectly involve other bodies of work-people affiliated to the trades union congress in a stop- page of work or to imperil standard wages and hours and condi- tions of employment, the council may take the initiative by call- ing representatives of the unions into consultation, and use its influence to effect a just settlement of the difference.” before this resolution was carried, the general council had, in fact, inter- vened by mediation or the granting of moral and financial sup- port, in disputes in which affiliated societies were concerned. in the prolonged boilermakers’ dispute in 1924, in the dock work- ers’ dispute, the tramway dispute in the london area, the south- ampton shipyard dispute, and the building trade dispute in the same year, the general council used its good offices. but the adoption of the resolution of sept. 1924 placed greater authority in the hands of the council. on the occasion of the dispute in the coal industry in july 1925 the general council appointed a spe- cial industrial committee (which has since become a standing body) and took a very prominent part in the negotiations which led to the temporary settlement. the industrial committee in aug. 192s, intervened in the dispute in the wool textile industry which had culminated in a stoppage of work. in conjunction with the labour party and the miners’ federa- tion of great britain the general council established a commit- unions tce early in 1925 to prepare a policy for the coal industry, and the proposals of this joint committee were submitted to the royal commission on the coal industry set up by the government after the coal settlement in july 1925. after the publication of the royal commission’s report, the general council, through its industrial committee resumed its consultations with the miners’ federation and was associated closely with the federation dur- ing the course of negotiations. finally, it declared a large scale sympathetic strike (erroneously called a gencral strike) and for the first time in its history directly conducted an industrial stoppage. this, however, was called off in a few days (see strikes and lockouts). the council also takes active steps to deal with difficulties which arise between affiliated unions. for this purpose the gen- eral council acts through its disputes committee. in 1925 this committee held no less than 32 meetings. the disputes which occur between unions vary in their character. an important and developing side of the activities of the gen- eral council is the forging of closer bonds with the trades and la- bour councils which exist in large numbers up and down the coun- try. before 1895 trades councils were represented at the annual tradcs union congress. but from that date until 1924 there was no direct contact between these local representative bodies of trade union branches and the t. u. c., though the trades coun- cils (many of which are local labour parties) were affliated to the labour party anc may send delegates to its annual conferences. after the establishment of the general council, efforts were made to remedy this defect in organisation, and in 1925 a model form of constitution for trades councils was worked out, arrange- ments made for the publication and circulation of special litera- ture on trade unionism, and a regular monthly statement from the general council to the trades council was inaugurated. at the end of 1924, there were 476 trades councils known to be in exist- ence in britain, including industrial sections of local labour parties. in 1913 the number was 328. from 1913 to 1924 the aggregate affiliated membership rose from 1,481,000 to 2,219,000, the latter figure representing about two-fifths of the total membership of trade unions. but perhaps, the most significant amongst the activities of the general council, is its efforts under the instructions of the trades union congress to promote and assist trade union amalgamation on the lines of organisation by industry. though the general council has from time to time brought together unions for dis- cussion of the possibilities of amalgamation, it has realised that much more is needed than empirical action of this kind. judged by the results the efforts to bring about amalgamations of the general council cannot be regarded as successful, though it is still too early, having regard to the real difficulties of amalgama- tion, to pronounce this work as a failure. its real importance, however, lies in the persistent and painstaking labour to reach an ideal, and the certainty that, if need be, larger powers will ulti- mately be given to the general council to deal with the problem. it is significant that the consolidation of forces should be regarded as of paramount importance. finance—up to 1923, the affiliation fee of cach unton affiliated to the t. u. c. was 1d. per member per year. in that year the fee was raised to 3d., payable quarterly on the full membership, in- cluding probationary and free members. the increased fees were required principally for publicity purposes and to maintain the daily herald, the organ of the british labour movement. in ad- dition to the ordinary affiliation fees, each union contributes £1 per thousand members towards the fee payable to the interna- tional federation of trade unions. congress afliliation fees in 1924-5 amounted to £21,088. the affiliation fee to the interna- tional federation of trade unions was £4,450. tuk industrial and the political movements as the trades union congress really gave birth to the labour party, it is natural that close relations should always have existed between the industrial and political sides of the labour move- ment. from 190s onward there existed a joint board represent- ing the parliamentary committee of the t. u. c., the executive trade unions committee of the labour party and the management commit- tee of the g. f. t. u. (which also owed its existence to the t. u.c.). the members of the board were the secretary and three members from each of the three bodies. but in 1914 the con- gress decided to dissolve the tripartite joint board and-to estab- lish a new one representing the parliamentary committee of the trades union congress and the executive committee of the la- bour party. at the congress of 1917 steps were taken to ensure close co-operation between the two committees. regular joint monthly meetings were arranged, following the separate mect- ings of the two committees. these joint meetings continued, and joint action has been taken on innumerable occasions. large questions demanding considerable enquiry are usually referred to joint committees of the two bodies. the great developments which have taken place in the activities of the general council with all the implications they involve, led in 1926 to an under- standing whereby the council shall have research, press and international statfs under its direct control, but arrangements were made for the closest co-operation. general policy during the period from rorr to the outbreak of the war, there was considerable labour unrest due largely to the steadily rising cost of living, but receiving inspiration in some degree from the intellectual ferment in the world of labour. syndicalism, though never a potent force in the british trade union movement prompted and encouraged the movement towards militant indus- trial unionism. the persistent propaganda of the socialist societies had also begun to influence the outlook of the trade unionist. from about roto it is clear that the trade union movement, judged by the resolutions of the t.u.c. was socialist in temper. it was definitely in opposition to capitalism and to private owner- ship of the means of production. the socialism, however, to which trade unionism gave adhesion, was essentially collectivist; but a closer association with the problems of industry and a wid- ening knowledge of the world of industry led to a sense of dis- satisfaction with the arid doctrines of undiluted collectivism, which came indeed to be described as “ state capitalism.” syn- dicalism, whilst it never commanded a large measure of support, did, by its emphasis on the workers’ right to control, indicate the possibilities of a policy which whilst providing for public own- ership escaped the charge of ‘‘ state capitalism ”’ by the adop- tion of the principle of democratic control. shop stewards movement.— during the pre-war years, however, these ideas had not clearly emerged. the effects of state regula- tion during the war, however, powerfully assisted in swinging active trade union opinion round to a sympathetic appreciation of the essential doctrines of guild socialism. morcover, the new importance of the labour element in the community gave birth to new aspirations, and to the claim that the workers should enjoy increasing responsibility and power in the actual conduct of in- dustry. one of the most powerful groups of intluences which moulded the minds of organised labour were those connected with the conditions of war-time employment. in the chief indus- tries, the unions were parties to arrangements for the increase of output and the avoidance of stoppages of work. but the abnor- mal psychology of war time, unsympathetic and short-sighted ad- ministration in the munitions areas, and the knowledge that the union executives were in a position of great difficulty, led to un- official strikes and to the evolution by the workers of unofficial machinery for securing the removal of grievances. shop committees sprang up in the munitions industry, and in the engineering trades they became influential organisations. shop stewards became the real leaders of the rank and file in matters affecting the day to day lives of the workers in industry. this new re-organisation within the industrial labour movement—the creation of the circumstances in which the trade union executives were inevitably placed—proceeded swiftly and to a considerable extent effectively. it was unknown to the general public until it had established itself. it was spontaneous—an obvious method of satisfying the need for some rapi<d local machinery which could deal with grievances in the workshop. it is true, of course, that sit there grew up a literature embodying the philosophy of the shop stewards’ movement, but it gave a justification to the movement rather than an impetus to its growth. this rank and file move- ment strengthened the demand for self-government in industry. it spent itself during the war. with the end of the war, it lost the passion which had sustained it; but the value of shop com- mittees and of shop stewards was recognised, and, first in the en- gineering industry and subsequently in others, the unions adopted this machinery and grafted it on to their organisation. in the meantime, the policy of self-government in industry had become crystallised, and since the war the t. u. c. has ac- cepted the policy of public ownership combined with the associa- tion of the workers in the government and control of industry. the application of this policy may be seen in the bill prepared by the railway clerks’ association for the nationalisation of rail- ways, and subsequently in the scheme for the future of the coal industry placed before the coal commission of 1925-6 by the miners’ federation, with the full support of the t. u. c. general council and the labour party. | | reactions of the russian revolution—the bolshevik revolu- tion in russia had its reaction upon the british trade union movement. some of the leaders of the shop stewards’ movement embraced communist doctrines, and when the red international of labour unions was formed by the moscow communist inter- national attempts were made to secure the adhesion of trade union bodies to the r. i. l. u. such british bodies as are affilia- ted, however, are not national unions, but sectional and local or- ganisations. under the inspiration of communist doctrines the national minority movement was organised, as what may be called the communist wing of the trade union movement. it con- sists of groups and sections of trade unions, and the voice of its spokesmen is heard on the floor of the t. u. c. in favour of an advanced policy and in support of a policy for closer relationship between britain and russia. the general council of the con- gress itself sent a delegation to russia towards the end of 1923, and the council has actively supported a policy of friendship be- tween britain and russia, and has used every effort to bring about an understanding between the international federation of trade unions and the russian trade unions. the national unemployment workers’ committee movement established during the period of heavy post-war unemployment is directed largely by people of communist sympathies. it is im- possible to assess the influence which communism within the trade union movement is exercising; but numerically the number of trade unionists definitely attached to the communist party of great britain is small. the factors which have led a minority of | trade unionists into the ranks of communism and the national minority movement (which it may be said includes a considerable portion of workers who could not be described as communists) have led a far greater number to a realisation of the need for a more vigorous industrial policy for the trade union movement. the establishment of the general council of the t. u. c., the enlargement of its powers, and the large extension of its activi- ties were an expression of this need. one of the first problems, however, is that of the organisation of trade unionism; for clearly the success of any industrial policy must depend in the last resort on the efficiency of trade union organisation. indusirial unionism.——so long ago as 1910 and 1011 the congress committed itself to the principle of organisation by in- dustry, and in rorr urged the parliamentary committee to call conferences of the different industries “‘ with a view of amalga- mating the several trade unions connected with each industry.” this somewhat crude principle was interpreted in a reasoned res- olution adopted by the congress in 1918, when it was agreed (a) that the organisation of an industrial union should allow for the maintenance within the union of each district craft combination and for the possibility of federating such combinations with like bodies outside the union for specific purposes; and (0) that every craft union and general labour union should allow sectional com- binations within the union, on industrial or occupational lines, so as to facilitate inter-union federations, and, if circumstances re- quire, the transfer of a section to any more appropriate union. 812 trade in 1922 the trades union congress instructed the general coun- cil to make an enquiry into the present organisation of the trade union movement as a necessary basis for a policy of closer unifi- cation. the hull congress of 1924 led to the appointment of a special committee by the general council to tackle the question of trade union organisation, and the present attitude of the council on this matter is contained in an able memorandum by mr. w. m. citrine, submitted to this committee and published in the annual report of the congress for 1925. the general council has boldly admitted the defects of the existing trade union structure and method—the prevailing sectionalism, the compe- tition between different unions for workers, varied rates of con- tributions and benefits, demarcation of work and the lack of a co-ordinated policy. it is certain that the conflicting claims of pure and unadulterated industrial unionism, occupational union- ism, federal unionism and craft unionism, will necessitate some composite method which, within the framework of the industry, permits variety of organisation to meet the needs of special crafts and groups. (a. gp.) ii. the united states the period from 1910 to 1926 has been an eventful one for trade unionism in the united states. since 1910 notable changes have taken place in the philosophy and practices of both em- ployers and trade unions. business has made some progress in the stabilisation of industry and the standardisation of its prod- ucts. a number of employers have made the protection of their employees’ welfare a part of their labour management activity, while others have engaged actively in an “ open shop ” campaign against trade unions. in this period the courts have been un- usually liberal with their use of the injunction and have rendered a number of decisions against the activities of trade unionism. the period has also scen the world war with its effects on the labour movement. in response to these and other developments, american labour has evolved some remarkable trade agreements, providing for union-management co-operation, industrial courts and unem- ployment insurance. the trade unions have also entered the banking field and established schools and colleges for their members. in 1912 congress authorised the formation of a federal com- mission on industrial relations. this commission’s investiga- tions lasted three years. it examined 500 witnesses and prepared a report very favourable to organised labour. this was the first time in american history that a government commission has unhesitatingly pronounced the trade-union movement a fundamental and indispensable public institution. the clayton anti-trust act which became a law in ror4 declared that human labour is not a commodity and that labour organisations are not to be construed as illegal conspiracies in restraint of trade. it also limited the use of the injunction in labour disputes. this act was hailed as labour’s magna carta, but subsequent court decisions have left the legal status of trade unions quite as uncertain and unsatisfactory as if no such act had been passed. when the united states entered the world war, the american federation of labour pledged its uncquivocal support to the government. placing organised labour thus at the service of the nation secured for it for a time a degree of national prestige and freedom to expand which could not have been secured by many years of agitation and strikes. the war labour board guaranteed to labour the right to organise, the basic eight-hour day and the living wage. in 1916 the american federation of labour membership was 2,072,000; by 1918 it had risen to 2,726,000; by 1919 to 3,260,000, by 1920 to a maximum of 4,078,- ooo. since then it has declined to 2,877,000 showing that 40% of the war-time gains have been retained. with the falling off of immigration due to the war and the passage of the immigra- tion restriction law of 1921, the power of american trade union- ism has been increased, for while certain trades had been able to unionise the immigrant, he has been a constant barricr against organisation. unions since 1910 the trade unions have had a number of set-backs at the hands of the courts. the lower courts have been free in granting injunctions against trade-union action during strikes. of these the injunction against the railway shopmen in 1922 is one of the most sweeping decrees issued in labour disputes. the supreme court also handed down several decisions which greatly hamper trade-union activity. in 1915 the u.s. supreme court in the case of coppage v. kansas (236 u.s. 1) held unconstitu- tional a kansas law preventing employers from threatening to discharge their employees unless they renounce union member- ship. two years later in the hitchman coal and coke co. 2. mitchell case (245 u.s. 229) the supreme court held that, where an employer has required his employees to sign a contract that they will not join any labour union, it is illegal to attempt to organise them. in 1921 in duplex printing company v. deering (254 u.s. 443) the supreme court held that a secondary boycott was unlawful and the employer had a right to a restraining injunction under the sherman act as amended by the clayton act. the same year in american steel foundries v. the tri-city central trades council (257 u.s. 184) the court held that it is illegal during a strike for more than one picket to be stationed at a point of ingress or egress to a plant. in truax v. corrigan (257 u.s. 312), 1921, the court declared unconstitutional an arizona law, modelled on the british trades disputes act, which sought to place a limit on the free use of the injunction. the law at- tempted to declare illegal any injunction seeking to restrain workers from ceasing to patronise or from advising others to cease patronising an employer against whom they were on strike. in 1922 the court in u.s. mine workers 2. the coronado coal company (259 u.s. 344) held that a trade union may be sued under the sherman act for damages done to an employer during a strike. during these years a remarkable development in productive efficiency has taken place. no reliable estimates have been made, but the gain is notable in nearly all industries. this increase in efficiency has had causes other than the technological development, though the latter is the most important factor. the u.s. department of commerce in 1921 began a systematic campaign for the elimination of waste in industry. since then it has conducted some goo conferences of business men which have set 229 committees at work on various phases of the pro- gramme. the department set out to eliminate not individual or wilful wastes, but those wastes which can be eliminated only by co-operative action of the industry or community. the growth of efficiency in industry is probably the most important development for trade unionism which has taken place during the period since 1910. its effect has been like that of a two-edged sword. the mechanisation of industry has elimi- nated the necessity of skilled labour. american trade unionism is founded upon the philosophy of the craft and the crafts are being eliminated, one by one. the great problem before the american labour movement to-day is the organisation of the unskilled, machine-tending, factory workers. on the other hand, the growth of efficiency has brought higher wages. the greater the output per worker, the greater will be the employers’ wage-paying capacity and the higher will be the wages which ‘both union and non-union labour can successfully obtain. wages have shown considerable increases both in moncy rates and in purchasing power during the post-war years. the american federation of labour has taken note of the increases in efficiency and the elimination of waste and at its last conven- tion went on record as approving the movement towards waste elimination. it further pointed out that if social equality and industrial stability are to be obtained, the hours of labour must be decreased and wages increased in proportion to the progress that is made in increasing production. during the years 1910-26 there has developed a new capital- istic philosophy and a new set of labour management practices. many employers have voluntarily set out to do for their em- ployees the very same things which trade unions have been doing for their members. these welfare practices have originated trade unions mainly in the unorganised industries and have greatly retarded the extension of trade unionism therein. these new labour policies have set out to protect the standard of living of employees in various ways. some employers are voluntarily paying higher wages; some are introducing profit-sharing schemes, bonuses, wage premium plans, education, housing, community better- ment, plant restaurants, vacations with pay, etc. shop com- mittees, works councils and systems of employee representation have also been inaugurated. some of these plans have been undertaken in the interests of greater production. some repre- sent an effort to retard the development of trade unionism by making it less necessary. but regardless of motive, much good has come from them. however, there are a few shortcomings which should be noted. such welfare work tends to tie the worker to his job and reduce his independence and gives no guarantee of permanence. a change in corporate management or a decline of prosperity may cause abandonment of the arrange- ments. the workers did not secure the introduction of these plans, and, being unorganised, they cannot enforce their con- tinuance. nor can collective dealing with company unions be considered a substitute for collective bargaining with trade unions. even where a company union may negotiate a wage scale for the plant, its bargaining power is inferior to that of a trade union. the latter has greater membership, larger funds and more able leadership. the american federation of labour has felt the strength of this new development especially strong in certain industries, and has begun a careful study of the sub- ject so that its members may better meet the issue in their organised work. in oct. 19019 president wilson summoned to washington 15 representatives of labour, 15 of capital and 15 of the public for the president’s industrial conference. at this con- ference the employers stood solidly for the open, shop and the labour group stood as solidly for the closed shop and collective bargaining. the conference broke up without accomplishing anything. the unsuccessful conclusion of the conference and the steel strike of the same year solidified opinion on both sides and the employers started what is known as the open-shop drive. the movement seemed to spring up spontaneously in practically every industrial centre in the country and was vigor- ously pushed by employers’ associations, its purpose being to weaken trade unions, prevent unionisation and convince the public of the desirability of the open shop and the anti-union campaign. | in 1926 a number of tmportant industries were conducted under the principles of the open shop, or the ‘‘ american plan,” as its proponents often call it. among the most important open- shop industries may be mentioned the steel, textile, automobile, book and job printing, machinery and paper industries, also the san francisco building industry. the open-shop movement has proved a great set-back to trade unionism, but it is not known whether it has spent itself and its influence is waning. in feb. 1923 a co-operative plan between the baltimore and ohio railroad and the railway shop crafts was undertaken with a programme for the elimination of waste, the betterment of shop organisation and the stabilisation of employment. under the plan the unions were to be made necessary parts in the shop administration on a par with the superintendents. regular joint local and district meetings are held. the local federated shop crafts committee meets with a committee of the shop management. the officers of the system federation and of each craft meet with the head of the road’s maintenance of equipment department. after the success of this plan was demonstrated in one shop, the co-operative scheme was extended to all the shops of the baltimore and ohio railroad. recently similar arrangements have been made on the chicago and northwestern railway, the canadian national railways and the chesapeake and ohio railway. this plan has the official endorsement of the american federation of labour. the union management co-operation plan as adopted on these railways is a logical extension of the principle of collective bargaining and is based on 2 labour policy which accords the labour movement a positive 813 function in the conduct of industry. it is the trade union’s answer to the open-shop drive, the welfare work and company union policies. the period 1910-26 has seen also a remarkable series of trade agreements which have set up a system of private industrial law and a system of private unemployment insurance. a pro- tocol signed in 1910 by the employers and the international ladies’ garment workers union of new york city may be regarded as the first real constitution in the clothing industry. in the men’s clothing industry, industrial government dates from the 1911 agreement between the amalgamated clothing workers and the firm of hart, schaffner and marx. this agree- ment set up a joint and impartial judicial machinery and speci- fied the rights and duties of the two parties. disputes between the parties are carried to a trade board and thence, if necessary, to a board of arbitration. similar agreements have been made subsequently between an association of the remaining chicago clothing manufacturers and the amalgamated union. such judicial systems have also been established in the rochester (new york) men’s clothing industry, the new york city men’s clothing industry and the ladies’ garment industry of cleveland. in all these courts the decisions are recorded, precedents are established and a body of industrial common law, not dissimilar to the early english common law, is gradually accumulating. in 1923 the amalgamated clothing workers and their em- ployers in chicago reached an agreement on the principle of an unemployment insurance fund. there are over 400 firms in the chicago men’s clothing market which employ about 35,000 workers. there are five boards of trustees, one each for the two largest firms, one for the remaining large concerns, one for the non-association houses and one for the contractors. one man is chairman of all the boards. the union has the same members on all the boards, but the personnel on the employers’ side differs with each board. one insurance office keeps the books and carries on all the statistical work. the employer deducts the weekly premium of 1:5% from the wages of each employce and forwards the total amount, together with an equal amount as his own contribution, to the treasurer. payments of benefits began in may 1924. benefits to those out of work amount to 40% of the unemployed worker’s average wage. the maximum benefit is $20 a week and the combined wage and benefit for workers on part time cannot exceed $50 a week. this unem- ployment insurance scheme was later applied in the new york men’s clothing market, in the ladies’ cloak and suit industry, the hat and cap industry and the fur industry of new york, as © well as in the ladies’ garment industry of cleveland. ° workers’ education began with the establishment in 1016 of a workers’ university in new york city by the international ladies’ garment workers union. in 1926 there were workers’ classes and study groups, under the direction of state federa- tions, in over 300 industrial centres of 40 states, with some 40,000 students enrolled. two resident labour colleges with permanent teaching staffs have been established, brookwood college at katonah, n.y., and commonwealth college at mena, arkansas. in addition, eight workers’ summer schools with resident facul- “ties—some in connection with regular universitics—have been opened, and several universities have started workers’ classes as part of their extension work. during the five years to 1926 no less than 350 scholars and university instructors have been associated with the movement. in 1921 this trade union educa- tional work was placed under the supervision of the workers’ education bureau in co-operation with the american federation of labour. nearly 30 books and pamphlets have been issued by the bureau and half as many more are in preparation. trade-union activity in the banking field began with the open- ing in 1920 of a washington bank in which the international association of machinists had acquired half interest. during the ensuing six years various labour organisations secured con- trol of, or organised, over 30 banks with combined resources of well over a hundred million dollars. many of the most promi- nent unions entered the banking business, but as yet there is considerable difference of opinion as to the desirability of this s14 new development. the american federation of labour has begun an investigation of the subject and at its last convention adopted a resolution calling attention to the “‘ grave responsi- bility assumed by those who enter into these undertakings ”’ and sounding a note of ‘‘ emphatic caution because we appreciate the potentiality of labour banking and wish to promote its wise development.” trade-union leaders who are active in labour banking maintain that workingmen’s savings deposited in pri- vate commercial banks are used to promote the intcrests of business men and not the welfare of the labouring classes. a number of trade-union leaders are sceptical of the desir- ability of entering into the banking business. they urge that banking is a foreign responsibility which will take time and attention away from the bargaining issue. organisations which become prosperous in banking are apt to become bankrupt in unionism. it is further contended that there is a tendency for labour banks to violate safe banking principles. interest pay- ments have been generous. the temptation to loan to an em- ployer who recognises the union and yields to its demands is grave and dangerous from the banking standpoint. as yet labour banking is a new and unsettled policy. on dec. 13 1924 occurred the death of samuel gompers who had organised the american federation of labour and had been its president for 43 years. he was succeeded by william h. green of the miners’ union. the passing of gompers typifies the change that has been coming over the american labour movement. he was a pioneer leader who fought for the estab- lishment of the movement, while green is a business leader who has shown a desire to guide the already established movement into constructive and co-operative agreements between its membership and their employers. (ick. co.) ill. international organisations. after the war in practically all countries trade union member- ship stood at a much higher level than it had done before the war. the table below shows the growth of membership in over 20 countries from 1rg10 onwards. the table covers all the most important countries in the world except russia, where figures are not available for the pre-war years, and china, japan and india, where trade unionism was little developed before the war. reliable estimates are available for the following 20 countries (united kingdom, germany, u.s.a., france, italy, belgium, holland, denmark, sweden, norway, finland, switzerland, spain, austria, hungary, czecho-hungary, canada, australia, new zealand and serbia). the total trade union membership was at the end of ro10, 10,835,000; i9i14, 13,222,000; iqiq, 32,680,000. trade unions in ro years, according to these figures, trade union member- ship had trebled, and more than doubled in five years. a small part of the rise is due to the greater completeness of the returns, and another small part (probably about 10%) to the natural growth of the population, but even allowing for these two factors, the growth of trade unionism was considerable and it was com- mon to all countries. in most countries during the first part of the war the growth of trade unionism was checked. the decline was substantial in germany, austria, hungary, italy and czechoslovakia but in these countries the numbers began to increase in 1917. after the end of the war numbers increased rapidly, especially in the cen- tral european states. in europe the total membership at the end of 1919 was at least 26,000,000 as against about 8,500,000 at the end of roro. in the 30 countries of the world for which information 1s avail- able the total membership in rorg was 42,040,000, and in 1920, 48,029,000. if we take the figures for 1919, no less than 80% of the trade unions belonged to european countries. of the remain- ing 7,079,000 members outside europe, 5,985,000 belonged to the north american continent. six countries—germany, britain, the united states, russia, france and italy accounted in 1919 for 33,500,000 members, whilst the remaining 24 countries ac- counted for only 8,750,000. two-thirds of the total trade union membership was concentrated in four countries—germany, britain, the united states and france. prior to the world war the two chief organs of the interna- tional labour movement were the international federation of trade unions and the second international, the former indus- trial and the latter political. after the war, early efforts were made to reconstruct the industrial and political internationals. the amsterdam international—the international federation of trade unions (the i.f.t.u.) was reconstituted in 1919 fol- lowing a congress held at amsterdam. it consists of the various national central trades union organisations affiliated, but the general council includes three delegates from the “international trade secretariats,’’ (i.e., representatives of the ‘trade interna- tionals ” such as the international miners’ federation). the management of the i.if’.t.u. is vested in the executive commit- tee, the general council and the congress. the executive com- mittee (or the bureau, as it is often called) consists of the officers (i.e., the president, vice-presidents and secretaries) and meets six times a year. the general council (often referred to as the management committee) is a larger and more representative body. the supreme governing authority is the congress which consists of the general council and the representatives of the affiliated national centres (c.g., the british trades union con- gress). representatives of the “ trade internationals ” take part membership of trade unions at the end of the years 1910-9 1 figures not available. country i9i0 iq'i i9gi2. 1913 iqi4 1915 1916 1917 1918 i9ig united wking- dom . | 2,400,000 | 2,970,000 | 3,226,000 | 4,192,000 | 4,199,000 | 4,417,000 | 4,677,000 | 5,547,000 | 6,645,000 | 8,024,000 germany 2,960,000 | 3,336,000 | 3,566,000 | 3,572,000 | 2,271,000 | 1,524,000 ] 1,496,000 | 1,937,000 | 3,801,000 | 9,000,000 u.s.a. 2,100,000 | 2,282,000 | 2,539,000 | 2,722,000 | 2,672,000 | 2,860,000 | 3,000,000 | 3,451,000 | 4,000,000 | 5,607,000 france 977,000 | 1,029,000 | 1,064,000 | 1,027,000 | 1,c26,000 1 : 1,500,000 | 2,000,000 | 2,500,000 italy 817,000 847,000 861,000 972,000 962,000 806,000 7ol,000 740,000 1 1,800,000 belgium . 139,000 189,000 231,000 203,000 203,000 1 l 1 450,000 750,000 netherlands 154,000 169,000 189,000 220,000 227,000 251,000 304,000 369,000 456,000 625,000 denmark 124,000 128,000 i 39,000 154,000 156,000 17 3,000 189,000 224,000 316,000 360,000 sweden 115,000 ii1,000 120,000 136,000 141,000 151,000 189,000 244,000 302,000 339,000 norway . 47,000 53,000 61,000 64,000 68,000 78,000 81,000 94,000 180,000 144,000 finland . 15,000 20,000 24,000 28,000 31,000 30,000 42,000 161,000 21,000 41,000 switzerland 75,000 78,000 86,000 89,000 50,000 65,000 89,000 149,000 177,000 224,000 spain 41,000 $0,000 190,000 128,000 121,000 76,000 99,000 g0,000 150,000 211,000 austria 200,000 200,000 257,000 253,000 i. 47,000 112,000 109,000 211,000 295,000 772,000 aoe anes 86,000 95,000 102,000 107,000 107,000 43,000 55,000 215,000 500,000 500,000 zecho- slovakia _ 100,000 100,000 107,000 107,000 55,000 40,000 24,000 43,000 161,000 657,000 rumania 8,000 6,000 10,000 i 7 17,000 16,000 16,000 7 t canada . 120,000 133,000 160,000 176,000 166,000 143,000 160,000 205,000 249,000 378,000 australia 302,000 365,000 433,000 498,000 523,000 528,000 546,000 564,000 582,000 628,000 new zealand . 57,000 66,000 61,000 71,000 74,000 68,000 71,000 l 1 100,000 serbia (yugo- . slavia) 7,000 8,000 5,000 9,000 14,000 12,000 12,000 12,000 15,000 20,000 in congresses, but without the right to vote. congresses have been held at amsterdam (1919), london (1920), rome (1922), the hague (1922) and vienna (1924). the affiiated membership of the i. f. t. u. since its re-establishment has been as follows: on dec. 31 1921, 21,991,615; 1922, 18,185,531; 1923, 15,316,127. the chief ‘ trade internationals ” are the metal workers (2,585,717), transport workers (2,091,840), miners (1,941,199), textile workers (1,326,030), building workers (938,940), factory workers (844,988), woodworkers (711,287) and commercial, cler- ical and technical employees (695,185). at the end of 1923, the total membership of the trade internationals was over 14,750,000. the following statistics of membership of the trade union cen- tres affiliated to the i.f.t.u. are the most recent available. trade unions unless otherwise stated, they refer to the year 1924-5:— asta palestine canada north america africa south africa pac dec:-3) 1923. 815 18,362 105,912 - 10,000! in 1924, the i. f. t. u. created an international committee of latvia luxembourg memel palestine . poland rumania . south africa spain! sweden switzerland! _ yugoslavia various trade union women which held its first meeting in nov. 1925. the number of women organised within the national centres of the i]. f. t. u. on dec. 31 1923, was as follows:— 319 44,120 1.543 32,693 13,272 4,633 total membership (ah i! nn europe austria 828,088 italy 269,754 belgium . 578,000 latvia 14,639 bulgaria . 15,000 luxembourg . 13,568 czechoslovakia 343,284 memel 1,907! denmark 302,704 poland 300,221 france. , . 700,000 rumania 40,000 germany a.d.g.b. spain 210,741 afa-bund . 471,949 sweden 360, 337 great britain 4,350,982 switzerland 151,502 holland . 187,839 yugoslavia 10,000 hungary 176,401! country let religious argentina australia oe i austria 828,088\" 80,128\" [39,520]* belgium 578,0007 172,841? brazil . : = . british india a bulgaria 15,0007 oe canada 105,912? 30,000 [40,000] chile ed china cuha . ; - es czechoslovakia . 343,284\" 123,769? (217,149]8 denmark 302,704 . [69,588]? dutch east indies ie egypt . estonia finland a .. france a ee 700,000\" 101,276? germany a.d.g.b. . 4,500,000? 612,952 germany afa bund . 471,949\" sg great britain . 4,350,982? a holland 187,839? 151,130? hungary 176,401 115,359 iceland oti . ireland = - italy 269,754\" 300,000 japan . re latvia 14,6397 lithuanta a luxembourg 13,5687 memel 1,907 [2,140]5 mexico . 1,000,000 new zealand “3 norway fa palestine 18,362? peru. oe 3 poland 300,221? 158,385\" portugal a os rumania : 40,0007 russia : si south africa 10,000 - spain 210,741? 40,000 sweden 360,337\" oe switzerland 151,502* 11,030 united states ie a yugoslavia . 40,000? 800 2 1924-5. 1 unless otherwise stated these figures refer to 1923. austria! 190,984 belgium! . 51,612 bulgaria . 790 canada x czechoslovakia 54,931 denmark 38,050 france : 78,255 germany! . 1,201,390 great britain . 280,437 holland! . 2,598 hungary . 22.383 italy ‘ 27,026 1 figures for 1924-5. syndicalist communist | 35,000 200 25,000 a 35,000 100,000 aes “ ,700 13, s00 6,425? 1,800 ‘ 16,148 or 6,604, 7007 200,000 = 38,0007 . 58,000 : 6.000 from a communist source. 120,000 699,743 101,500 100,000? 407 ,o37° 58,092 88,527! 300,000 100,000 1,202,403 60,000 12,000 5,000 47,633 163,000 1,300,000 1,076,765 192,071 4,000 373,454 1,764,423\" (fascists) 230,000? 19,385? 9,687? 80,c00 92,767\" 25,000 280,000 40,0007 28,812 25,000 50,000 133,500 3,378,297\" 18.055 __ ‘official fascist government figure. 6 the figures in brackets indicate the membership of organisations which, though not affiliated to the 1.f.t.u. nevertheless adopt its platform. 699,743 1,049,228 750,841 100,000 407,037 50,000 234,004 88.527 300,000 100,000 1,886,605 372,492 60,000 12,000 309,000 47,033 999,276 34275747 291,760 i9t,542 4,000 373,454 2,334,177 230,000 40,449 9,687 13,568 4,047 1,000,000 80,000 94,567 18,362 25,000 738,606 40,000 84,960 6,604,700 35,000 450,741 448,337 269.032 3,436,297 64.855 816 the red international —there are, in addition, a number of trade unionists who are linked with the red international of la- bour unions which was brought to birth by the communist inter- national. the idea was, however, conceived at the zimmerwald and kienthal conferences. the r.1.l.u. was established in 1920 during the second congress of the communist international, at which minority trade union representatives from various countries were present, when it was declared that “ it is the duty of the working class to gather together all trade union organised forces with a powerful revolutionary class association, which, working shoulder to shoulder with the political organisation of the communist international of the proletariat and in closest contact with this organisation, would be able to develop all its forces for the general victory of the social revolution and the es- tablishment of a world soviet republic.” it was also laid down that the international federation of trade unions “ because of its programme and tactics ” could not “ secure the victory of the proletarian masses in all countries.’”’ the first r.i.l.u. con- gress was held in july 1921, in moscow, and has since continued its work in close association with the communist international. relations between the i.f.t.u. and the r.i.l.u. have been hostile. the british trades union congress, however, has en- deavoured to bring about an understanding, though without success. it is not easy to ascertain the real strength of the affiliated membership of the r.i.l.u., but losovsky, the secretary of the red international, has analysed its membership as follows (see “ the world’s trade union movement, 1925, pp. 244-5) :— the red international of labour unions has eight types of affiliated organisations: — 1. national trade union centres embracing the whole trade union movement of their respective countries, such as russia, with 6,400,000 trade union members; bulgaria, 40,000; greece, egypt, 50,000; persia, 20,000; estonia, 25,000, and so on. ; _ 2. national trade union or regional revolutionary centres exist- ing parallel with reformist centres and carrying on a struggle against them, our organisations being stronger than the reformist ones. such are: france, with 480,000 members; czechoslovakia, 300,000; yugoslavia, 100,000; java, 35,000; and so on. 3. national trade union centres playing a small rdle in comparison with the reformist trade union movement of their respective coun- tries, as in holland with 20,000 members; belgium, 12,000; germany, 150,000; the united states, 25,000; and so on. 4. national trade union centres identifying themselves with the principles of the r.i.l.u., but not affiliated thereto, as a result of the ‘‘ white terror,’’ as is the case in finland, 50,000; rumania, 60,000; and so on. ; 5. independent untons and unions formed of expelled members not belonging to the national trade union centres of their respective countries. ; 6. minorities inside the reformist trade unions organised under the direct leadership of the communist faction: germany, japan, italy, sweden, denmark, etc. os 7. opposition blocs or minority movements co-ordinating the action of all left-wing elements both inside and outside the reformist and the anarcho-syndicalist unions of such countries as: the united states, great britain, spain, austria, the argentine, mexico and elsewhere. 8. finally, there are the left-wing elements belonging to the unemployed committees (great britain), shop stewards committees, etc., generally supporting the r.i.l.u. policy.” it will be seen that no national trade union body representing the whole of the organised workers of any country, apart from russia and certain small countries where trade unionism is an in- effective force, has associated itself with the r.i.l.u. and that outside russia its chief support comes entirely from individual trade unions and minority groups, though losovsky is at pains to point out that the figures of membership of the i.f.t.u. are swollen by the adherents of the r.i.l.u. it is not, however, the case, as stated by losovsky, that ‘‘ the strength of the r.il.u. and the i.f.t.u. is equal.” the position of trade unionism in the world, so far as it can be ascertained is given in the table on the preceding page. the figures are analysed according to the orientation of the respective national trade union centres, and unless otherwise stated, the figures refer to the year 1923. bibliography.—the chief british publications are the labour gazette, published by the ministry of labour, the reports of the traffic problems chief registrar of friendly societies and the industrial directory of the ministry of labour. [mportant publications issued by the british labour movement, which contain official decisions and a reprint of the leading docu- ments and correspondence are the annual reports of the trades union congress and the annual reports of the labour party. these two bodies also publish the labour year book (see issues for 1916, 1919, 1924, 1925, 1926). see also the labour bulletin of indus- trial and political information (monthly). on the international side, information is available in the publications of the international federation of trade unions, the communist international and the red international of labour unions. general \\vorks.—for the history, organisation and theories of trade unionism, the chief works are sidney and beatrice webb, the | fistory of trade unionism (new edition, 1920) and industrial demec- racy (new edition, 1920); c. m. lloyd, trade unionism (new edition, 1921) (these works contain bibliographies); g. d. h. cole, or- gantsed labour: an introduction to trade unionism (1924). international movement.—see also a. losovsky, trade unions in soviet russia (1920), and the world's trade union movement (1925), published by the national minority movement. the trades union congress is publishing a series of pamphlets on trade unionism in action, of which two have appeared —the story of the trades union congress, and the general council of the trades union congress, its powers, functions and work. the trades union congress published (1924) the report of its delegation to russia. the international federation of trade unions is publishing an international trade union history of which two volumes have appeared—c. mestens, the trade union movement in belgium (1925) and walter m. citrine, the trade union movement of great britain (1926). for germany, see s. sanders, trade unions in germany (1916), and for ireland, w. p. ryan, the irish labour movement (1920). special studies.—there are some special studies of trade unionism. see g. d. ih. cole and r. page arnot, trade unionism on the rail- ways (1917); e. selley, village trade unions in two centuries (1920); mrs. barbara drake, women in trade unions (1920); r. w. postgate, the builders’ history (1923); sidney webb, the story of the durham miners and industrial negotiations and agreements (joint labour publications dept.), g. d. h. cole, labour in the coal mining industries, 1914-21. on the legal side, see h. h. slesser and baker, the law of trade unions. a shorter work is h. h. slesser, the law relating to trade unions (1921). (a. go.) traffic problems.—throughout the civilised world the countryman is being irresistibly drawn towards the great cities, which spread outwards, ring by ring, over the open fields, while the ancient core of the city on which millions of workers now converge retains the shape imprinted on it in mediaeval times when a small compact area amply sufficed. i. in great britain london.—although the difficulties thus created are by no means restricted to greater london, where the population had risen from 7§ millions in 1911 to 7$ millions in 1925, yet it is prob- ably within this area that the typical problems present them- selvesinthe most aggravatedform. in 1923 the registrar-general published, for the first time, a report on the workplaces of residents in london and the five home counties. the preface reminds us that in a less highly organised and industrialised society localities may be self-sufhcient, every residentia] group being supplied with its needs by members of the same groups in their working capacity. such conditions were due to the disper- sion of necessary service and production, which in the absence of transport facilities, had to be located in proximity to the population served. the subsequent development of transport and communications fostered a concentration which has changed the whole face of industry. the growth of great commercial centres calls for the concentration of an army of workers far beyond the residential capacity of their immediate neighbour- hood; the housing deficiency is aggravated by the substitution of warehouses for dwellings in the centres, while the very devel- opment of transport which makes it necessary for the worker to live at a distance from his work has also made it possible for him to do so. thus it happens that great masses of the popula- tion move in tides of daily ebb and flow, as evidenced in the city of london, whose night population of 13,709 expands thirtyfold during the day (416,150). to gauge the magnitude of the traffic problem the following data may be of service. in the year 1904 a census was taken of vehicles of all classes passing 14 of the more congested points in london. the total reached was 291,930. in the year 1925 a meme - pete ~ a =a eeu wee -- . -~- - ee ==a.2e ae = 7 =e a = un ifa == --gh5089. st “seem ew re wi mitt” comedet ea mame t senn meen westminster hospital traffic problems om mig om _= “he te ae cove. arliament e 4 4 i ' d i t i ? 4 i t ' ‘ i t i ! 4 f i a ‘ victoria embankment new palace yard awe % “a = vies ~ = - ” ) =oee~, am, . x ‘i , i oy a u , , , eee . ' 2 a owe aw ew se te ome eee wees he eee ee ~ = street - - st margarets -\" . ~ = teed man wa fic. 1.—diagram illustrating the gyratory system, in operation in parliament square, london. count taken at the same 14 points gave a total of 458,376, an increase of 57.02%. the outstanding feature on the london streets is the motor-omnibus, of which in the year 1913 the num- ber licensed was 3,664. by jan. 1 1924, the number had risen to 5,311, and by oct. 1 1925 te6 5,502. in the year 1913 the pas- sengers carried by omnibuses numbered 736,c00,000; in 1924, 1,485,000,000; while in 1925 a total of 1,600,000,000 was comput- ed to have been reached. the important part played by the london county council’s tramways can be estimated from the state- ment that their tramcars carry more than 1,000,000 passengers during the six busiest hours of the day. on the victoria km- bankment 400 tramcars pass every hour. expressed in millions the numbers of passengers carried by the various forms of transport in london have been estimated as follows: subur- ban trunk a year bailes |g does | era) sa ol: “total ways grounc ay (esti- mated) i9t3 . 450 298 s12 736 2,296 igi9 . 505 480 1,064 86i 2,910 1923 . 488 367 1,001 1,214 3,070 1924 . 474 309 983 1,485 | 3,311 in 1925 a grand total of 3,524,000,000 was reached. the in- crease in the volume of traffic is out of all proportion to the growth of population. a principal factor in the increase of congestion on the streets is the growth and spread of the travel habit. it has been estimated that whereas in the year 1900 every londoner, man, woman and child, travelled 158 times avear, that figure had risen in the year 1925 to 460. ‘the burden thus thrown upon the transport agencies 1s even greater than these figures would indicate, owing to the fact that the “peak ” periods of the day are now more compressed. ‘the hours of industrial workers having been shortened, their travel period now tends to coincide with that of the clerk and ware- houseman, with the result that travelling facilities have to be provided for a heavier peak traffic concentrated within a shorter number of hours. remedies.—the remedies for traffic congestion on the streets are easier to enumerate than to apply. first and foremost all wanton obstructions should be removed; fountains, clock-towers, refuges, obelisks, horse-troughs and such like structures erected in the leisurely days of an earlier century must justify their ex- istence in the hight of changed circumstances. street traders and stalls must be relegated to side streets; slow and heavy vehicles must be prohibited from using, during the busy hours of the day, certain routes in which rapid movement 1s indispen- sable; the position of the great markets must be reconsidered in order that the streams of ponderous traffic to which they give rise may not choke all-important adjacent arteries. by extending railway sidings into markets, now served by road, much of the congestion on the latter might be relieved. parallel routes —<a useful purpose may be served by the ju- dicious sign-posting of parallel routes, so that inexperienced drivers may be induced to leave the overcrowded roads and make use of less familiar thoroughfares. a ylance at the map of our great cities will show how many such alternatives are already available and how many more might be rendered feasible by the demolition of a few buildings which interrupt the continuity of a line of streets. in many instances greater advantage would accrue from the completion of an alternative route by the acqui- sition of such obstructive buildings than from the customary widening at enormous cost of the principal thoroughfare by the demolition of one entire frontage. two roads are better than one, seeing that an accident may at any time have the effect of closing a single thoroughfare, however wide. unavoidable trafic stoppages due to road repairs can be shortened in many cases by the use of quick-setting cements and the introduction of pneumatic tools for breaking up old foundations. in the 818 busiest thoroughfares repairs should proceed uninterruptedly day and night. co-ordination between adjoining highway authorities would prevent the annoyance of parallel routes being simultane- ously closed for repair. the extreme need of some co-ordinating body for london led to the creation in 1924 of the london and home counties traffic advisory committee, which reports to the minister of transport upon all matters affecting transit in that populous area. single-way trafic.—narrow streets which are so situated as to form useful lines of communication can often be advanta- geously utilised as single-way routcs, a practice which has been widely adopted in paris, where no less than 105 streets are re- served for one-way traffic. obviously the facilities for establish- ing alternative routes and single-way routes are greatest in cities which have been methodically laid out on a fairly rectangular plan. in cities of haphazard growth more formidable difficulties will arise. the delay intlicted upon trafhic at busy cross roads can be eliminated by the enforcement of gyratory movement in the rare cases where space permits, or by the construction of a bridge or tunnel enabling one stream of traffic to pass over the other—a device that is only rendered feasible by a convenient configuration of the ground. the ample dimensions of the “places ” of paris have enabled gyratory movement to be insti- tuted at 19 traffic centres, whereas in london the experiment was tried in jan. 1926, for the first time, in aldwych and parlia- ment square (see fig. 1) where its success has led to its exten- sion to other trafic centres. | ii. in the united states new york.—a distinctive aspect is given to the traffic problem of new york by the grouping within a restricted central area (manhattan) of sky-scrapers, (woolworth, singer, equitable, etc.) accommodating thousands of workers whose movements create congestion of perilous intensity. somewhat similar con- ditions prevail in the “ loop ” district of chicago, where never- theless only some few of the buildings exceed 17 storeys in height but where the day population exceeds 2,500 per ac., as compared with 614 per ac. in the city of london. the difficulties thus created are aggravated by the almost universal ownership of motor-cars in the united states, where in some towns one car 1s counted for every five inhabitants (men, women and children). europe can produce nothing comparable with the transit prob- lems presented by the massing within the woolworth building in new york of a working population of 14,000 souls—exclusive of visitors. the impossibility of providing stances for motor vehicles within easy walking distance of such a building is likely to militate against the more extended urban use of the automo- bile. it has been pointed out by dr. raymond unwin that if only one in 10 of the occupants of the woolworth building wished to park a car it would be necessary to provide for that purpose exclusively a carriageway 60 ft. wide and three quarters of a mile long. chicago.—at chicago, within the “ loop ” district, the streets which represent no less than 40°% of the ground-space are quite inadequate to carry the present traflic, and of the 60,000 motor- cars owned by the occupants of the “‘ loop ” only 3,500 can find standing-room within the district. temporary relief is afforded by the large open space set aside for grant park, where as many as 25,000 motor-cars have been seen parked at one time. regulations of traffic—the ever-growing demands made upon the police for the marshalling and regulation of street traflic have led to the introduction, in many cities, of mechanical sig- nalling devices designed to reduce the staff and lighten their labours. among such devices are the lamps now installed at cross roads on some of the paris boulevards, which, by means of red and green lights, signal tratlic to stop on one thorough- fare and proceed on the other, reversing these instructions at regular intervals, so that in each direction the flow of traffic is alternately held up and released. in some instances the change of signals is heralded by the sounding of a bell. in the larger ameri- can cities light-towers have been introduced as a means to the more scientific marshalling of traffic. these towers, erected at traffic problems convenient points, are regulated from a master control tower, so that the trafic extending for a distance of from three to seven m. can be alternately held up and released, the period of arrest being carefully calculated in proportion to the relative volume of north-south traffic and east-west traffic respectively, so that the heavier stream may have the longer period of tlow. iii. some suggestions circumferential roads —whatever eflorts may be made to take full advantage of the roads already in use, the vast increase in vehicular traffic will in most of our growing cities call for the provision of additional thoroughfares. while the radial roads may be tolerably adequate it will usually be found that suitable circumferential roads are wanting, save in the case of towns whose fortifications have given place to a ring road. relief to the congested centre of a city can often be most readily afforded by the building of circular roads which enable traffic to pass round the outskirts. by suitable regulations it should then be possible to limit the passage through the crowded centre to vehicles whose business legitimately requires their presence there. little hardship is intlicted upon drivers who are relegated to the circular road, seeing that, although their journey may be longer, the time occupied is less, owing to the absence of conges- tion. as a good example of this type of route may be cited the circular road, 26 m. long, in 1926 approaching completion round the north of london. town planning.—for the provision of new relief-roads in areas still undeveloped much can be done by the adoption of town planning procedure which enables the line of route to be laid down several years in advance, with a view to its ultimate construction as and when the land traversed is developed for building purposes. co-ordination.—at the root of the traffic problem in great centres of population lies the difficulty that the present local government boundaries usually have no relation whatever to the wider traffic region upon which the welfare, the work and the very existence of the city depend. concerted action for the common good is defeated by the multiplicity and divergent in- terests of the small administrative units which encircle the city. in the aggregate the resources of the greater community forming the traflic region are amply suflicient to provide the remedies which are admitted to be necessary, but the application of these resources to the desired purpose is impracticable, in the absence of some public body empowered to determine the best means of promoting improvement schemes and to apportion the cost over the traflic region which ultimately benefits. until this power of apportionment can be exercised there are insur- mountable obstacles to the execution of vital improvements in poverty-stricken administrative areas, where local conditions often generate traflic delays reacting injuriously upon the whole traffic region. an authority exercising control over such a traffic region would naturally be charged with the duty of co-ordinating the different traffic agencies and means of transit, so as to elimi- nate wasteful competition and the congestion to which it gives rise. certain routes would be reserved for trams or trolley vehi- cles, others for motor-buses, others for underground railways. the number of vehicles plying on various routes would be re- stricted to the needs of the travelling public, instead of being dependent upon the varying fortunes of the struggle between rival undertakings. it is indeed questionable how much longer the interests of the citizen can tolerate the use of the public high- way as the arena for unrestricted traffic competition. franchises —many great cities have already had to adopt a ‘“ franchise ”’ system, under which exclusive privileges are con- ferred upon particular traffic agencies in return for guaranteed services at prescribed fares. even if the inconvenience of traflic congestion due to free competition were less marked, the argu- ments for some form of “ franchise ’’ system would still be cogent, owing to the fact that the fresh capital which is urgently required for the modernisation and extension of certain traffic agencies will not be forthcoming unless some security is afforded to those operating the undertaking. training camps railway electrification.—the need for additional resources is acutely felt by congested suburban railways constructed in the days of steam traction. electrification of such lines is often the only means of increasing their carrying capacity and great activ- ity prevails in the application of this remedy. as an instance may be quoted the electrification of the london suburban lines of the southern railway, involving the conversion of 650 m. of track, at a cost of nearly £8,000,000. the traflic flow of a railway being governed in large measure by its terminal capacity, the aim must be to enable the largest number of trains to enter and leave the terminal. it has been claimed that thanks to electrifi- cation the capacity of terminals can be increased by 150% , so that five trains would run where two ran formerly (see railways, electrification of). 7 : future developments.——casting a prophetic glance forward one can discern certain directions in which the development of our civic, social and industrial life may be fundamentally affected by the pressure of the traffic problem. there is already a tend- ency towards the creation of self-contained satellite towns of moderate size where the citizen can live within an easy walk of his work and yet within sight of the green fields. the adminis- trative centres of capital cities can be relieved by moving to the open outskirts of towns certain offices and departments which do not require an absolutely central position. as open spaces in central districts become rarer and rarer we may see legislation promoted to safeguard such squares and gardens as have escaped the builder. oo continuous use of offices —it is conceivable that the high rental value of office accommodation in the heart of great cities and the increasing closeness of business contact between coun- tries of every latitude may lead to the continuous usc of offices throughout the day and night, with the result that the volume of passenger traffic to and from the suburbs would be better dis- tributed. it is perhaps significant that several london restau- rants should remain open throughout the 24 hours. a time may indeed be in sight when the problem of transport will be the dominating influence in moulding the life of the citizen in every highly developed industrial community. (h. my.) training camps.—prior to 1913 the people of the united states, although certain to be involved in the approaching world crisis, had made no military preparation which would enable them to play their appropriate part in the struggle for civilisation. impelled by an appreciation of this situation, and realising that the interest necessary for properly meeting it could best be built up through the youth of the country, maj. general leonard wood took up in 1913, as chief of staff of the army, with the secretary of war, lindley m. garrison, the project of establishing training camps for duly qualified youths, and obtained his approval. the project was pushed forward by general wood in the following three years. 1923 camps.—the 1913 camps, known as students’ military instruction camps, were held at gettysburg, pa., and monterey, cal., and were made up principally of college students. the total number in camps was 244. those at gettysburg formed a permanent organisation, which became known as the national reserve corps, and had for its purpose the building up of a corps of reserve officers. the results at gettysburg and monterey were such that these first camps attracted immediate and favourable recognition, and were the seeds from which sprang the plattsburg camps. the active co-operation of the universities and high schools was secured through the efforts of genera! wood and president drinker of lehigh university, who took steps leading to the organisation of an advisory committee con- sisting of the outstanding university executives in the united states. 1914 camps.—the following year (1914) camps were estab- lished at fort ethan allen, burlington, vt.; asheville, n.c.; ludington, mich.; and monterey, california. the total number in the different camps was 667. these aroused a gradually growing interest, reinforced by considerations growing out of the outbreak of the world war, and the department of war determined that four such camps should be established during 819 the summer of rors, at chickamauga park, ga.; plattsburg n.y. (three camps); ludington, mich.; and at the presidio, san francisco, california. the total number of men who passed through the camps during this year was 3,406. the camps were no longer limited to students from colleges and high schools, but were open to men from all walks of life who had the necessary physical qualifications and showed sound qualities of leadership. as plattsburg was the largest training centre, the camps, wher- evcr held, began to be called “ plattsburg camps.” the army report—speaking of the training camps, the chief of staff of the army, in his annual report for 1915, said: the reports show that the results have fully justified the establish- ment of these camps... . aside from the military instructions given these students and business men, i feel that the interest in preparedness which leads these men not only to give their time to the government but to incur the expense of buying uniforms and paying for transportation to the camps is of great value to the country, and should be encouraged by the war department. these camps have passed the experimental stage, and there can hardly be any question as to the advisability of continuing them and extending them where the conditions of service of regular troops are such as to permit the department to send troops and instructors to the camps. men with means probably do not object to paying the necessary funds to get the military training which the government expects to use in case of need. this, however, does not make it right. men who are not so fortunately fixed financially should be permitted to show their patriotism and interest in preparing the country for war. if these camps are of value, which undoubtedly they are, and are to be con- tinued, certain roel expenses of the men willing to give their time should be met by the government. developments in 1916.—in 1916 a series of four camps, each for a month, was held at plattsburg, n.y.; a camp of one month’s duration for boys at fort terry, n.y.; a series of six camps of two weeks’ intensive training at wadsworth, n.y., for the police of new york city; and a series of three camps, each for a month, at oglethorpe, georgia. over 16,000 men were passed through the camps. in 1917, applicants for the camps numbered 130,000, and had the united states not gone into the war in the spring well over 100,000 men would have been trained in these volun- teer training camps. during the winters of 1915-6 and 1916-7 courses were opened in boston, new york, providence, detroit, pittsburgh, philadelphia, and other cities for the instruction and examination of applicants for reserve commissions, and through them were cdleveloped a large number of officers who played a vital part in the training of the great war levies. war training centers —when the united states entered the world war these hastily but intensively trained enthusiastic men were invaluable. they furnished the nucleus of civilian officers with which to begin the great work of developing 200,000 officers, and added a valuable and indispensable force to the scanty number of regular officers and national guard officers available for the training of men. in the spring of 1917 the fed- eral government took over the whole task and established a series of camps for the training of officers for the war. under authority of section 54, national defence act, 1916, the secre- tary of war directed the establishment of 16 citizens’ training camps throughout the united states at the following points: platisburg barracks, n.y. (two camps); madison barracks, n.y.; fort niagara, n.y.; fort myer, va.; fort oglethorpe, ga.; fort mcpherson, ga.; fort benjamin harrison, ind. (two camps); fort sheridan, ill. (two camps); fort logan h. roots, ark.; fort snelling, minn.; fort riley, kans.; leon springs, tex.; presidio of san francisco, california. officers’ training camps.—the training camps for officers were ordered to be ready for the reception of reserve officers about may 8, for candidates for commission may 14, and the course of instruction was to beginon may 15 1917. the minimum age for attendance was 20 years and nine months; the max- imum age, 44 years. in addition to the foregoing, general order 119, war department 1917, established a training camp at fort winfield scott, cal., for the training of members of the coast artillery section of the officers’ reserve corps residing within the territorial limits of the western department, and a similar camp at fort monroe, va., for the balance of the coast artillery re- serve corps officers. these training camps began operation on 820 sept. 22 1917. a medical officers’ training camp was also estab- lished in 1917 at camp greenleaf, fort oglethorpe, georgia. other camps for officers were established at the headquarters of the various divisions, the courses being essentially the same as those at the former officers’ camps. the period allotted for the development of an officer at the government training camps was three months. the work was intensive and hard. it was an attempt, in the rush and confusion of war, to produce officers in the minimum period of time. the purpose was to turn out the largest possible number of platoon leaders and a limited number of company commanders and officers of field grade. the same general plan was carried out at the training camps for officers in the quartermaster corps, medical corps and other staff corps. the courses involved much hard work and were necessarily defective in some particulars, but they served to turn out many tens of thousands of officers with elementary training which was later supplemented by their work with the divisional organisa- tions to which they were assigned. public support—theodore roosevelt gave the full support of his great prestige and influence in the upbuilding of the camps, and never lost an opportunity to impress upon the public their importance and to push forward their development. men too numerous to mention, men who are leaders in every walk of life, co-operated to the limit of their ability in the upbuilding of these camps, and in waking the country to an appreciation of the gravity of the situation and the need of preparation. the camps were a great force in firing the public conscience and rousing the people to a realisation of their obligation to prepare the country for defence and to do their part in the great struggle then threatening the world. (l. wo.)",
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