{ "system": "GoGuides Verified Text", "api_version": "verified-text-v1", "status": "ok", "response_type": "verified_text_record", "source_key": "britannica_1926", "source_title": "Encyclopaedia Britannica (1926)", "license_code": "public_domain", "attribution": null, "license_url": null, "chunk_id": "1926:taxation:46b9e5ba2f0d", "title": "TAXATION", "section": null, "hash_alg": "sha256", "hash_sha256": "718b403785d421fdd61ace440c3c6bf225567cf9227530cac083fa18258c1774", "normalizer": { "name": "ggnorm", "version": "1.0" }, "verified_text": "in a post-war discussion of the fun- damental principles of taxation mr. andrew w. mellon, secretary of the treasury of the united states, said that a sound tax policy should (1) produce sufficient revenue for the government; (2) lessen as far as possible the burden on those least able to bear it; and (3) remove influences which retard the development of business and industry. in substance that programme is merely another method of stating the canons of taxation laid down by adam smith—equality or ability, certainty, convenience and economy. one authority has suggested that these in turn resolve themselves into one grand principle of economy. in this connection, how- ever, economy is a highly technical term, and-not the mere re- duction of expenditure which is the misleading feature of much of our popular debate. views of tax authorities mr. mellon also argued that a tax system should be designed not for one or two years, or from the standpoint of any given class; it should apply to a long period, and with a view to its effect on the prosperity of the country asa whole. while his appeal was addressed mainly to the american public grappling with what he considered the high income-tax following the world war, and was certainly influenced by the unmistakable tendency in the united states to make ever larger investment in the remarkable volume of tax-exempt securities, the message was regarded as one equally appropriate in great britain, certainly in the conditions which had followed the european conilict. in any review of british taxation in the period since 1910 the practical revolution in finance after r914 must be the dominating feature; but how- ever great the spectacular changes fundamental principles re- main. mr. mellon’s contribution was necessarily general. it was perhaps too strongly an appeal from the bosom of large-scale business, with the almost exclusive suggestion that taxation had only to be reduced to make the clesert blossom as the rose. in his newmarch lectures for 1919 sir josiah stamp went very much nearer to realities. concentrating on the four points that taxation is to-day a dominating feature of daily life, that there is much greater complexity in modern economic conditions, that there is now a growing field of state activity, and that above all there is the financial legacy of the world war, he proceeded to a three-fold analysis from the standpoint of the taxpayer, of the govt. acting for the community in its state organisation, and of the community asa producing or economic society. such a method would enable us to understand the principles and the trend of taxation at any time. but it is specially valuable in an effort to understand the period 1910-26. for that period ts in many re- spects a vivid illustration of the truth of his statement that most taxes in practice represent the best practical compromise in the three standpoints that can be arranged in the particular circum- stances of the time. tue principle of ability to pay the largely increased burden of taxation in great britain that followed the boer war and to a greater extent the european con- flict suggested fresh analysis of theprincipleof ability to pay. it has not in practice done more than modify to a small extent the meth- ods previously in force. the benefit principle (or the payment of taxation in proportion to benefit derived from public service of one kind and another) appealed to many who were influenced by new doctrines alfecting the recognition of personal and public sacrifice in post-war conditions. natural but impracticable was sir josiah stamp’s summary of the principle; and events conhrm the impression that even in times of great financial upheaval the principle must be regarded from the standpoint of what is practi- cable. recourse to the principle of ability to pay is inevitable; but ability must be measured by something more than the mere possession of monetary resources. that test should be supple- mented by reference to the consumption of certain commodities which, if not among the strict necessaries of life, have been re- garded by marshall and other leading economists as among the conventional necessaries or minor comforts. broadly speaking the period 1910-26 has witnessed a desire to taxation relieve necessaries, and to-day the proportion of revenue raised from indirect as compared with direct taxation is 36-64, as against the pre-war tendency to raise revenue as far as possible on the basis of 50-50. no particular reason or merit attached to that apparent equality. indirect taxation is not so strictly rela- ted to ability to pay; but, assuming for the moment inability to pass on to consumers more than a limited part of direct taxa- tion, indirect taxes are defended on the ground that they reach the masses for a reasonable contribution which can be collected by direct taxation only with very great difficulty, who under a much more comprehensive scheme of income tax than anyone is prepared to propose would in any event have been liable for little | or no direct taxation, and who prefer to pay in the price of the commodity in the belief (however unsound economically) that the indirect impost is not so heavy a burden. advocates of the “‘free breakfast table” are still alive, and reasonably active. they cannot, however, ignore the appalling load the state has to carry, and their effort now is not so much to get rid of indirect taxation altogether as to see that it falls on commodities hich can always be regarded as quasi-luxurious or definitely luxurious in character. personal taxation.—in the same period there has also been definite consolidation of the movement away from real or specific taxes (that is, on property or annual valuation) to personal taxes, described by most writers as the transition from objective to sub- jective. the objective is still powerful in local rating, by no means a negligible aspect of present-day taxation. in the country as a whole the movement to “ sensitive subjective taxation ” is unde- nixble. these principles were abundantly illustrated in the pro- ceedings before the royal commission on the income tax in rogro, in its report of the following year, and in many of the parliamen- tary discussions on the application of tax-concessions which it rec- ommended. early approaches to personal taxation broke down. proper taxation on income is impossible in a community not reasonably advanced in people and government. the evidence tendered to the royal commission, together with much of the recent analysis of british economic organisation, shows that the foundations for personal or subjective taxation are now broad and secure. the administrative and other machinery is ample. although in many respects great britain lags behind the united states and certain other countries, her statistical measure- ment of social and industrial conditions has made progress. in industry the elimination of small-scale production and inefficient bookkeeping, and the appearance of public company, combine and trust—all involving some progress in the publicity which mr. sidney webb among others has urged as desirable—have made it easier to ascertain the precise allocation to individuals. and the movement tends to be further consolidated by adminis- trative practice like deduction of tax at the source, that is, before the dividend reaches the taxpayer at all, giving the state on the one hand its revenue at an earlier moment, and with greater se- curity, and on the other awakening the interest of the taxpayer in the gencral system at all events in claiming the refund of some- thing less than deduction at the maximum scale, which is for him the effective rate. but in spite of all the developments of recent years there is still no country in the world in which the system of taxation 1s strictly true to first or fundamental principles. in great britain, as else- where, there are many of the accidents of commercial and political conditions. there are innumerable curious historical survivals. one by one, like inhabited house duty, they tend to dis- appear. all that can be said with firm accuracy is that, everything considered, the tendency since 1910 has been towards a certain simplification in the midst of a auite definite hardening in favour of personal or subjective tax. methods of assessment.—turning now to the strictly individ- ual standpoint of the british taxpayer, the facts are plain and even simple. the method of regarding income by the year remains subject to the modification of quarterly assessment for weekly wage-earners. that is one concession to the shorter period. there is fresh insistence on the rule that tax should follow closely the period of computation. the royal commission on the income taxation tax recognised that deduction at the source, covering a large part of the aggregate income yearly brought under review, formed a great safeguard for the revenue; but it also recommended that in the wide sphere of business profits, commonly known as sched- ule d, the three years’ average should be abolished. undeniably the year of assessment is the ideal basis; as a matter of practical politics the commission proposed the preceding year, and that recommendation was embodied in the finance bill of 1926. no real inroad has been made on the principle of annual value in this country. america emphasises capital value; only to a very limited extent is that found in the british system. nor is there definite tendency to bring within the scope of income tax the profits of occasional transactions in stocks, shares or other classes of property. only when such transactions become so regular as to amount to settled business do they take their place in the taxable material of the time. for large numbers of individual taxpayers there has been more controversy regarding the suggestion that the dividend resulting from co-operative trading should be taxed. that the gain derived from mutual trading should be regarded as a profit in the ordinary commercial sense has been hotly disputed. most gov- ernments have come to the conclusion that, whatever the eco- nomic merits of the dispute, any attempt so to tax the dividends of nearly 5,000,000 of the community is not worth the candle, mainly because the great majority would be entitled to refund as not coming within the present range of income-tax after family and other allowances have been conceded, and partly because the co- operative movement has but to lower the prices of its commodi- ties to eliminate any distribution at all in dividend form and therefore to take away the taxable material. comparisons of municipal trading with ordinary private trading profits have been erroneous; most of them have suggested that income tax enters into costs, a contention which is still generally regarded as unsound, progressive taxation on income (that is, increasing in rate as the income increases) is now universal; practice in the period under review has been all in the direction of entrenching it more firmly than ever in the british system. mcculloch took the odd view that taxpayers should be left in the same relative position in which they had been found! not even the strongest opponent of direct taxation would to-day offer that argument on a public platform. most of the economists have reminded us that progression rests on the diminishing utility of money or wealth to its possessor; and to that basic principle there is no real challenge in the argument that wants satisfied by early in- crements to income are of more importance than wants satisfied by late increments, an argument advanced apparently by way of modification. but for present-day purposes the practical justi- fication of progression is usually its place in the campaign for social improvement. professor marshall spoke of the state using its powers for prompting such economic and social adjustments as will make for the well-being of the people at large. much has been made of the doctrine of least aggregate sacrifice. perhaps the only check has been the economic effect of exces- sive taxation on capital aceretion, and the danger that that may in turn react upon the people in their employment and industrial progress. at certain levels taxation may amount to confiscation; and it is sometimes contended that the doubts entertained by some of the opponents of graduation last century have been justi- fled. the reply is probably complete. there is first the general desire to reduce taxation; secondly, a mass of concessions cover- ing business and family hfe; and thirdly, especially since 1915, growing recognitionof the fact that at best taxation is onlyalimited and sometimes even a dangerous instrument for the readjustment of social conditions. on the last point the emphasis now laid on all manner of schemes for the alteration of ownership, in the sense of diffusion, cannot escape observation. and it is also recog- nised that there is an everlasting conflict of principle in the meas- urement of taxable ability by income and the economic and social importance of not discouraging (under any system of indus- trial ownership) the accumulation of capital. reference has been made to the taxation of special ability to 735, pay. since rg1o this problem has been represented in efforts to impose duties on the increment value of land. the common argu- ment is that that increment, especially in large centres, is not due to the work or sacrifice of the owner, but almost entirely to the enterprise and growth of the surrounding community; that in effect the value is publicly created, and should be in the main pub- licly appropriated; and that the case for such appropriation is all the stronger when such steps will promote or hasten schemes of civic betterment and force land into remuncrative use. more cautious minds have tried to plead that the increment may be in many cases the “ accumulation of compound interest ona site that waited a long time before ripening into full salability.”? here the analysis need not be pressed, for even if such an element is ad- mitted it is true that there is much increment which is clearly the property of the community. the period in question witnessed a complicated attempt in great britain to secure a considerable proportion of this increment for the people, but the attempt, now abandoned, perhaps owed its lack of success mainly to failure to apply the system effectively to the remarkable complexity of the laws affecting real property. during the world war that form of taxation was in difficulty and there was much keener interest in the discussion of corpora- tion profits tax, taxation of war wealth, excess profits duty and capital levy, all of which represented efforts to secure for the community (partly as an immediate contribution to revenue and in the case of the capital levy for the specific reduction of war debt) some portion of the windfall or special gain which war con- ditions had brought to certain sections of the people. to a se- lect committee of the house of commons the inland revenue authorities stated that a tax on war wealth was administratively practicable. the labour movement in particular pleaded for a levy on capital. both proposals were rejected by successive govts.; but excess profits duty and corporation profits tax were applied. ‘the former tax took a basic or standard year in the profits of the business brought within the duty; above that standard percentages of the war profits were taken in taxation; but in fi- nance acts following the war firms were allowed the set-off of subsequent loss, with the result that the net yield to the excheq- uer must in the long run be comparatively small. corporation profits tax was a tax on the undistributed profits of certain com- panies. it has been abolished. it would, however, be wrong to suggest that these facts are due entirely to the difficulty of intro- ducing any form of taxation on windfall or special ability to pay in great britain. they were powerful in doctrine and revenue during the war; but ltke many other special devices they could not survive industrial depression. in other words, british econom- ic conditions were not favourable to their obtaining a permanent place in our fiscal system. meanwhile there were constant ref- erences to the taxation of special ability abroad, notable in the public imposts on cash prizes in australian lotteries; and even- tually, in 1926, the chancellor of the exchequer announced a 5% duty on betting turnover in great britain, not, however, so much on the basis of windfall or special ability to pay as on the sugges- tion that betting was a luxury which anyone could give up at will and was, in the special circumstances of the time, appropriate taxable material. indirect taxation side by side with the tendencies described there has been un- wearying analysis of indirect taxation. in taxation on expendi- ture it is recognised that no duty on commodities can be properly progressive; that if arlicles in common use are taken, as they must be to give security to the revenue, the system is generally regres- sive; and that countrics which have extensive tariffs are generally rich in illustration of the manner in which the burden varies in- versely to ability to pay. but, as has been already suggested, in- direct taxation cannot in debate stand by itself. if that were possible there would be no economic defence. for all practical purposes to-day and this has been specially emphasised in the re- markable revenue conditions since 1910o—it must be regarded as a preferably minor part of a wider general scheme of taxation, 736 always to be carefully scrutinised, and calculated to reach an area which cannot be effectively tapped by direct taxation. this has suggested the selection of a wide list of commodity taxes which at- tack the non-functional element in spending (or the clement not strictly necessary to the discharge of duty by the individual af- fected) in a manner which income tax could not attempt. but from the sphere of income tax, where regard is had to the family as a unit for fiscal purposes, there is some encouragement of this doctrine in the indirect area. a tax on turnover (see turnover tax) is large-scale applica- tion of taxation to expenditure, but while it is taken as the basis for the british betting duty proposals it is not elsewhere practical politics. few taxes are so thoroughly unfair in their incidence, and few lend themselves so readily to evasion, so that the funda- mental arguments against the device are at all times powerful. broadly speaking, therefore, in indirect taxation there had been a movement away from the 50% allocation of burden in raising total revenue in great britain; concessions have been given on the strict necessaries of life; indirect taxation has been centred on minor comforts and on luxuries; and under the govt. which took office in 1924 there has been substantial recourse to the non- functional surplus in spending. concluding this summary from the standpoint of the individ- ual it may be said that there has been little or no taxation of capi- talas such. in certain wasting assets, such as leaseholds, there is in practice some mixture of taxation of income and of capital; but this tendency, limited as it is, should be corrected when the brit- ish parliament adopts the programme for the treatment of wast- ing assets which was recommended by the royal commission on the income tax in 1919. some general principles since in great britain the movement towards personal or sub- jective taxation is pronounced, the review must be devoted very largely to that aspect. the standpoint of the state and of the community is, however, of importance. sir josiah stamp has summarised the questions which confront the community in ask- ing whether the proposed tax is economical, workable, specially open to evasion or dishonesty, likely to dry up the source and prove abortive to the revenue, raise political difficulties and create unrest or raise international problems and provoke conflict with other taxing jurisdictions. since 1911, but more especially in the international issues raised after the world war in interminable debt adjustment, these ques- tions have occupied a large place in domestic fiscal legislation. domestic imposts and the problems raised by fiscal relationships with other countries are, of course, very closely related. the whole range of discussion is in fact raised in the simplest issues. of late the community has had to consider carefully the inci- dence of taxation. will a tax of certain weight on tea diminish consumption and encourage the use of substitutes? will a turn- over tax play into the hands of larger firms which control the va- rious stages of production and distribution, to the disadvantage of their smaller competitors? is there a case to-day for the special taxation of certain industries? or will such taxation in practice cause a fall in the value of their stocks such as will amount to cap- italisation of the tax? the consideration of such questions has helped great britain to preserve reasonable balance of direct and indirect taxation, with a tendency to reduce the latter; to avoid the dangers of turnover taxation; and, in the main, to avoid dif- ferential taxation. for it is clear that the last is in reality a form of confiscation for present owners, just as differential exemption or privilege tends to be a bonus to present owners. but there is still much differential privilege, as in the conces- sions to agriculture and the method of assessing the profits of farmers, now on the basis of the annual valuation of their hold- ings. recognising the danger of this underlying doctrine the royal commission on the income tax unanimously recommend- ed that farmers should be brought under schedule 1) for taxation on actual profit like other trading classes of the community. so far that recommendation has not been adopted. still, it is a defi- nite statement of sound economic practice in the field of differen- taxation tial treatment, even if it must be admitted that the finance acts of recent years in great britain contain many minor concessions which, taken together, come dangerously near to substantial attack on the principle. certain old taxes like some of the land taxes are, so to speak, no taxes, since they have been capitalised. of the economic ef- fect of the death duties, which are admittedly a tax on capital, the reasoned conclusion appears to be that at worst “‘ a new capi- tal form has been prevented from coming into being,”’ that much depends on what the govt. does with the money, that if the use is remunerative the net effect on national capital is nil, and that the real problem is not so much any immediate adverse effect of the death duties as the dynamic aspect (from the standpoint of ac- cumulation) over a series of years. practice since rgro has again entrenched such duties; economically the argument that they should be specifically allocated for debt reduction is both credit- able and sound, since they are of the nature of capital levy; but on the other hand the british exchequer has gencrally supported the growing objection to anything of the nature of an assigned revenue, an attitude strikingly illustrated in the proposals affecting the road fund in the finance bill of 1926. the ulterior objects of taxation vary; most of the critics regar d them as allowable, subject to the condition that they are always secondary. in so far as they attempt the redistribution of wealth, for example, they should be limited by the doctrine of fair pro- gression. inso far as import duliecs—a growing phase of the brit- ish fiscal system since rg1r0—are imposed the argument is that they should not reduce the aggregate volume of trade; but in that connection the ulterior object is much more debatable. in the period under review there has been no substantial modifica- tion of britain’s system of free imports. the war and post-war programme has been first of all an effort to safeguard, by uniform duty, certain industrics believed to be vital in time of emergency; and secondly, again as a rule, by uniform duty of 333 %, to givea form of protection to home producers against imported commodi- ties enjoying the export advantage of depreciated exchange, pro- duced under conditions abroad calculated to give unfair advan- tage to the country of origin, or reaching great britain in such quantities as to amount to “‘ dumping ”’ in the sense of being re- tuined within these islands in competitive sale with british goods. finally, post-war financial conditions have revived discussion of many of the intricacies of the limits of taxable capacity. it is one of the abiding problems of taxation, but the large budgets of recent times, the difficulties of the repayment of govt. debt, and the question as to how far germany could be made to pay for the war (including the searching analysis which preceded the intro- duction of the dawes scheme) have led to much wider discussion. it has proved remarkably hard to arrive at the relative capacity of different countries to bear taxation, but the ultimate test has been what is left to the inhabitants together with what they de- rive from outside their own borders. the manner in which wealth is distributed is a material factor, and there is always the duty of observing a close relationship in consumption and production lev- els. in great britain much has been made in debate of “ pre- war standards,” a basis which is often irrelevant and misleading in the changed conditions which confront national finance. but broadly there is now much better recognition of the fact that the limit of taxable capacity is not absolute or fixed. the essential considerations are that much depends on the uses to which the revenue js put; great importance must be attached to the spirit of the people who are bearing the taxation, and the manner in which they regard it; the way in which the laxat ion is raised may of it- self largely influence the position; and effective use can be made of the truth that great advantage is to be derived from the employ- ment of resources for the reduction of debt, especially external debt. these principles underlay the determination of the british govt. in 1922 to fund, under arrangement with the united states of america, what was by far the largest part of their pest-war ex- ternal indebtedness. to a country depending largely on overseas trade, and therefore committed to a long view of the exchange problem, such a course was inevitable. but it had to be supported aaylor—tea by drastic taxation at home, and by the rigorous balancing of budgets, together with reasonable provision for debt redemption, all of which were linked up with the preparation for return to the gold standard and the re-establishment of london as the finan- cial centre of the world. to that end the system of taxation, es- pecially since the conclusion of the world war, has made re- markable contribution. (see also capital levy, excess prof- its, incomme tax, turnover tax and the sections on finance in the articles great britain; itaty; united states, etc.) bibliography.—sir j. stamp, british incomes and property (1896); fundamental principles of taxation (1921); wealth and taxable capacity (1922); g. f. shirras, science of public finance (1924). see also parliamentary debates, passim; finance acts (1910-26); report from the select committee on luxury duty, paper- no. rot (1918); report from the select committee on increase of wealth (var), paper no. 102 (1920); report of the royal commission on the income tax, 1919, cmd. 615 (1920). (w. gra.) taylor, frederick winslow (1856-1015) american engineer, was born march 20 1856, at germantown, pennsyl- vania. prevented by impaired eyesight from entering harvard university, for which he had prepared, he in 1874 began an apprenticeship as pattern-maker and machinist in a small phila- delphia shop. in 1878 he entered the employ of the midvale steel co. as yard labourer, but was promoted rapidly to time- keeper, gang boss, assistant foreman, foreman, assistant engi- neer and chief engineer (informally in 1884, formally in 1887). in the meantime, his eyesight having been restored, he earned by night study the m.e. degree from stevens institute. in 1898 he was employed by the bethlehem steel co., and after 1901 he devoted his entire time to forwarding by educational means the principles of scientific management (see article). as early as 1880 or 1881, while gang boss, controversy with workers had led him to realise the necessity of accurate measure- ment of what constituted a dav’s work on any operation. this in turn led to a series of careful experiments resulting in impor- tant achievements in two fields; in mechanical engineering, the discovery with maunsel white of a new method of tempering tool steel permitting metal-cutting operations at high speed (1898); and in the field of management, perfection of that sys- tem of shop management which came later to be known as scientific management. he died march 21 rors, at philadelphia. taylor’s publications include notes on belting (1893); the adjust- ment of wages to efficiency; a piece rate system (1896); on the art of cutting metals (1906); shop management (1911); the principles of scientific management (1911); and with s. e. thompson, 1 treatise on concrete, plain and reinforced, 3rd ed. (1916). see f. b. copley, frederick w. taylor, 2 vol. (1923). tea (sce 26.476).—in 1925 the international institute of agriculture at rome estimated the world production of tea at between 1,750 and 2,000 million pounds. the area under tea in india was in 1924 computed at 716,300 ac. of which 83% was in assam, darjeeling and jalpaiguri. of the 375,000,000 lb. produced in 1924, northern india accounted for 329,000,000 ib. and southern india for 46,000,000 pounds. four hundred and twelve thousand ac. produced in 1925 209,500,000 ib. of tea. in the same year the production in java amounted to 94,500,000 |b. from about 220,000 ac. and in sumatra the produce of 30,000 ac. totalled 17,000,000 pounds. as regards china which, unlike in- dia and ceylon, is a country of small producers, statistics of production are necessarily vague. ‘the total production is esti- mated at about 1,000,000,000 lb. annually, less than 100,000,000 lb. of which are exported. in japan 115,000 ac. are under tea, producing some 75,000,- ooo ib. annually, almost all being unfermented green tea, two- thirds of which is consumed in the country, the remainder being sent to the united states and to canada. the island of formosa has about 90,000 ac. planted, and produces from 30,000,000 to 35,000,000 ib. each year, most of it going to the united states. in africa, the natal tea industry is declining; but in nyasaland it is increasing, 5,000 ac. being planted on the slopes of the mlanje mountain: about 1,000,000 lb. were exported in 1925. in uganda and kenya experimental planting shows promise. a small quantity of annamese tea has appeared on the london (at market. in brazil attempts are being made to grow tea from assam seed, and in transcaucasia tea-growing 1s becoming an important industry. increase of world-consumption —the world-wide consumption of tea is increasing. the united kingdom is the largest con- sumer—during 1925 duty was paid on over 400,000,000 ib. for home consumption, equal to nearly nine lb. per head of the popula- tion. canada, australia, and new zealand show an even larger consumption per head. other countries are slowly acquiring the taste for tea, and energetic efforts are being made to develop the markets both in the united states and in france. in march 1924 the indian planters voted £20,000 for promoting the sale of their tea in france, and £40,000 for similar propaganda in the united states. it is expected that prohibition in the latter country will stimulate the demand for tea. before the war russia was a large consumer; her imports of other than china tea during the period 1909-13 averaging over 157,000,000 ib. per annum, of which 50% came from india, 25% from ceylon, and 25° from java. during 1925 direct shipments and re-exports to european russia totalled only 16,250,000 ib., of which about 45 % came from india, 35°% from ceylon and 20% from java. it is known that russia is taking large quantities from china overland. the soviet govt. by her trading system is securing large sup- plies, china being the main source. the method of financing the russian buying is not easily traceable on the market. the official buying organisation puts its business through brokers on a cash basis to some extent, but needing credit it also buys through groups of financiers in various countries who, in turn, operate through brokers or dealers. distribution of exports and imports.—the exports from producing countries in 1925 were as follows:— ib. northern india - 304,544,265 southern india 43,948,848 ccylon . 205,493,536 java | “94,037,988 sumatra 16,654,053 nyasaland : 1,114,633 china (estimated) 86,000,000 japan : 27,759,600 formosa . 20,842,800 total . . 800,395,723 imports into the principal consuming countries during 1925 were as follows:— ib. . 491,000,000 . 23,305,000 . 100,962,000 great britain irish free state ; linited states of america . australia 48,833,000 canada . : 35,785,000 new zealand 18,764,000 nlorocco 10,199,000 s. africa * 9,387,000 germany 8,934,000 egypt : ; : : : f i . 8,229,000 chile.