PROGRESSIVE PARTY

the title progressive party has been taken twice in the united states by third-party movements, first in the presidential campaign of 1912 and again in 1924. both movements represented revolts against the con- servative leadership of the republican party; both were led by prominent figures formerly of that party; and both sought to effect an alliance of the agrarian elements of the northwest with labour elements in the industrial sections of the country, as against the dominant financial and industrial interests of the north-central, atlanticand new england strongholds of the party. the progressive party movement of 1912 was heralded by the * insurgent ” outbreak among republican members of congress in r9gto, which succeeded in reducing considerably the powers of the speaker of the house of representatives. opposition to the administration of taft, then president, took concrete form early in 1911 when the national progressive republican league was organised under the leadership of senator r. m. la follette of wisconsin. during the following year, however, theodore roosevelt placed himself at the head of the progressive move- ment. alleging unfair tactics on the part of the “‘ old guard,” his followers left the republican national convention held in chicago (june 1912), and roosevelt was nominated for the presidency by a progressive national convention also held in chicago early in august of the same year. as a result the republican party was hopelessly split, roosevelt receiving a popular vote exceeding that of taft by more than 600,000. woodrow wilson, democratic candidate, was successful, obtain- ing the clectoral vote of all except eight states. although de- feated in this national campaign, the progressive movement was influential before and after 1912 on the course of affairs at washington, and it was directly instrumental in writing upon the statute books many states laws regulating corporations and labour, and establishing the initiative, referendum, recall, cor- rupt practices acts and direct primaries. in 1916 harmony was restored in the republican party, roosevelt returning to his former allegiance. during the world war partisanship was in abeyance, but upon its termination the old rift soon reappeared. the administration of harding en- countered increasing agrarian dissatisfaction, and this was true also of the first portion of the coolidge administration. in 1924 the contingent from wisconsin and neighbouring states, after sitting in the republican convention at cleveland, held a con- ference for progressive political action made up chiefly of farmer, labour and socialist delegates. senator r. m. la follette was nominated for the presidency, and later senator b. k. wheeler of montana for the vice-presidency. the platform promised a complete house cleaning in the executive departments, public control of national resources, public ownership of railways, tariff and tax reduction, agricultural relief, labour legislation, public referendums on peace and war, direct nomination and election of the president, extension of the initiative and referendum to the i’ederal govt., election of federal judges and a constitutional amendment providing that congress may by re-enacting a statute make it effective over a judicial veto. republican strat- egy during the campaign of 1924 consisted largely in denouncing the alleged ultra-radicalism of the la follette platform, particu- larly the planks concerning the judiciary, meanwhile for the most part ignoring democratic attacks. this strategy was completely successful, coolidge receiving an enormous majority both of the popular vote and in the electoral college. la follette carried only his own state, but polled almost a sixth of the popular vote. (see united states: history.) (r. c. b.) 229 prohibition.—as a legal term, prohibition is discussed in an earlier article (see 22.427) and as a phase of the temperance movement in connection with intoxicating liquor, and as a legislative method, especially under state and local option laws in the united states it is treated historically to 1910 in the article temperance (see 26.378). the closely related legislation since rg10, regulating the liquor traffic in great britain and other countries, including the united states, where it furnishes the necessary background for the understanding and interpreta- tion of prohibition, is reviewed in the article liquor laws (g.v.) (see also 16.759). with its adoption on a national scale by constitutional amendment, ratified jan. 16 rg19, by the necessary number of states, and in force over the entire territory of the united states one year thereafter, jan. 16 1920, prohibition became by common consent the greatest social experiment of modern times. the 18th amendment.—the 18th amendment to the constitu- tion of the united states reads as follows:— section 1. after one year from the ratification of this article the manufacture, sale, or transportation of intoxicating liquors within, the importation thereof into, or the exportation thereof from the united states and all territory subject to the jurisdiction thereof for beverage purposes is hereby prohibited. section 2. the congress and the several states shall have con- current power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. section 3. thisarticle shall be inoperative unlessit shall have been ratified as an amendment to the constitution by the legislatures votes tn state legislatures on ratification of eighteenth .lmendment senate house vote vote date | | 93 to 3 ( 1) mississippi 1- 8-18 | 28to 5] i- 8-18 (2) virginia ... . 1-10-18 | 30 to 8 i-11-18 | 94 to 13 ( 3) kentucky i-i4-18 | 28to 6 i-14-18 | 66 to 10 ( 4) south carolina | 1-18-18 | 28 to 6] 1-28-18 | 66 to 29 ( 5) north dakota 1-25-18 | 43 to 2 1-25-18 | 96 to i0 ( 6) maryland 2-13-18 | i8 to 7 | 2- 8-18 |] 58 to 36 (-7) nlontana: 2-19-18 | 35 to 2 2-18-18 | 77 to 8 ( 8) texas 2-28-18 | 15 to 7 | 3- 4-18 | 72 to 30 ( 9) delaware : 3-18-18 | 13 to 3] 3-14-18 | 27 to 6 (10) south dakota 3-19-18 | 43 to oo | 3-20-18] 86to ooo (11) alassachusetts f- 2-18 | 27 to12 | 3-26-18 {145 to 91 (12) arizona . 5-23-18 | 17 to o | 5-24-18 | 29 to 3 (13) georgia . 6-26-18 | 34 to 2 | 6-25-18 ]129 to 24 (14) louisiana 7- 6-18 | 21 to20 | 8- 8-18; 69 to 41 (15) florida 11-27-18 | 25 to 2 | 11-27-18 | 6g1to 43 (16) alichigan! ii- 2-19 | 30to o| i- 2-i9 | 88to 3 (17) ohio i- 7-19 | 20 to 12 i- 7-19 | 85 to 30 (18) oklahoma i- 7-19 | 43 to of} i- 7-19] 90 to 8 (19) maine i- 8-19 | 29 to o| i- 8-19 ]122 to 20 (20) idaho : i- 8-19 | 38to oo] i- 7-i9 | 62to oo (21) west virginia i- 9-19 | 27 to o| i- 9-19] 78to 3 (22) washington 1-13-19 | 42 to o | i-13-19 | 93to oo (23) tennessee i- 9-i9 | 28to 2 i-13-i9 | 82to 2 (24) california i-10-19 | 24 to 15 i-13-19 | 48 to 28 (25) indiana .. i-13-19 | 41 to 6] i-i4-19 | 87 to ii (26) illinois i- 8-19 | 30 to 15 i-i4-19 | 84 to 66 (27) arkansas ; i-14-19 | 34 to 0 | i-13-19 | 93 to 2 (28) north carolina} 1-10-19 | 49 to 0 | 1-14-19 | 93 to i0 (29) alabama i-i4-i19 | 23 toti i-i4-19 | 64 to 34 (30) kansas i-14-19 | 39 to o| i-14-19 |/12i to oo (31) oregon , i-i15-19 | 30 to o]| i-i4-19 | 53 to 43 (32) iowa i-15-19 | 42 to 7 i-15-19 | 86to 13 (33) utah i-15-19 | 16to o}| i-i4-19 | 43 to oo (34) colorado : 1-15-19 | 34 te i i-i5-19 | 63 to 2 (35) new hampshire] 1-15-19 | 19 to 4] 1-15-19 |221 to 131 (36) nebraska i-13-19 | 31 to i i-16-ig | 98 to oo (37) missouri i-16-i9 | 22 to10 | 1-16-19 |104 to 36 (38) wyoming i-16-19 | 26to o} i-i6-ig | 52to oo (39) wisconsin 1-16-19 | iq9 tol! i-17-19 | 58 to 35 (40) minnesota 1-16-19 | 48 to 11 i-17-19 | 92 to 36 (41) new mexico . 1-20-19 | 12 to 4| i-16-19] 45 to i (42) nevada i-21-19 | 14 to i i-20-19 | 33 to 3 (43) vermont i-16-i9 | 26to 3! i-29-i9 1155 to 58 (44) new york 1-29-19 | 27 to24 { 1-23-19 | 81 to 66 (45) pennsylvania 2-25-19 | 29 to16] 2- 4-19 |110 to 93 (46) new jersev 3-_9-22 | i2 to 4 | 3- 7-22 | 33 to 24 ' repassed in lower ilouse to correct error jan. 23. total senate vote 1,309 for, to 240 against, 84% dry. yotal ilouse vote 3,775 for, to 1,025 against, 783 % dry. 230 of the several states, as provided in the constitution, within seven years from the date of the submission hereof to the states by the congress, on jan. 29 1919 the secretary of state issued a proclamation to the effect that on jan. 16 of that year the ratification of the 36th state, making the necessary three-fourths of all the states, had been filed. later it was ratified by 10 additional states. in six states (south dakota, idaho, washington, kansas, utah and wyoming) the vote in favour of the amendment was unanimous in both houses. in only two states (connecticut and rhode island) the amendment has not been ratified. when the matter was twice before the legislature in rhode island the senate voted 20 to 18 in 1918 and 25 to 12 in r9rqg to post- pone indefinitely the consideration of the amendment. in connecticut the senate voted 14 for to 20 against ratification and the house 153 for to 96 against, thus making a total vote in both states of 197 for to 161 against the amendment. dr. ernest h. cherrington in ‘ world wide progress toward prohibition legislation’? (annals, amer. acad. of pol. and social science, 109.223, sept. 1923) says: ‘‘ no amendment to the federal constitution ever received as strong official sanction by the states as the 18th amendment. the original constitu- tion was adopted in the 13 original states by a majority of about two to one. the aggregate vote in the state senate and state houses of representatives for the 1atification of the 18th amendment shows a majority of more than four to one.”’? the bill of rights (the first 10 amendments) and the r1th amend- ment were ratified by ro out of 13 states. the r2th amendment was not ratified by four states, the 13th amendment by five states, the 14th amendment by four states, the rsth and 16th amendments by six states, the 17th and 19th amendments by twelve states. but the 18th amendment was ratified by 46 out of 48 states. forty-seven states have enacted laws to help carry into effect the provisions of the 18th amendment; and in one state (nevada) such a law was held unconstitutional on technical grounds as to form. only one (new york) has repealed or weakened such a law, dr. fabian franklin, the author of “ what prohibition has dene to america” (n.y., 1922) says in “what’s wrong with the 18th amendment?” (aznals, 109.48, sept. 1923) in denounc- ing what he terms a legislative atrocity: “ everybody knows— everybody knew when the 18th amendment was adopted that in every one of our great cities, so far from there being an overwhelming majority in favour of prohibition, there was a decisive majority against it. everybody knew that the like was true in many of the smaller cities. everybody knew that there were many whole states, great and small, in which prohibition could not command a majority of the people, and that there were a number of others in which the vote would be nearly evenly divided. in the face of such a situation it 1s idle to talk of the question whether or not a majorily of the whole people of the united states favoured or did not favour the 18th amendment. the only question is whether it was an outrage, perpetrated by a majority upon a minority or an outrage per- petrated by a minority upon a majority.” it may be that the votes of the people are not correctly reflected in the votes of their representatives in congress or in the state legislatures, or, as dr. n. m. butler has often put it, that neither the representatives nor the voters have the courage to vote as they drink. it is difficult, however, to reconcile dr. franklin’s view with the records of the votes in the congress that pro- posed the 18th amendment, elected before the united states entered the world war and therefore not influenced by the absence in military service of men opposed to prohibition as has been claimed, and including a senate elected for the first time by popular vote under the provisions of the 17th amendment, or with the votes for ratification or with every subsequent vote in congress on the volstead act and its amendments providing for enforcement of prohibition. prof. felix frankfurter of the harvard law school has said (aunals, 109.193): “ prohibition was written into the constitution with as much deliberation as attended the enactment of any amendment to the constitu- prohibition tion. prohibition was the culmination of so years of continuous effort; nor did the movement lack alert, persistent and powerful opposition.” state prohibition.—state-wide prohibition was the law in 33 states, more than two-thirds of all the states at the time the 18th amendment went into effect. it had been written into the constitution of 18 of them, and in most cases it had been adopted or ratified in a referendum election. it had been adopted in the territories, in 1917 in alaska and porto rico (ratified by the voters), and in the district of columbia by congressional enactment and in 1019 in hawaii. at the time the amendment went into effect (jan. 1920), 90% of the town- ships and rural precincts, 85° of the counties and over 75% of the villages of the united states were under prohibition by state legislation. two-thirds of the members of the united states senate and more than two-thirds of the house of rep- resentatives came from states or districts having state prohibi- tion. local option and state prohibition had put 68-3°% of the population and 95-4°> of the land area of the united states under prohibition and the amendment and subsequent legisla- tion pursuant thereto really affected directly and radically only 31-7°% of the population and 4:6% of the land area of the united states. national prohibition introduced influence behind national prohibition —nation-wide prohibi- tion came with surprising suddenness. it was greatly accelerated by the world war. it was not caused, however, by the war. it had a long natural history. for more than a century tem- perance reform had been a growing moral issue. its legislative history dated back nearly 70 years to the first state prohibition law in maine in 1851. new scientific knowledge in the pre-war years since the beginning of this century had emphasised the menace to health and efficiency and the frightful cost and waste inherent in the consumption of alcoholic beverages in even moderate quantities relatively to earlier standards of modera- tion and excess. new industrial economics did not seem to find any place for alcoholic beverages in working out the problems of the expansion and large-scale production of american indus- try, trade and commerce. new educational forces caused the saloon to be regarded with increasing disfavour as a social institution, the so-called poor man’s club, and a growing irritation concerning the saloon as a political menace was manifest. long before the united states entered the world war the conviction was growing that social and industrial effictency, and even national prosperity, could not be achieved at any less cost than whatever sacrifices might be involved in national prohibi- tion. the legislation by congress for several years before war-time prohibition (see ligvor laws) shows that every effort was made to supplement and strengthen state and local pro- hibition, and judicial decisions illustrate the same tendency in order that national prohibition should not be adopted except as a last resort and in obedience to a compelling necessity. as soon as the united states entered the world war two eco- nomic factors—the fear of the loss of man-power on account of intemperance, and the loss of food used in the manufacture of alcohol, but needed to supply the army of the united states and its allies—served to turn the scales in favour of national prohibition as a war measure. the satisfactory experience with war-time prohibition in its initial stages served to crystallise an overwhelming national sentiment in favour of permanent con- stitutional prohibition. after ratification; provisions for enforcement-——the draft law of may 18 109017, the food control act of aug. 10 1917, and an act to promote the efficiency of the united states navy, approved oct. 6 1917, gave the president prohibitory powers to be exercised for war purposes. the so-called war prohibition act was not enacted until nov. 21 1918, ro days after the signing of the armistice, as an amendment to the agricultural appropriation bill. it provided that after june 30 101g, until the conclusion of the war and of demobilisation, the date of which was to be determined and proclaimed by the prohibition president, it was unlawful to sell for beverage purposes any distilled spirits from bond except for export. it also provided that after may 1 1919 no grain, cereals, fruit or other food products should be used in the manufacture or production of beer, wine or other intoxicating malt or vinous liquor for beverage purposes, and after june 30 1919, no beer, wine or other intoxicating malt or vinous liquor should be sold for bev- erage purposes except for export until the conclusion of the war and of demobilisation. importation of distilled, malt, vinous, or other intoxicating liquors was prohibited. the war prohibi- tion act continued in force until national prohibition under the 18th amendment and legislation pursuant thereto became effec- tive on jan. 16 1920, one year after the ratification of the amendment. the president had not prior to that time pro- claimed the conclusion of demobilisation. the volstead act-—the national prohibition act, popularly known as the volstead act and sometimes referred to by its longer title, the prohibition enforcement law, passed the house of representatives july 22 rorg by a vote of 287 to roo, three members voting “‘ present.” it passed the senate with slight amendments and without a roll-call on sept. 4 1919. the con- ference report to the senate and house was adopted in the senate oct. 8 without roll-call or record vote, and in the house by a vote of 321 to 70 on oct. 10. the measure then went to the president, who vetoed it and returned it with his veto message oct. 27. the house on the same day, by a vote of 176 to §5 passed the bill over the president’s veto, and the senate, by vote of 65 to 20 on oct. 28 1019, did likewise, and on that day the measure became law applicable by its terms immediately for the enforcement of the war prohibition act, and “ when the 18th amendment to the constitution goes into effect,” intended to carry out the purposes of that amendment. the act is notable for its definitions, including the fixing of 4 of 1% of alcohol by volume as the test of intoxicating liquor, and the delegation of power to the commissioner of internal revenue to make regulations, with the approval of the secre- tary of the treasury, having the force of law, for carrying out the provisions of the act. validity tesied.—the constitutional validity of the adoption of the 18th amendment and of the volstead act and its defini- tion of intoxicating liquor was tested in the u.s. supreme court and promptly sustained in the leading cases of hawke 2. smith, decided june x 1920 (253 u.s. 221), and rhode island v. palmer, decided june 7 1920 (253 u.s. 350), in which the court disposed of seven cases pending. the court had pre- viously sustained the war prohibition act and the $ of 1% limit which it specified. the liquor interests hoped that greater latitude might be given through a strict construction of the first section of the 18th amendment, which did not specify the content or define intoxicating liquor. it was argued that the amendment therefore did warrant legislation forbidding the sale and manufacture of liquor which was in fact non-intoxicating, whether it contained more or less than 4 of 1% of alcohol. the court, however, without stating or discussing this contention, cited the war prohibition cases in support of the conclusion that while “ recognising that there are limits beyond which congress cannot go in treating beverages as within its power of enforcement, we think those limits are not transcended by the provision of the volstead act.” the working of the volstead act enforcement.—the volstead act provides for drastic enforce- ment. the difficulties of enforcement were forescen especially by those who knew the history of state prohibition laws and the experience in some cases of a half-century in the struggle to enforce them. it was sought therefore to give the government ample powers, through the commissioner of internal revenue of the treasury dept., to detect and suppress all manner of violations. the regulations under the act which apply to physicians’ prescriptions and the procuring of wine for sacra- mental purposes are also drastic, and similar provisions were made more so in the supplemental prohibition enforcement 231 act of nov. 23 rg2r (c. 134 stat. 42), better known as the anti-beer act because it provided that beer with a greater con- tent than $ of 1° could not be prescribed for medicinal pur- poses, that only spirituous or vinous liquor, the latter containing not more than 24°4 of alcohol by volume could be prescribed, and that not more than } gal. of vinous liquor nor any quantity of liquor containing more than 3 pint of alcohol could be pre- scribed for the use of any person within 10 days, and that no physician may have more than 100 permits within 90 days unless to meet emergency needs, to be demonstrated to the satisfaction of the commissioner who issues such permits. this may seem to be an unnecessary and unwarranted interference with medical science, but the provision indicated that no power would be refused that the administrative authorities might find necessary to make the enforcement of national prohibition effective. other provisions of the supplemental act give the enforcing authorities control over importations for non-beverage purposes; provide that both the supplemental and the national prohibi- tion acts apply not only to the united states but to all terri- tory subject to its jurisdiction, that liquor laws in force when the national prohibition act was adopted and not in conilict therewith, shail continue in force, and also made it unlawful for any u.s. officer to search any private dwelling without a search warrant. with respect to the latter point, which seemed to emphasise a constitutional limitation upon the powers of the enforcing authorities, the supreme court in 1925 (carroll v. u.s., 69 l. ed. 347) upheld the search of an automobile or vehicle of trans- portation without a warrant where the search was not malicious or without probable cause, and the same court sustained, as within the police powers of the states, a georgia statute which prohibited the possession of liquor which had been legally acquired—that is, before prohibition (samuels v. mccurdy, 60 l. ed. 371). it is proposed in an administration bill sent to congress in 1926 to strengthen the seizure and search provisions of the prohibition law. the dept. of justice has approved the wider use of the padlock and abatement of nuisance provisions of section 22, and other sections of the national prohibition act. these are drastic but the only effective means of securing enforcement in the worst wet areas where organised opposition is powerfully entrenched. the methods employed in the enforce- ment of law of this character necessarily involve, as in the case of tariff and revenue laws and other laws where there is a strong motive to defeat their purpose, many nice questions of constitutional guarantees of liberty and protection of innocent persons. the supreme court, however, has in all its decisions thus far, with the possible exception of one case in which it held section 35 of the national prohibition law invalid because of the denial of a trial by jury in the collection of a tax which was a penalty for a crime, gone very far to sustain the govern- ment and congress in the exercise of every power necessary to carry out a lawful purpose. the concurrent power.—the theory of enforcement of the 18th amendment and laws pursuant thereto is that of joint action of the fedcral and state govts. under the ‘ concurrent power ”’ granted in the second section of the amendment which declares “‘ the congress and the several states shall have concurrent power to enforce this article by appropriate legisla- tion.”’ the question of the meaning of “ concurrent power ” was settled by the supreme court in hawke v. smith, which held that this provision of the amendment was within the amending power, was a part of the constitution and ‘‘ must be respected and given effect the same as other provisions of that instrument,’ was ‘“‘ operative throughout the entire territorial limits of the united states ”’ and ‘‘ of its own force invalidates every legislative act, whether by congress, by a state legisla- ture, or by a territorial assembly, which authorises or sanctions what the section forbids.” the court further held that ‘ con- current power ”’ does not enable congress or the several states to defeat or thwart prohibition, but only to enforce it by appro- priate legislation, and that these words do not mean joint 235 power, or require that legislation thereunder by congress to be effective shall be approved or sanctioned by the several states or any of them. neither do the words “ concurrent power”? mean that the power to enforcs is divided between congress and the several states along the lines which separate or distinguish foreign and interstate commerce from intrastate affairs. the power confided by the second section of the amend- ment to congress, while not exclusive, is territorially co-extensive with the prohibition of the first section, embraces manufacture and other intrastate transactions as well as importation, expor- tation and interstate traffic, and is in no wise dependent on or affected by any action or inaction on the part of the several states or any of them. administrative difficulties. —the obstacles to efficient enforce- ment have not come from the courts but rather from the administrative difficulties due to the lack of enforcement machin- ery of the government and in part to the location of enforcement machinery in several departments of the government. it was a mistake at the outset not to have put the appointment of all enforcement officers under civil service rules and this will doubtless soon follow the recent reorganisation of the prohibition unit in the treasury dept., which is responsible for the gather- ing of evidence, while the dept. of justice is responsible for trving cases which arise under the law. the judicial conference of the senior circuit judges, with the concurrence of chief justice taft recommended in nov. 1924, that the prohibition unit be transferred bodily to the dept. of justice and that all the appropriations for such enforcement should be expended under the attorney-general. the judges thought that thus ‘ the attempted prosecution of trivial, futile and unimportant cases which now crowd the dockets can be avoided, and only those cases taken up and pressed which will really deter the principal offenders, and in the preparation of which district attorneys wilt have a personal responsibility.” | it is generally thought that the experience and technique of the treasury dept. in the enforcement of liquor revenue laws are essential for the detection of violations and must be morc closely co-ordinated with prosecutions by the dept. of justice. both in theory and practice, in the nature of the proceedings in federal courts requiring jury trial, and in the absence of federal police courts to dispose of petty cases, ‘“‘ the resources of the federal govt. in administration and judicial machinery are sufficient to cope successfully only with what may be called the ‘ wholesale’ aspects of the enforcement problem—smug- gling (see bootlegging and smuggling), including report of arrests, seizures, etc., made by federal prohibition officers, the withdrawals of bonded liquors, the diversion and conversion of industrial alcohol to beverage uses, interstate transportation of liquors and the major conspiracies to violate the law, some of which are of giant proportions.”’ for the rest, state and local machinery must be relied upon for the purpose of enforcing the law (see f. ernest johnson, ‘ prohibition enforcement,”’ american year book, 1925, pp. 248-52). present and proposed reorganisation of ihe prohibition unit.— on april 1925 the customs and coast-guard services and the prohibition unit (previously under the commissioner of internal revenue) were grouped together and put under gen. lincoln c. andrews, u.s.a. retired, recently appointed for the purpose an assistant secretary of the treasury. decentralisation is of the essence of this plan by which the country was divided into 22 districts, corresponding to existing judicial districts, with two additional for hawaii and porto rico, each under an adminis- trator who is made fully responsible and given ample authority for the enforcement of the law in his district. to bring the whole problem still more directly under the eye of the secretary of the treasury and the president, the recommendation of the secretary of the treasury to congress is to create a bureau of customs and a bureau of prohibition, each with a commissioner directly responsible to the secretary, and to take from the over- worked commissioner of internal revenue all activity in regard to prohibition enforcement and put it up to the secretary of the treasury and such officials as he may designate. prohibition treaties to check liguor smuggling—a series of treaties embodying the so-called r2-mile limit or one-hour run for boarding and examination of private vessels under foreign flags have been negotiated, beginning with great britain in jan. 1924, ratihed and proclaimed may 22 1924, and including the principal countries of europe, and canada, cuba, panama and mcxico among near neighbours. ‘these treaties uphold the principle that three marine miles constitute the proper limits of territorial waters but permit the boarding of private vessels outside territorial waters but not at a greater distance than one hour from the coast. as an offset for this privilege foreign vessels are permitted to carry liquors in territorial waters “ when such liquors are listed as sea stores or cargo destined for a port foreign to the united states ”’ and are ‘‘ kept under seal con- tinuously while the vessel on which they are carried remains within said territorial waters.’”! civtl and criminal prasecutions.—an astonishing amount of prohibition litigation is reported by the dept. of justice as having been handled by the federal courts. in an official report issued sept. 16 1924, covering the 43 years that prohibition had been in effect from jan. 16 1920 to june 30 1924, it is stated that there were during this period 195,050 criminal pro- hibition cases fled; 15,019 trials by jury in prohibition cases; 152,635 persons convicted for violating the national prohibition act; and 6,235 persons acquitted. fines assessed amounted to $20,881,136, of which amount $7,041,564 was assessed during the year ended june 30 1924. the criminal prosecutions under the national prohibition act and other data in connection therewith are given in the table below, and a summary of the number of arrests, seizures, ctc., also for the period 1920-5, will be found in a table in the article boootlegging and smuggling (q.v.). statistics concerning intox- icating liquors compiled by the commissioner of internal reve- nue and published annually by the treasury dept., prohibition unit, usually in the month of april, should be consulted for further details and verification of these figures. mrs. m. w. willebrandt, assistant attorney-general, in her report for the fiscal year ending june 30 1925, gives the following summary of the civil suits to which the united states was a party during the fiscal year and in connection with the pro- hibition act:— civil cases pending june 30 1924 : : : 5,680 civil cases terminated . ; ; : 5,927 judgments against u.s. ; : . — ss 444 civil cases commenced during fiscal year. ., fieqi judgments for u.s. ; ; : : : ; 4,47! dismissed after payment or compromise . ; ‘ 71 dismissed for other reasons : . ‘ 94! appealed to circuit court of appeals ; : . . 55 appealed to supreme court ; ; : 2 trials by jury ‘ : , 233 civil cases pending june 30 1925 7,024 amount of judgments obtained . $303,715 amount realised from such judgments : 185,548 amount realised from old judgments, settlements by compromise, etc. 63,570 amount paid through united states attorney, on demand, in cases where no actual civil suit was commenced ; $ 37,976 penalties are reported as rapidly growing much stricter and the average jail sentence longer. during the time prohibition has been in effect in federal courts, the dept. of justice report of 1924 stated that 82° of all the persons against whom com- plaints have been filed for violations have been convicted. mrs. willebrandt, in her report to the attorney-general for the year ending june 30 1925, is quoted (world almunuc, 1926, p- 178):— it is quite apparent that the federal judicial machinery has reached its peak in the disposition of cases. if the dockets are to be cleared and the number of pending cases kept at a reasonable figure, it is necessary that additional assistance, both judicial and prosecuting, ‘for recent treaties of this character negotiated, sce article by c.g. fenwick (amer. year book, 1925, p. 43), and for court decisions regarding claims under these treaties, see article by chas. e. hill (ibid., p. 226). prohibition criminal prosecutions under the national prohibition act in federal courts 1920 1921 pending first of year : ; 4 2,548 commenced during year . 291 29,114 terminated during year . : 5,095 21,297 convictions : 4,315 17,962 acquittals . 12 765 no. 1 pros. or discontinued 623 2170 quashed or dismissed 32 391 pleas of guilty 4,109 16,610 trials by jury : : : 239 2,075 pending close of year . : , 2,196 10,365 fines, forfeitures, etc. $605,314 $3,360,298 realised on fines, etc. $507,483 $2,418,118 collected without prosecution oe sentences imposed no record no record be given at the points where clogged dockets and a continuous inrush of cases make the speedy administration of justice practically im- possible. united states attorneys throughout the country are handi- capped by insufficient legal and clerical assistance, and in many districts are prevented from promptly disposing of criminal prosecu- tions by the inability of the courts to give sufficient time to the holding of criminal sessions. the small penalties provided by the national prohibition act are increasingly deplored by u.s. attorneys, judges and other officials charged with duties and conversant with conditions relating to law enforcement, they are disproportionate to the penalties imposed for violation of other federal laws, and at least for illegal manufac- ture, sale, transportation and importation, acts receiving particular constitutional condemnation, the penalties should be much higher. additional judges and increased office help for u.s, attorneys are absolutely necessary to bring about a more speedy disposition of criminal cases in the congested districts. this judgment is affirmed by many district attorneys and in frequent reports by the present district attorney for the southern district of new york and his predecessors. this is one of the most difficult districts for enforcement because of the volume of business and the absence of a state enforcement law. the cost of prohibition.—much controversy has raged over the cost of enforcement. the federal budget for 1925-6 carried a total of $21,940,529 for prohibition enforcement, which included $12,634,000 for the coast guard. excluding the cost to the states, which in most cases is more than offset by fines collected, which indeed in some instances are a source of con- siderable revenue to the states, and excluding the expenditure of the dept. of justice on account of the volstead act, which, of course, cannot be segregated in the general appropriation for the dept. of justice, it is estimated that the total expenditure on account of the prohibition law by the federal govt. for the fiscal year 1925—-6 will be a little more than $19,300,000. in addition, there will be some capital expenditure for the coast guard, partly attributable to the prohibition enforcement service it renders. the construction of two new coast guard cutters at a cost of $9,000,000 is one such item. the total amount realised on fines in the previous fiscal year was nearly $5,000,000 and the total value of property seized was over $10,000,000. these figures will not be less, and may be considerably more for the current fiscal year. the most conservative estimate of the direct economic benefits of prohibition in dollars and cents, while impossible to estimate with even approximate scientific accuracy on the basis of present records, are nevertheless much greater than the net cost of present enforcement plus the loss of revenue from the federal taxation of the liquor traffic at its highest level in pre-prohibition days. there is no question but that the federal taxpayer could afford to increase greatly the expenditure for enforcement of prohibition without having to incur any tax burden on that account. economic and social results the only positive economic and social result of prohibition upon which there is substantial agreement among those who oppose and those who favour it is the passing of the saloon. this has been an undisputed gain everywhere, economically, socially and politically. there is no demand for its re-establishment. the low-priced automobile, a home and the expansion of the family budget to include many things that formerly were 1922 1923 192 1925 10,472 16,761 23,052 23.818 34,984 49,021 54,227 50,743 28,743 42,730 48,622 47,925 22,749 34,067 371558 38,498 1,195 1,770 2,128 1,805 3,549 4,857 4,746 5,500 1,250 2,036 4,191 2,122 20,571 30,654 33,743 35,034 3,346 4,835 3,52 5,389 16,713 23,052 23,818 24,684 $4,041,456 $5,832,389 $7,577,014 $7,681,947 2,376,305 $4,033,476 $5,082,720 $4,869,503 8.47 $ 144,529 $ 84,053 65,430 1,552 years 2,241 years 3,187 years 4,569 years luxuries, have become in a few years under prohibition and are becoming on an accelerated scale an acceptable substitute for the poor man’s club, now recognised as never before as a wasteful and unnecessary adjunct in the domestic economy of the average citizen of moderate means. the widespread and growing diffusion of ownership of prop- erty and the investment of small increments of surplus earnings in good income-producing shares in the working capital of the country have been made possible, to a considerable degree, by prohibition and the consequent removal of the saloon as a temp- tation and organised agency of exploitation of an appetite and of a human weakness. however great—and it is certainly astonishingly large—has become the organised business of the bootlegger and the illicit liquor traffic it has not and cannot in the very nature of things as an outlaw industry exploit the great mass of people of small means by the direct and effective appeal the saloon was able to make. this is an economic result worthy of consideration and in a measure explains the real opposition to the so-called liberalisation of the prohibition law and the proposal to permit light wines and beer. there is a doubt in the minds of most persons of experience in the admin- istration of liquor laws, not confined by any means to fanatical prohibitionists, whether this can be done without a return of the saloon or some analogous institution which would render as great a social and economic disservice to the community. experience in quebec and in other parts of canada under state control seems to support this view. from a financial and administrative point of view after four years of operation, the quebec liquor law was declared an unqualified success by the head of the liquor commission of the province, but there is ample testimony to the fact that the government beer store and the cafe, authorised to sell beer for consumption on the premises, although no bars are allowed, have brought back in fact most of the disadvantages without some of the obvious advantages of the former saloons. the effect, morcover, upon the illicit liquor traffic and the consumption of hard liquor has not been all that was expected. many attempts have been made to appraise the economic and social results as distinguished from the moral and political phases of national prohibition. the records do not exist for a sufficiently long period, nor do they give comparable data for a sufficiently wide arca to measure objectively, statistically and by scientific methods enough tests such as arrests for drunken- ness, alcoholic psychosis, deaths from alcoholic diseases, etc., in order to arrive at positive conclusions. most of the statistics available cover only five years at most under national prohibt- tion during a period when the economic life of ihe country was operating under exceptional conditions of post-war adjustments to excessive economic disturbances and upheaval. this period is altogether too short to determine trends, even if under normal conditions, in so complicated a problem where it ts difficult at best to isolate and measure many of the controlling factors. the federal council of churches report—the most compre- hensive and best attempt from the point of view of scientific method to evaluate economic and social results is that of the federal council of churches report (research bulletin no. 5, “ the prohibition situation ”’). for that reason and because its 234 conclusions were so largely negative and tentative, it has been roundly condemned by both sides to the bitter controversy raging between the “ wets ” and the “ drys.” its most valuable contribution has been to point out the need for better and more uniform records of arrests for drunkenness, of cases of alcoholic morbidity and mortality, of violations of law, prosecutions, sentences, ctc., so that after a sufficient period of 10 or 20 years has elapsed we may be able to reach conclusions having scientific validity. the federal council report does furnish some significant samples of data carefully selected from good sources and scien- tifically handled as far as the samples go. the results of a questionnaire that brought a 10°% return from 2,700 members of the national conference of social work—a group of per- sons enjoying unusual opportunities for careful observation — showed a large preponderance of favourable replies as to the effect of prohibition on the homes of working people in better furnishing of the homes, larger proportion of the husband’s income going to the wife and family, improved marital rela- tions, better sanitary and health conditions in homes, better mental health of the home as shown by better family co-opera- tion, respect of children for parents and of parents for children, and by higher educational ideals. favourable replies also pre- ponderated with respect to community effects such as jess chil- dren’s delinquency, less malnutrition arnong young children, and liquor for minors less accessible; on the contrary, more drinking by young people as compared with pre-prohibition times, and a worse attitude toward law enforcement and respect for laws in general. american bankers’ association figures —the official figures of the american bankers’ assn. for savings and individual bank deposits are: the per capita savings deposits in the united states have increased from $89 in 1912 to $137 in 1920 and $186 in 1924, while the per capita total deposits for the same years were $175, $306, and $367 respectively, and total savings deposits amounted to nearly 8} billion dollars in 1912, over 144 in 1920, and over 203 in 1924. likewise, total indi- vidual deposits increased from more than 16} billions in 1912 to 32% in 1920, and over 41 billions in 1925; the total number of savings depositors increased from 124 millions in 1912 to nearly 2: millions in 1920, and over 38$ in 1924. while, of course, other factors besides prohibition enter into this result ‘““it would be idle,” says the f. c. report, “to dispute the assumption that prohibition has been a factor, and an impor- tant one, in keeping savings deposits on a high level.” mr. i. ernest johnson, in summarising his f. c. report, says (“ prohibition without propaganda,” adlantic afonthly, feb. 1926): ‘‘ our first important finding was the undoubted material and social gaiu that has resulted to the nation as a whole from the outlawing of the liquor traffic and particularly from the pass- ing of the saloon. living conditions among the working pcople improved, savings were increased, the death rate from alcoholic diseases declined, cases of dependency due to alcoholism became less numerous, arrests for drunkenness fell off very materially, and there was a reduction in the number of arrests for other of- fences. but the second major finding of the study revealed that these gains were not entirely permanent. the impressive de- cline terminated abruptly in 1920 or approximately at that time, and a counter-trend was at once established. this trend has continued with disquieting steadiness since that time, with this reservation, that the picture for 1924 shows some indications that the present year may mark the climax of the reaction.” the third major finding, he shows, had to do with enforcement. the conclusion was that the machinery of enforcement was stronger in 1925 than it was in 1920 and that the rise of the liquor curve indicates the extent to which the outlaw liquor industry has outstripped the efforts of the government to perfect its own organisation. drug traffic—among the minor findings is that prohibition has had no effect either way upon drug addiction and the drug traffic. this conclusion is supported in an important survey of prohibition and drug addiction prepared by the committee on prohibition traffic in opium of the foreign policy assn. and sent to the pro- hibition unit, july 8 1925. likewise the f. c. report gives no support to the theory that prohibition has caused a moral breakdown among young people, and this conclusion is substan- tiated from many other sources. the wholesale charge that re- spect for law is being broken down by the want of observance of the prohibition laws is shown to rest upon a gratuitous assump- tion. finally, the report stresses as its most conclusive finding that social legislation is not a substitute for social education and that “the illicit liquor traffic will be finally overcome only when and where education in temperate living strongly reinforces the arm of the law.” afr. hoover's views.—to revert to the economic issue, so competent an observer as secretary herbert hoover is not quite sure of the moral results that can be safely claimed but stresses and emphasises an economic factor of the greatest importance, namely, the increased productivity of labour. in a formal state- ment as late as march 1925 (christian science monitor) he said: there can be no doubt of the economic benefits of prohibition. viewing the temperance question only from this angle, prohibition has proved its case. i think increased temperance over the land is responsible for a good share of the enormously increased efficiency in production, which statistics gathered by the dept. of commerce show to have followed passage of the dry law. exhaustive study from many angles of production over average periods io years apart, before and since the war, would indicate that while our productivity should have increased about 15 % due to the increase in population, yet the actual increase has been from 25 to 30%, indicating an increase of efficiency of somewhcre from 10 to 15 %. mr. hoover also says: ‘‘ there is no question, in my opinion, that prohibition is making america more productive ” and that the increased productivity of labour, which is to be attributed to improved labour-saving devices and the elimination of waste as well as to prohibition, but for which prohibition is largely respon- sible, is something over and above the natural increase which arises from increased population, higher prices and the inflated dollar. agriculture is cited as a particularly good example where there has been no increase in the number of farmers for a decade but an annual increase of 7-5 to 17-5 million tons in average ex- ports of agricultural products, which shows that the individual farmer has increased his efficiency in proctuction from 15 to 20%. asa moral and political quesiion.—the “ drys ”’ have been in- clined perhaps to overwork the economic argument and the “wets ”’ to over-emphasise the “ incubator of crime ”’ argument and to shift the controversy to the moral and political issues in- volved. the federal census of prisoners 1923 preliminary re- port, made available in dec. 1925, throws some light on moral aspects. commitments to federal and state prisons and reform- atories, and to jails and workhouses, including all county and municipal penal institutions and certain state institutions used for prisoners convicted of misdemeanours, or minor offenses, show for the years 1910 and 1923 (the latter seems to be almost the peak year for the reaction trends affected by prohibition); total commitments, ratio per 100,000 population, ig1o equals 521°7, 1923 equals 325-1, a decrease of 37°7°% ; drunkenness, 1910 equals 185-9, 1923 equals 83-1, a decrease of 55:3 °o; disorderly conduct, 1910 equals 99-9, 1923 equals 48-5, a decrease of 51°§%; violating liquor laws, 1910 equals 8-4, 1923 equals 35:8, an increase of 326:2°% . behind every moral and political issue lies an inclividual or group economic experience, out of which the moral and political concepts arise and in which they have their roots. prohibition is fundamentally an economic issue. as that is finally determined in the sober judgment and expcrience of the american people prohibition will fail or become the accepted permanent policy of the nation. the amendment may never be eliminated from the constitution but it might become as much of a dead fetter as the constitutional method for electing the president has been for a century or as ineffective as the 15th amendment has been for a half-century. that will depend upon the final judgment of the majority of the people upon the economic facts and results. the moral and political questions concerning its enforcement and its effect upon public morals and upon political institutions of the prolongation of vigour—propaganda republic will be shaped accordingly. in a country as large and rich in material resources and capacity for self-government as the united states, it is futile to say that prohibition cannot be en- forced, if it can be economically justified, whether a large majority or a respectable minority favour it as a matter of personal preference. that might have been true of even the largest single states surrounded by “ wet ”’ areas in close economic relations and activities. it is hardly likely that international sanctions will be necessary for a country as isolated as the united states, though it is by no means certain that they will not be forthcom- ing as fast as the economic evidence for national prohibition is adequately ascertained and made known. until that evidence becomes much more conclusive than it is to-day or will likely be for some years, perhaps a generation to come, the average man is apt to rely upon his instinctive moral and political judgments to carry on the social experiment of national prohibition. authorities and partial bibliography.—washington, govt- printing office, survey of alcoholic liquor traffic and the enforce- ment of the eighteenth amendment: hearings and report (1925); washington, govt. printing office, statistics concerning intoxicating liquors (april 1925); philip whitewell wilson, after two years: a study of american prohibition (1922); fabian franklin, what prohibition has done to america (1922); roy. a. haynes, prohibition inside out (1923); john allen krout, the origins of prohtbition (1925); lamar t. beman (ed.), in the itandbook series, ‘' selected articles on prohibition" (1924); am. acad. of pol. and social science, annals, vol. 109, ‘ prohibition and its enforcement ” (1923); thos. n. carver in these eventful years, vol. 11, chap. 80, “the greatest social experiment of modern times” (1924); federal council of the churches of christ in america, the proht6i- tion situation (1925); moderation league, inc., a national survey og conditions under prohibition (1925); henry w. farnum, the aw of the land and our moral frontier (an address, 1925); ‘‘ five years of prohibition and its results,” north amer. rev., vol. 221, 222 (1925); richard h. edmonds, the prohtbition question viewed from the economic and moral standpoint (1922); ‘‘ prohibition and prosperity,” the survey, vol. 45, no. 6 (1920); arthur newsholme, prohibition in america ee u.s. house of representatives, proposed modification of the prohibition law to permit the manu- facture, sale, and use of 2-75 per cent beverages: hearing before the commuitee on the judiciary o&th congress, 1924; ernest h. starling, the action of alcohol on man (1923); victor g. vecki, alcohol and prohibition in their relation to civilisation and the art of living (1923); c. m. and gifford gordon, a study of north american prohibition (1923); ben h. spence and §s. e. nicholson, jnterna- tional convention of the world league against alcoholism (1922); clarence t. wilson and deets pickets, zhe case for prohibition: fits past, present accomplishments, and future in america (1923); washington, govt. printing office, laws of 65th and 66th congresses relating to liquor (1920); ernest h. cherrington, the evolution of prohibition in the u.s. (1920); ruth e. spence, prohibition in canada (1919); publications and reports of: association against the prohibition amendment; united states brewers’ assn.; modera- tion league, inc.; anti-saloon league of america; intercollegiate prohibition assn.; nat. women’s christian temperance union; scientific temperance federation; women’s nat. committee for law enforcement. (ss; merc bg prohibition in canada in oct. 1920 prohibition was defeated in british columbia, but a referendum re complete prohibition of the liquor traffic was carried in nova scotia, manitoba, saskatchewan and alberta. in april 1921 ontario voted prohibition, and in may gov- ernment control became effective in quebec. in 1923 manitoba adopted a scheme of government control, a change of policy which was followed by saskatchewan and alberta. in oct. 1924 a plebis- cite taken in ontario gave a majority in favour of the continuance of the ontario temperance act, but the majority in favour of pro- hibition was considerably reduced. in july 1923 a vote was taken under the provision of the canada temperance act in the county of stanstead, quebec, when repeal was carried by a large majority and became effective from sept. 1923. seven provinces have carried plebiscites in favour of the prohibition of the im- portation of intoxicating liquors. exportation is prohibited from new brunswick, prince edward island, manitoba, alberta and saskatchewan. it thus appears that whether impressed by the effects of prohibition in the u.s.a. or swayed by the merits and advantages, economic and personal, of a publicly regulated liquor traffic, feeling in canada is moving towards a wide modifi- cation of the position taken up under the stress of war conditions. 235 in support of the conclusion that the quebec liquor act has proved successful in reducing drunkenness, bootlegging and the illicit manufacture of inferior alcohol, in stimulating the de- mand for beer and light wines and in effecting a diminution of the use of hard liquor, the following figures are of peculiar signifi- cance :-— arrests for drunkenness 1921 1922 montreal . 7,608 6,363 4,356 3,761 1,218 quehec 1,162 875 833 833 288 hull . 1,894 i,¥44 1,004 876 the quebec liquor commission established stores where al- cohol is sold in sealed packages—one bottle at a time between 9 a.m. and 6 p.m. except on saturdays (9 a.m. to 1 p.m.). on holi- days and election days the stores are closed. wines and beers are sold in licensed hotels, restaurants, etc. the alcohol sold is sub- mitted to analysis. no store for the sale of alcohol or wine may be opened in a municipality which is opposed to it. (see canada year book and the report of the quebec liquor commission.) prolongation of vigour: sce rejuvenation. propaganda.—with the advent of the world war, propa- ganda took on the character of a new, if inexact, science. ger- many was the first to realise its value as one of the weapons of war and was the first to reap advantages from the military situation; for propaganda, a word which has come into con- siderable disrepute, is in its proper sphere the presentation of a case based on reliable evidence, and the best and most ef- fective propaganda during the war was military success. but there was a large and vitally important field concerning war responsibilities and war aims, which, together with the nature of military and naval progress, influenced the decision of coun- tries which subsequently became combatants on one side or the other. it was an important, if subsidiary, element of diplomacy and war operations. propaganda had several distinct phases. the first was the maintenance of what was known as “ the home front,” the second the disheartening of the enemy, and the third the per- suasion of neutral states and potential allies of the justice of the cause and its inevitable victory, not only from the point of view of military co-operation, but also from that of obtaining necessary supplies. the home front—the first phase, namely the maintenance of national determination, started with everything in its favour. in all the countries which entered the war during the first few weeks, the people were solidly behind their governments, believed in the cause for which they were fighting and were confident of victory. public men of all parties and every class, and virtually the whole national press became propagandists at once, and this also in itself was already, though incidentally, propaganda abroad. it became necessary, however, to organ- ise it carefully as the war developed, especially to mect times of stress and failure. of all people, it is probably just to say that the british were treated most frankly by their government, but the ex- igencies of the struggle for existence involved in all states a not always inexcusable suppression of facts. this, accom- panied by exaggeration of facts, was undoubtedly responsible to some extent for giving propaganda its bad name, but the main cause was falsification of facts, sometimes through in- complete information but more frequently through deliberate intention. it took some states a long time to realise, and some others never fully learnt, that false information ultimately defeated its own purpose, but it sometimes gave momentarily apparent advantages. a military engagement, for example, described by both sides as a victory gave the propaganda ad- vantage to the loser, at any rate until such time as experience had indicated how such contradictory statements should be read and analysed, because it left in doubt the rightful claims of the victor. false news in the political field was very much more difficult to check. 236 work in neutral states —one of the hardest problems was to retain or gain the sympathy of neutral states and to dis- hearten the enemy. in some of the smaller states there was reluctance, while the military situation was uncertain, definitely to show sympathy for one side or the other, and the rigid censor- ship maintained by all nations at war made it difficult for any- thing but favourable versions of events to reach the home pub- lic. the methods pursued in this task were roughly the same in all countries. governments built up special departments composed of people acquainted—or supposed to be acquainted— with publicity methods and with the political and psychological conditions of different countries of the world. there was a great difference, for example, between the way in which a case should be made to appeal to the united states of america, to holland and to the far east. every government issued a regular wireless service; large sums of money were spent on cables, and on subsidising press agencies and neutral newspapers (which sometimes became so partisan as to lose completely their value); new agencies were started in camouflaged form and in some cases new journals and illustrated periodicals published. every embassy and lega- tion was a propaganda centre in some form or other. neutral pressmen were invited to the fighting front to describe the confidence of the soldiers; to the fleets to see their invincibility; to the home factories to observe their adequacy for meeting all requirements; to the prisons to describe the happy state of war prisoners. articles and letters were sent abroad in thou- sands. this was all organised from home, with agents of every sort and kind all the world over, including neutrals and in a limited number of cases, enemy subjects as well. switzerland, situated between france, germany, austria and italy and containing a mixed population with affinities with both sides in the struggle, was a cockpit of propaganda, diplo- macy and espionage. agents poured into a country which was such a useful centre to get material into enemy lands on either side. it is recorded, for example, that lenin, who, with trot- sky and radek, lived some time in switzerland, was able to get revolutionary pamphlets from berne to the russian and ger- man trenches, and many ruses were successfully adopted to accomplish this sort of thing all round. the world was filled with a mass of confused and contradic- tory tales. for a considerable period this was so baffling that propaganda had the effect of cancelling itself out, but later ona certain art was developed in making proper deductions; it was not impossible, even amidst the confusion, to gain an approxi- mate idea of what was, in fact, happening. the wiser partici- pants in the game found that often a studied understatement had more effect, actual and ultimate, than glowing exultation. wireless propaganda.—in the wireless fight, the germans, with their powerful station at nauen, were better equipped technically than any of the other powers, and this was impor- tant for them as they were prevented by their geographical war position from using many of the ordinary means which were at the disposal of their opponents for reaching countries far afield. they used it not only to reach more distant parts of the earth than could be at first reached by other stations, but also for the despatch of press messages by neutral press correspond- ents, and as many as 10,000 or 15,000 words a day were in- cluded in this way for america. not much of this wireless, either from germany, from great britain or from other coun- tries received newspaper publicity, but it undoubtedly served many useful purposes. it remains a puzzle to understand why some enterprising neutral paper did not regularly publish in parallel columns the arguments and descriptions issued from the various wireless stations. they were sometimes ridiculous and frequently amusing. the practice of the british govt. was to release the more ridiculous and amusing features of enemy wireless, which could be done with great effect. much was made on either side of admissions, or of appear- ances of discouragement in enemy countries, two of the more notable incidents being the german use of the lansdowne letter which questioned the possibility of complete victory propeller—property, law of for either side, and the british use of prince lichnowsky's memorandum on the british pre-war desire and work for peace. they were given the utmost possible circulation in many lan- guages. exhaustive statistical information was issued to show that germany was on the point of starvation, or that her man- power and supplies were failing and the same methods were applied to show the precarious situation of britain. these accounts of enemy distress had considerable effect on the home populations, despite the fact that each side was able to convince its own people of the exaggerations or sup- pressions of the other. the german accounts of the results of air raids on great britain could be actually tested by the population, and the remarkable success with which the british people were kept ignorant of the incident of h.m.s. ‘‘ audacious ” (which was fully described in the neutral and enemy press) was not without its value to germany, whatever might have been the military reasons for british suppression. exaggera- tions served some purpose, however, in forcing admissions from opponents. the german claims in the submarine campaign compelled the british govt. to give its people some idea of what the circumstances were, and depressing facts had to be issued. these, in turn, just because they were unpleasant admissions, had the effect of diminishing belief in german claims. iifforts on the fighting front.—direct efforts to make an impression on the enemy, apart from the intense efforts through neutral countries, were made on the fighting fronts. imitation newspapers, leaflets and all kinds of material were sent across the lines by means of aeroplanes, balloons and hand-grenades, but it is doubtful whether this had any real influence until the actual military situation made the information at least plau- sible. the british and allied peoples undertook a big offensive of this kind in 1918. the organisation of it on a large scale began in england before the great german offensive in march, but its execution reached its full height when it was clear to all that germany must lose the war. the millions of leaflets dropped over and behind the german lines during the summer of 1918 brought deadly confirmation to the already disturbed minds of the german soldiers and people, and although it was not unnatural for the german military leaders to attribute, as they subsequently did, an undue share of the causes of their defeat to this propaganda of their opponents, it did, very prob- ably, by helping to confirm the growing german fears, take the heart out of any further prolonged resistance which might possibly have been demancled of them. propaganda after the armistice—with the end of the war the political side of propaganda was continued with reinforced energy. at the paris peace conference there was an inex- haustible supply of documents containing a whole varicty of arguments and claims, and no body of statesmen could ever have met in circumstances where the enormous problems to be settled were “ propagandised ” with such highly developed resources. this intensity gradually slackened during the years after the peace treaties had been concluded, but there has re- mained a widely applied system of official press bureaux as a part of the normal state equipment, with press attaches at embassies and legations to explain and defend national peace- time causes. they differ somewhat in character and influence and on the whole are marked by a growing sobriety. but there still exists a propaganda state of mind which differs from any- thing experienced before the war. (he ri.) propeller: see airscrew. property, law of (sce 22.440).—from time to time in english history drastic changes in regard to land tenure have been carried into effect as part of the evolution of national life. one such change has been accomplished by the passing of the law of property act 1922 and the series of acts into which that great measure was subsequently divided. the effect is almost comparable with that produced upon roman [property law by justinian’s legislation. the new acts consolidate and codify all that remained unrepealed of the statute law relating to land from the time of edward l. to the present date, incorporating in the process much of the common law that has hitherto obtained. property, law of the act of 1922 finally carried into effect much of what was “in the air”? in commonwealth days when military tenures were abolished and suggestions were first made for the starting of a land register—an object in part effected during the roth century. the history of this achievement may be told quite shortly. in 1908, following attempts begun in 1895 to amend the existing law in various ways, a royal commission was ap- pointed to consider the working of the land transfer acts. asa result of the work of the commission, a bill was introduced into parliament shortly before the outbreak of the world war with the object of assimilating the law of real to that of personal property. this was suspended until after the war, but in r919 a committee was nominated to advise upon the whole matter. this resulted in a bill being introduced in 1920 in the house of lords, which, after review by a joint committee of both houses, was approved and finally passed as the law of property act, 1922. two principal motives underlay the act. it aimed at simpli- fying generally the law relating to the tenure and devolution of land and houses and at cheapening the cost of sale, purchase, mortgage and other like transactions by cutting away the anomalies and abuses still left as remnants of that feudal system which itself was brought to an end more than 200 years ago. in order to bring about these results it was first of all necessary that there should be one set of rules only governing property in land. hence all local and customary tenures had to be abolished and that has been done just as the old military tenures were done away with in commonwealth times and their abolition con- firmed by the statute of tenures passed in the first year of charles ii. moreover, there being two systems of land tenure in opera- tion side by side, viz., freehold, and customary (including copy- hold) each with different incidents and each submerged in archaic technicalities peculiar to itself, it was most essential that in land, as in chattels, there should be one legal, absolute and ostensible ownership, whatever other interests there might be apart from ownership. that has been achieved by converting all freehold estates into fee simple, subject, where necessary, to appropriate equitable interests; whilst mortgage is now made by demise, the mortgagor having the legal estate and the mortgagee holding for a term of years—thus reversing the former position, in which the mortgagee had the legal and the mortgagor an equitableestate. the simplification of the law of property itself was accom- panied by a simplification of the several processes by which sale, purchase, mortgage and the like transactions could be carried through. what had been begun by the act for the abolition of fines and recoveries in 1833 and continued by the various conveyancing acts since passed has been completed notably by the repeal of the statute of uses. further, the law of realty has now been fargely assimilated to that of personalty. primo- geniture has been abolished, and both real and personal estate devolve upon intestacy in the same way. the heir-at-law dis- appears, and an entirely new code is provided which places hus- band and wife on the same terms with regard to each other’s property and the property of intestate children. the wide scope of the act of 1922 was shown in its preamble, which ran as follows: ‘“‘ an act to assimilate and amend the law of real and personal estate, to abolish copyhold and other special tenures, to amend the law relating to commonable lands and of intestacy, and to amend the wills act 1837, the settled land acts 1882 to 1890, the conveyancing acts 1881 to 1911, the trustee act 1893 and the land transfer acts 1875 to 1897.” after it had been passed, its operation was suspended until an amending act embodying various modifications had been passed and later a series of measures into which its various sections, as amended, had been divided and embodied. abolition of customary tenures there still remains unrepealed, however, a substantial portion of the act of 1922 itself, viz., parts v.and vi., which deal with the abolition of copyhold and customary tenure and the extin- guishment of manorial incidents; part vii., which relates to the conversion of perpetual leaseholds; and certain schedules. the effect of these enactments may be summarised thus:— 237 1. enfranchisement of copyholds.—as from jan. 1 1926 every parcel of copyhold land became automatically converted into free- hold, and the original tenant (or the person for the time being en- titled) was to receive a document termed an ‘ assurance,” which, upon production within six months thereafter to the steward of the manor of which the land formed part and upon payment of all dues in respect of fines, 1 -liefs, heriots, rents or fees, was to be endorsed by a certificate which operates to give to the holder the full legal estate. 2, extinguishment of manortal incidents——certain manorial incidents connected with copyhold tenure are made to disappear at once, viz.:— (1) liability for forfeiture for conveyance or attempted con- veyance or for alienation without licence, whether by sale, lease, mortgage, or otherwise; (2) customary suits and services and fealty; (3) escheat (subject, however, to escheat to the crown in cer- tain cases of intestacy as bona vacantia): and (4) borough english, gavelkind, and other customary modes of descent, dower, freebench, tenancy by the curtesy, and like cus- toms, in pursuance of the new law as to devolution of property (see administration of estates act below). another set of manorial incidents are ‘‘ saved " temporarily—that is to say they remain as at present until extinguished in accordance with the general scheme for their ultimate abolition. these are: (1) quit-rents, chief-rents and other similar rents and pay- ments; (2) fines, reliefs, heriots and dues (including fees payable to stewards); (3) forfeitures other than as set out above; and (4) rights as to timber. all these must be extinguished in one of three ways: (a) by agreement as to compensation between lord and tenant, or (6) by notice to fix compensation served by one upon the other (but the lord may not serve such notice before jan. i 1931), or (c) if no agree- ment or no service of notice has been effected within 10 years after jan. § 1926 then by automatic expiry at that date. certain manorial rights and liabilities are preserved. they are not to be regarded as “ manorial incidents " for the purposes of the act, but they may become such by agreement between the parties. they are:— (1) rights of common enjoyed by the tenant; (2) mining and mineral rights, franchises, royalties and privi- leges in respect of fairs and markets and sporting rights enjoyed by the lord; and (3) all existing habilities, however arising, as to the construc- tion or maintenance or cleansing of dykes, ditches, canals, sea or river walls, piles, bridges, levels, ways and other works required for the protection or general benefit of any land within a manor or for abating nuisances therein. compensation for the extinguishment of manorial incidents is payable to the lord of the manor according to scales provided in the rules made by the minister of agriculture (no. 810 of 1925), and stewards are also compensated for loss of their office and fees upon an equivalent basis, compensation moneys may be paid either in a lump sum or by a terminable rent-charge. 3. conversion of perpetually renewable leaseholds.—perpetually renewable leases and underleases are converted into long terms (i.e., of 2,000 years) at the rent and subject to the covenants and condi- tions and other provisions originally payable or enforceable. out of the rest of the act of 1922 have sprung seven new statutes, each of which is in itself a consolidation act, viz., the law of property act 1925 (15 geo. 5 c. 20); the settled land act 1925 (15 geo. 5 c. 18); the trustee act 1925 (15 geo. § c. 10); the land registration act 1925 (15 geo. 5 c. 21); the land charges act 1925 (15 geo. 5 c. 22); the administration of estates act 1925 (15 geo. 5 c. 23), and the universities and college estates act 1925 (15 geo. 5 c. 24). the whole system of legislation came into operation on jan. 1 1926. from the sum- mary which follows we omit the universities and college estates act, which consists only of consequential provisions relating to the universities of oxford, cambridge and durham (with their constituent colleges) and the public schools of eton and win- chester, tenure and devolution of property in land estutes and interests in land.—the law of property act 1925 introduces far-reaching changes into the english law relating to the tenure, transfer and devolution of property in land. it is divided into 12 parts and contnins seven schedules. it embodies the changes originally introduced by the law of property act 1922 as amended by the law of property (amendment) act 1924 and in effect provides an entirely new code of law govern- ing the subjects within its scope. 238 general principles as to legal estates, fquitable interests and powers.—as from jan. 1 1926 the only estates in jand capable of subsisting or of being conveyed or of being created at law will be:— (2) an estate in fee simple absolute in possession; (b) aterm of years absolute; and the only interests or charges in or over land:— (a) an easement, right or privilege for an interest equivalent to an estate in fee simple absolute in possession or a term of years absolute; (6) a rent-charge in possession issuing out of or charged on jand, being either perpetual or for a term of years absolute; (c) a charge by way of legal mortgage; (d) land tax, tithe rent-charge, and any other similar charge on land which is not created by an instrument; _ (e) rights of entry exercisable over or in respect of a legal term of years absolute, or annexed, for any purpose, to a legal rent- charge. all other estates, interests, and charges in or over land take effect as equitable interests. the only powers now left to operate are such as are (a) vested in a legal mortgagee; (0) vested in an estate owner in right thereof and exercisable by him or by another person on his behalf: and (¢) special statutory powers under various acts. ail such are to be known as ““tegal ’ powers whilst all others are to be termed ‘“‘ equitable ” powers. the statute of uses is repealed together with section 62 of the conveyancing act 1881—all legal interests of the sort formerly created thereunder to be equitable interests only, if created after 1925. liability to death duties is made incidental to the ownership of legal estate, except in the hands of a purchaser for value, but with- out prejudice to existing liabilities. the parties accountable will be (a) the personal representative and (&) the legal owner. an important change is made by treating husband and wife as two persons for all purposes of the acquisition of property under a disposition operating after 1925. contracts, conveyances and other insiruments.—vpart il. of the act re-enacts various provisions of the repealed statutes and introduces numerous variations in the existing law and practice of conveyancing. it deals very drastically with the subject of title on sale, providing inter alia for the substitution of 30 years in place of 40 as the period of the commencement of title. it re-enacts with some variations art of section 4 of the statute of frauds, making it necessary that in future ajl contracts for the sale or other disposition of land or any interest in land shall be in writing. whilst, with a few exceptions, all conveyances of land or of interests therein are to be void for the purpose of creating legal estate unless made by deed. in abstracts prepared after 1925 it is not to be deemed necessary or proper to include an instrument relating only to intcrests or powers that will be ‘‘ over-reached "' by the conveyance of the estate; but equitable interests or powers which will not be so over-reached must be properly disclosed. mortgages, rent charges and powers of attorney —where a mortgage of land is created by deed expressed to be by way of legal mortgage the mortgagee is to have the same protection, powers and remedies as if he had, in the case of freeholds, a mortgage term of 3,000 years (that being the term into which under the act all existing mortgages are to be converted); whilst appropriate provisions are added to bring mortgages of jeaseholds into sub-terms on the same lines. the effect will be that in future each party will get a term—the first mortgagce for 3,000 years—and subsequent mortgagees a slightly longer and sub-mortgagees a slightly shorter term than the first mortgagee by way of preserving a nominal reversion. law of entail.—tin future, an estate tail will only be created by using the words ‘‘ heirs of the body ” or a statutory equivalent, in deeds and wills. enrolment of disentailing assurances is done away with, and the ‘' rule in shclley’s case " isabrogated. | leases and tenancites.—\ere some important changes have been introduced, including the abolition of the doctrine of iuferesse termini, 7.e., the right which rests in the lessee of lands under a demise before he enters into possession and becomes tenant under the lease. in future, all terms for years absolute take effect from the date fixed for commencement of the term, without actual entry and by way of transmutation of possession. powers of appointment.—spcecial provisions are made to meet cases of fraudulent appointment. an instrument purporting to appoint is not, save in certain exceptional circumstances, to be void against a purchaser or person deriving title under him in good faith, dealing with an appointee not less than 25 years of age, for valuable consideration, and without negligence. ao perpetutties and accumtulations.—the rule prohibiting the limita- tion of land to the issue of an unborn person after a life estate given to that unborn person is no longer to operate. other changes are made affecting perpetuities and the accumulation of surplus income. married women and lunatics.—the existing statutory provisions affecting these two classes of persons are re-enacted in more definite form—additional powers being given to the court in regard to both. in these respects the act dovetails in with the provisions relating to these classes of persons to be found in the settled land and trustee acts (which see). ; voidable dispositions.~—the law is strengthened in regard to fraudulent conveyances. property, law of wills.—necessary changes to mcet the general scheme of law re- rt are made in the disposition of income derivable from frechold and. marriage is not to revoke a will expressed to be made in con- templation of marriage; and the law is clarified as to the right of a bastard to dispose of realty or chattels real by his will. public access fo commons.—of the miscellaneous matters being dealt with in part xj. the most important is the provision giving right of access to the public for “ air and exercise "' to metropolitan commons, manorial wastes, and any manorial lands subject to rights of common which are made subject, temporarily or otherwise, to oe added public rights by the wish or consent of the manorial ord, administration of estates—by the administration of estates act 1925 the law relating to the administration of the estates of deceased persons has been drastically altered, and the statute book has been cleared of the whole growth of legislation upon the subject that has accumulated since the time of edward i. its sweeping changes can best be appreciated by reference to the act itself; and its text—unlike that of most acts of parliament— is by no means diflicult for the layman to follow. one of the principal objects of the whole scheme of reform was to assimilate the law of real to that of personal property. the administration of estates act carries that assimilation into practice chiefly in respect of the law of intestacy. under the old law, which ob- tained until 1897, when the net value of the real and personal estate of a person dying intestate exceeded £500, his widow (if any) was entitled to {500 as a prior charge subject to which all freehold estate went straight to the heir-at-law without the intervention of any personal representative, whilst leasehold property was classified as personal estate and as such went to the personal representative. the land transfer act of 1897 intro- duced intervention of the personal representative in the devolu- tion of real estate; but now, by the administration of estates act 1925, legal heirship, dower and curtesy and all similar cus- tomary methods of descent are abolished and an entirely new system is set up under which real and persona] estate both devolve upon the personal representative to be held by him, as to the real estate upon trust to scll the same anc as to the per- sonal estate to call in and realise also, and then, after payment out of the total proceeds of the entire estate of funeral and testa- mentary expenses and debts of deceased, to dispose of the residue in accordance with the rules of distribution applicable to the case. trustees and settlements trustce act 1t925——this measure consolidates the whole law regarding trustees, their duties and liabilities, into one act, absorbing in the process the various changes introduced by the law of property acts 1922 and 1924. the provisions of the act require to be read at many points in conjunction with one or other of the several statutes grouped with it in the entire scheme for amending the law of property. thus, in the matter of vesting deeds and trust instruments gencrally its provisions dovetail in with those of the settled land act; and in regard to trusts for sale with those of the law of property act 1925. other pro- visions correlate closely with those of the administration of estates act. enlarged powers are given to trustees with regard to com- pounding of liabilities, employment of professional agents, sale by auction and other administrative matters. greater indem- nity is provided against their liability for negligence for which they personally were not to blame. enlarged powers are be- stowed in regard to the lending of trust monies upon security for repayment and in regard to mortgages upon land sold or leased up to soo years. on the other hand, there is increased liability in respect of investment in industrial securities. generally, the act reviews the whole subject of investments. entirely new arrangements are made for the appointment and discharge of trustees, in the interests of expedition and the saving of expense —particularly by obviating as far as possible the need for appli- cations to the court. settled land act 1925.—this act, standing alone, constitutes a great measure in itself. it contains 120 sections and five sche- dules. it repeals and consolidates all existing enactments relat~- proportional -—-protestant episcopal ing to settled land in england and wales and introduces many new provisions originating in the law of property act 1922 and the later amending act of 1924. the act defines “‘ settlements ” and “‘ compound settlements ” and makes special provisions in the interest of infants and mar- ried women. it applies the new system affecting estates in land under the law of property act 1925 to settled land and deals in detail with vesting deeds and trust instruments. the whole position of the tenant-for-life and of a limited owner having the powers of a tenant-for-life comes under review, and extended freedom is given in regard to sale and exchange, leasing powers (both in regard to the laid or to any easement attaching to it), investment of capital moneys, expenditure on improvements, etc. a new power is given to treat as one whole estates settled by different settlements upon the same limitations, and special provisions are made for the protection or recovery of land settled or claimed as settled. | the powers of trustees in regard to management of landed estates during the minority of the tenant-for-life are reviewed, and important restrictions are imposed in some directions, while in others greater freedom is permitted and the powers and duties of trustees generally are rendered less onerous. these powers and duties, however, are more fully dealt with in the trustee act. registration of jitles and ciliarges land registration act r925—under this statute a remodelled scheme of law relating to the registration of title has been intro- duced, and although it has not created any new legal principle it has done what was needed to bring registration of title into line with the other changes effected by these acts. in future, the only person who may apply to have a title registered must be either (1) the owner of a legal estate (not being an infant) or (2) a person—other than a mortgagee or a person who has merely entered into a contract to purchase—who is entitled to demand a legal estate. prior to this, mere contractors to purchase could register. formerly, money was raised on registered land by way of registered charge. this system has been enlarged and a regis- tered proprietor may raise money alternatively by mortgaging the land as though it were not registered and protect it by a “caution ” in a prescribed form—the land certificate in either case then being deposited in the registry until the mortgage or charge is cancelled. registration of title has not hitherto been compulsory in all parts of the country. it has been open to a county council by resolution adopted at a mecting attended by two-thirds of its members to enforce compulsory registration within its own county. this right is continued for the time being, but 10 years hence (7.e. in 1936) the new method will be introduced of requir- ing compulsory registration in any county by order in council subject to the right of the county council or of any law society whose area is affected to insist upon a public enquiry before any such order is made. where unregistered land situated in a com- pulsory area is sold and conveyed the purchaser is required to apply for registration within two months—otherwise the con- veyance will be void as regards the legal estate. adverse pos- session will give a good title to registered land upon proof of title in the same way as it will to unregistered land: so that ifa man is in adverse possession of registered land under circum- stances which (had it not been registered) would have enabled him to extinguish the title of the registered proprietor he will be able to secure the legal estate by virtue of his adverse possession. the act contains new provisions in regard to the bankruptcy of registered proprietors of land. when a bankruptcy petition is presented it may be registered under the land charges act and a “ creditors’ notice ” will then be placed against the title which will affect the rights of all creditors. if, 1n due course, the proprietor is adjudicated bankrupt, his trustee is entitled to become registered proprietor, but he cannot deal with the land until he has become so registered. moreover, 1f he fails to do so immediately he may be postponed to other claimants in certain events. 239 death duties-——very important provisions (some of them entirely new) relate to death duties. as regards such duties arising before the act the old provisions of the land transfer acts remain: but as to those becoming due after jan. 1 1926 new rules have been made. when a registered proprietor dies a notice of the pending liability is to be entered on the register, and thereafter no transactions will be registered without the cognisance of the inland revenue authorities. the liability for death duties in respect of the land will rest upon (a) the personal representative in whom it has become vested, or, alternatively, (5) in the registered proprictor other than a purchaser who has acquired it free from the charge in respect of cuties. land charges act, 1925.—this, an act dealing entirely with ministerial matters arising out of the new legal system, is de- scribed in its preamble as ‘“* an act to consolidate the enactments relating to the registration of pending actions, annuities, writs, orders, deeds of arrangement, and land charges, and to searches.” it aims at simplifying the procedure by which purchasers of land can find out what, if any, encumbrances exist upon it and all else regarding threatened litigation affecting it. one very impor- tant change is involved in the requirement that all mortgages which are nol protected by the deposit of title deeds must be registered as land charges. such registration is to operate as | formal notice, and failure to register will render the charge void as against a purchaser. (w. m. fp.) proportional representation: see electoral laws. protestant episcopal church (sce 22.473a).—the progress of this church in the united states, so far as its organ- isation and official life are concerned, is registered largely in the activities of its triennial convention. in the convention of roro, stimulated by the recent missionary conference in edinburgh, action was taken toward calling a world conference on faith and order for all churches believing jesus christ to be god and saviour of the human race. the date and place set for the conference was 1927 in lau- sanne. all the major churches in christendom, excepting the roman catholic church, will send representatives. the move- ment is indicative of the interest of the episcopal church in unity. in 1913 the long-standing article of the constitution providing for provincial organisation was made effective by the passage of a canon uniting the dioceses and missionary districts of the church into eight provinces with limited jurisdiction. i:very attempt to give the provinces real authority to the relief of the presiding bishop and of the general convention has thus far (1926) failed. under the jeadership of the bishop of massa- chusetts (dr. lawrence), in accordance with action by the general convention of 1913 a pension fund was set up on actuarial calculations, taking cognisance of accrued liabilities, which has since become the model of similar funds in other churches. the book of common praycr.—the revision and enrichment of the book of common prayer (sce prayer book) has been discussed and progress made, consuming much time, for five successive conventions, and comes to a close in 1928. during the world war the episcopal church took its stand behind the gov- ernment and lent its personnel and resources in aid of the coun- try and its allies. in the last convention (1925) action was taken in the house of bishops looking toward a declaration of the church’s mind on war. the national council —a far-reaching change was made in t9199 in the organisation of the church by the establishment of the presiding bishop and council as the executive body of the general convention acting between sittings. this body, later termed the national council, began with four departments— missions and church extension, religious education, christian social service, finance and publicity, ‘ with power to organise such other departments as the work might demand.” the budget system was adopted for the general work of the church. the rt. rev. dr. gailor was elected president of the council. in 1923 the venerable bishop tuttle died after holding the position of presiding bishop of the church for 20 years. he was succeeded by bishop garrett, and upon his death bishop talbot became presiding bishop, continuing in office until 240 jan. 1925, when he was succeeded by bishop murray. bishop murray became the first presiding bishop by election, the office hitherto having gone to the senior bishop of the church by consecration. the activities of the church have been greatly enlarged since 1919. work among foreign-born has been intensified, relations with oriental churches have been enlarged and missionary re- sponsibility systematised and consolidated. t'wice—once by a fraction of the lay vote and three years later by a tie vote in the house of bishops—the episcopal church has refused to become a constituent member of the federal council of the churches of christ in america. in 1925, through its national council, it in- creased contacts from two to eight with corresponding depart- ments of the federal council. statistics. —the episcopal church in 1925 numbered 1,193,321, communicants, an increase of 264,541 over 1910. there were 6,140 clergy (1,400 of whom are non-parochial) and 3,740 lay readers ministering to 8,397 parishes and missions. the number of candidates for holy orders was 454. there were 498,814 scholars in sunday-school. the dioceses and missionary districts numbered 104. the total contributions for 1925 amounted to $41,746,055. the episcopal church is strongest in the great centres of the east, but it declines in strength toward the west. see the journal of the general convention 1910-25. (c. h. br.*) prothero, sir george walter (1848-1922), british historian, was born in wiltshire oct. 14 1848, being the eldest son of rev. g. prothero, canon of westminster abbey. edu- cated at eton, he went from there to king’s college, cambridge, of which society he became a fellow. for a time a master at eton, he soon returned to cambridge as lecturer and tutor at king’s college, where he was senior tutor from 1881. in 1884 he was appointed university lecturer in history; in 1894 he went to edinburgh as professor of history; and in 1899 he succeeded his brother rowland, afterwards lord ernle, as editor of the ouarterly review. during the world war he was director of the historical section of the foreign office and in that capacity he attended the peace conference in paris. he was created k.b.e. in 1920 and died in london july ro 1922. prothero’s chief historical works are the life and times of simon de montfort and the collection of authorities entitled select statutes and other constitutional documents. he was editor of the cambridge “ historical series’? and one of the editors of the cambridge modern history. protic, stojan (1857-1923), yugoslav statesman, was born at krussvak jan. 29 1857 and at first entered the government service. he soon came into conflict with the repressive regime of king milan and in 1882 became editor of samouprava and a leader of the new radical party. he was imprisoned for a press offence in 1883 and again in 1885. he held subordinate posts in the radical cabinet of 1887. in 1899 an attempt on king milan’s life was used by the government to rid itself of its radical rivals. proti€e was sentenced to 20 years’ hard labour, although, in fact, he had no connection with the crime. pardoned nine months later, he became director of the national library. after the revolution of 1903 he represented the radi- cals in the first provisional cabinet under king peter and remained minister of the interior in most of the succeeding cabinets down to 1907. he was finance minister during the bosnian crisis and again became minister of the interior during the period of the balkan wars and the european crisis of 1914. early in 1914 he came into conflict with the “ black hand,” a secret terrorist organisation in the army. this conflict is one of the best proofs that the serbian government had no connec- tion with the “ black hand ” in its alleged share in the arch- duke’s murder. protie remained out of office during the period of coalition government from dec. 1914 to june 1917, but continued to exercise great influence in the background. he was returned to office in 1917 and played an active part in the negotiations leading to the corfu agreement between the serbian govt. and the yugoslav committee. he showed more comprehen- prothero—protozoology sion for the croat and slovene standpoint than his colleague pasi¢, and when the conflict between pasi¢ and trumbii in 1918 delayed the recognition of yugoslavia by the allies and created an awkward situation with italy, protie was appointed the first premier of the new yugoslav state. he was keenly interested in the constitutional problem, and after his resigna- tion in aug. 191g published his own draft project. disagreeing with the exaggerated centralism of pasie, he declined office in 1921 and drifted steadily away from his old colleague. protie died in belgrade in nov. 1923. his publications include the aspirations of bulgarta (1916) and le probleme albanais, etc. (1913), issued under the pseudonym of ‘‘ balkanicus.”’ protozoology (see 22.479), is that branch of zoology which is concerned with the group of animals known as the protozoa. the protozoa are very interesting and important animals, from both the practical and the theoretical standpoint. nevertheless, they are all small, and most of them are of microscopic dimen- sions. to the general public they are therefore invisible, and consequently unknown, except by the conspicuous results— such as diseases—which they occasionally produce. in common speech they are still nameless, though they are popularly included among “ animalcules ”’ and ‘ microbes.” but these are unscientific and unnatural groups, which comprise all microscopic creatures, both animals and plants; and conse- quently the protozoa are still confused, in the popular mind, with other “ microbes,” such as the bacteria (see bacteriology), with which they have no connection. as an individual science protozoology only became self-conscious at a quite recent period. the name itself, though already in use be- tween 1870 and 1880, only became current after the opening of the 20th century—that is to say, within the memory of many living zoologists. but the science was really born—though not baptised— when the first protozoa were discovered, in the latter half of the 17th century, by a man who was neither zoologist nor physician, but a draper who occupied the position of chamberlain to the sheriffs of the little town of delft in holland—antony van leeuwenhoek (1632-1723). this remarkable man made his own microscopes, lenses and all, and turned them upon almost every object which suggested itself to his quick imagination. in the course of his work he examined the water from the leaden gutters of his house, from the well in his courtyard and also fresh rain-water, snow-water, and ‘the water wherein pepper had jain infused.’’ he found that all these liquids and many ener were not clear and empty when viewed by the microscope, but teeming with living creatures. the dis- covery was promptly communicated by letter to the royal society in london, who published a part of it in the year 1677. some of the animals which ileeuwenhock there described can now be identified as protozoa and his letter may therefore be regarded as the first page in the history of protozoology. leeuwenhoek, the father of protozoology, himself studied and described many protozoa and his observations were soon repeated and confirmed by others, but for many years protozoology made little progress, and remained essentially what it was originally—an amusement rather than a science. although many good observa- tions were made and recorded, they were always disjointed and often distorted by fancy and speculation. many good zoologists regarded with doubt and misgiving everything seen with the microscope, an attitude of mind which has not ute disappeared even in these days of perfect instruments. even the great linnaeus (1707-78) never overcame his suspicions sufficiently to incorporate the protozoa firmly in his system. his mental attitude is shown in the name ‘ chaos infusorium,’’ with which, in 1767, he dubbed a mixed lot of questionable protozoal organisms—the term chaos itself having been suggested, no doubt, by ovid’s “' rudis indigestague moles.” but already at this period many workers were convinced that the protozoa—or ‘'‘infusoria,’’ as they were then called from their occurrence in infusions—have a real existence. the once notorious john hill (1716-75) in 1752 for the first time scientifically named a number of protozoa which he had seen in infusions. but it was not until 1773 that a serious attempt was made to reduce the chaos to order by careful observation and description and classification of the ‘“ infusoria.”” this notable work was done by the danish nat- uralist, o. f. miller (1730-84); and his last book, published post- humously in 1786, is the first systematic treatise on protozoology, miiller was able to attempt a comprehensive systematic treatise on the protozoa, because a very considerable advance had taken place in biological thought since microscopic organisms were discovered. many of the earlier workers, like the uneducated at the present day, believed in spontaneous generation. they believed, with aristotle, that many ‘‘ imperfect ’’ animals were bred in mud, water or decom- posing matter; and so long as this view was tenable there was no reason why these misbegotten offspring of the superabundant provtozoology vitality of the earth should display any particular constancy in their appearance or any fixity of form. consequently, to attempt to describe and classify the ‘‘ infusoria ’? must have seemed a futile task to many men of science 200 years ago. in the latter half of the 18th century many minor contributions were made to protozoology, but no considerable advance was made until about 1830, when the berlin zoologist, c. g. ehrenberg (1795- 1876), began to publish his researches. his chief contribution to protozoology was published in 1838—a monumental folio volume of more than 550 pages, accompanied by an atlas of 64 coloured plates. this is still one of the classics of the science. it contained much that was new and much that was true, everything of note that his in- dustrious reading could find in the works of his predecessors, and withal a mass of mistakes to which he clung tenaciously — in spite of violent contradiction and criticism—to the end of his days. iehrenberg’s most dangerous opponent was a frenchman, felix dujardin (1801-60). in 1841, with an octavo volume of some 680 pages, but only 23 plates, he undermined the foundations of the big folio. and thus overthrew, for all time, many of the favourite theories of his german antagonist. since the time of dujardin only one really exhaustive work on the protozoa as a whole has been written. this is the great monograph by otto biitschli (1848-1920) of heidelberg, published in 1880-9. it is significant of the vast modern development of protozoology that no work on a like scale, by a single individual, has since been produced. the modern science-—since the middle of the roth century biological theory and practice have undergone profound changes; and in more recent years protozoology, with the rest of zoology, has largely changed its character. this period has secn—to note but a few of its more striking developments—the establish- ment of the theory of organic evolution, the rise of the cell theory, the foundation of histology and cytology, and the unfolding of physiology and embryology and medicine as experi- mental sciences. protozoology has been profoundly iniluenced by all these new growths, and has itself contributed not a little to them. an attempt has been made, and has already been partly successful, first, to discover all the protozoa there are, both living and fossil; then to investigate their structure in the minutest detail and to ascertain how they live and develop; and finally, to understand their relations to other organisms and their place in nature. before proceeding, we may note some of the peculiar difficulties which differentiate protozoology from the rest of zoology. the animals with which it deals are, speaking generally, invisible to the naked eye. consequently, they cannot be studied and anatomised by ordinary methods. the protozoologist has first to become a master in the use of the microscope and to learn its limitations as an instrument of research. when he has become proficient he must learn or devise methods for catching, watching, breeding and pre- serving those protozoa that he wishes to study, and must thus be- come familiar with a peculiar and varied technique adapted to the investigation of the lives and habits of animals invisible to the un- aided eye. he must then acquire the power of correctly interpreting what he sees under these peculiar conditions. if he is an efficient microscopist and a good observer, endowed with abundant patience and ingenuity, and if, at the same time, he is a good zoologist and sound philosopher, then, with experience and diligence, he may hope some day to become a good protozoologist. from the very nature of the subject, therefore, it will be obvious that it is easier to make mistakes in protozoology than in most other branches of zoology; and there can be /ittle doubt that the writings on the protozoa, taken as a whole, contain a larger percentage of error than those on any other group of animals. protozoology is, indeed, still in its infancy, and learning slowly and painfully by the method of making mistakes. protozoology, like most other sciences, is important from two different standpoints, which may be called the theoretical and the practical. on the theoretical side we have to consider its relations to the rest of zoology, and the value of its contribu- tions to biological philosophy; on the other side, we must consider the utility of its practical applications, which are chiefly medical. in other words, we must look at protozoology as a pure science and as an applied science. the pure science—the theoretical importance of proto- zoology is not what it appeared towards the end of the roth century. it has not fulfilled some of the high hopes then enter- tained for its future. in that earlier period the writer of an article such as this would have begun, in all probability, by declaring that the study of the protozoa would lead to the 241 solution of most of the outstanding general problems of biology. hle would have pointed out that these animals were of the greatest importance in connection with the two chief biological generalisations of his time—the cell theory and the evolution theory—and he would probably have ended by saying that a lack of detailed knowledge alone prevented protozoology from answering most of the fundamental questions of biology. though we have now an abundance of the sort of information then regarded as requisite, yet the great problems are still, for the most part, where they were. it is both interesting and instructive to inquire how this has come about. the cell theory was first definitely formulated, in germany, by schleiden (1838) and schwann (1839), and was modelled into its modern form by max schultze (1861): that is to say, it took shape at the time of the reformation of protozoology by ehrenberg and dujardin, when the science was still feeling for a foothold. according to the cell doctrine, all organisms, both animals and plants, are built up of structural units, called ‘* cells,” in much the same way as a house is built of bricks (see cytolocy). schultze defined ‘a cell” as ‘a little lump of protoplasm with a nucleus inside it,’? and this definition was generally accepted. it should be noted that this proposition, so far as the larger animals and plants are concerned, is not a “theory” at all, but a statement of fact easily verifiable by means of the microscope. the body of a rabbit or a cabbage is, for the most part, actually composed of ‘ cells ’’ as con- ceived in the definition. the ‘ theory ” was introduced when the proposition was held to apply to all organisms at all stages in their development. dujardin had shown that the protozoa are soft-bodied animals composed of ‘‘ sarcode ’—the “ proto- plasm ”’ of later workers—in which no constituent “ cells ’’ are discernible. like “ cells ’ protozoa contain “ nuclei,” but unlike the large animals, they show no internal differentiation into cellular units. it was thus necessary to introduce some new conception if the cell theory was to become universally appli- cable. the extension of the theory, so as to enable it to include the protozoa, was made by von siebold. each individual protozoon, he said, is itself a “cell.” it is comparable with a single one of the innumerable units of which the bodies of large animals are built. ‘the protozoa are “ unicellular ” animals, all others “multicellular.” according to this doctrine, therefore, a proto- zoon 1s not comparable, as an individual, with a whole multi- cellular animal, but with one of the cells in its body: or, the other way about, a multicellular animal is not an individual of the same sort as a protozoon, but a colony of such individuals. this conception appeared so plausible—owing, it must be supposed, to the backward state of protozoology and cytology at that date—that 1t found ready acceptance; and, in spite of the cogent objections which have been raised against it by huxley (1853), whitman (1893), sedgwick (1894), dobell (1911) and others, it has prevailed down to the present day. when the cell theory was being founded, another great biological generalisation was just emerging, the doctrine of organic evolution (g.v.). charles darwin’s great work, which appeared in 1850, created a revolution in biological thinking. although darwin’s own work, and his statement of the theory, appear to be unexceptionable, the doctrine miscalled ‘‘ darwin- ism” developed along extravagant lines—chielly, as is now evi- dent, owing to the wild speculations and dominating influence of e. haeckel and other german writers. the “ cell theory ” was immediately subpoenaed to give evidence for these ‘‘ darwin- ists.””. they wrongly believed that the evolution theory required the presence of some “ most primitive” and “ elementary ”’ animals—from which all the ‘‘ higher ” forms had been derived —on the earth at the present day; and the shaky syllables let fall by the cell theory were eagerly seized upon, interpreted and ultimately tncorporated as incontrovertible facts in the case of the “‘ evolutionists.” “ unicellular ”’ organisms, such as the protozoa, thus became the starting-point of evolutionary specu- lations. the protozoa were obviously the ‘ simplest ” animals, since less was known about them than about the others; and 2i2 they were clearly the “most elementary,” each individual representing but one of the structural elements of which the others were composed. their insignificant size made them the * lowest ” forms on earth, and their position—according to the “ theory ’’—at the bottom of the “scala nuturae,” made them the “ most primitive.” it thus became easy to show, by specious arguments and “ question-begging epithets,” that protozoology occupied a position of fundamental importance in biology. by studying the protozoa the earliest stages in evolution would be revealed, the beginnings of life would be laid bare; while physi- ology and morphology, stripped of all confusing detail, would appear in their elemental forms. but it 1s now become clear that protozoology was placed in a false position by the devotees of the cell doctrine and the dogmatic evolutionists. let us look at the fundamental conception of the “ unicellularity ” of the protozoa from another angle, and see how it appears in the light of modern knowledge. in the first place it is clear that the protozoa cannot properly be described as “‘ unicellular.” every protozoal animal has an independent existence. it has its own peculiar structure, exer- cises its own proper functions, leads its own life—often, indeed, a very complex one. as an animal it is, from every standpoint, as much an “ individual ”’ as a man is. one protozoon is one whole animal, just as one man is one whole animal. from the standpoint of common sense, no less than from that of modern zoology, the whole organism is the unit of individuality. but when we examine a protozoon under the microscope we still see—as dujardin saw—that its body is not differentiated inter- nally into cells, as is that of a man. its body is often surprisingly complex in structure, but it is never composed of cells. it is clear, therefore, that we can contrast the body of a man with that of a protozoon by saying that the one ts cellular in struc- ture, the other sron-cellular, to call it “ unicellular” and thus compare one whole animal with a minute differentiated fraction of another, is obviously absurd. it is as though a man who had only seen houses built of bricks were suddenly to encounter one constructed, all of a piece, of concrete; and then, being unable to find the familiar individual bricks in its fabric, were to declare that the concrete house is not a house—in the sense that the brick house is—but one large and peculiarly modified brick. when once it is realised that the protozoa are not, in any sense, “ elementary ” or “unicellular ” animals, but a group of peculiarly constructed creatures, adapted in a special way to particular conditions of life, then it will also be realised that we have no reasons—apart from preconceived ideas derived from unsound generalisations—for believing that they represent “ primitive ” or “ first” forms of life. that they are not “simple” we now know. it is true that they display, on the whole, less visible structural differentiation than most of the larger animals; but physiologically they are very complex. that they are able to perform all the chief functions of “ higher ” animals, but with fewer instruments, does not make their mechanism easier to understand; and it is thus hardly con- ceivable that the protozoa can ever offer us the easiest way of approach to physiological problems. they offer us, indeed, the most difticult field in animal physiology, owing to their micro- scopic size and apparent simplicity ol structure. as a point of historic interest, it may be noted that the father of protozoology and his immediate followers had none of the extrava- gant later notions regarding the “ unicellular’ and “ elementary nature of the protozoa. for leeuwenhoek the protozoa were an- imals like any other animals, but delightfully and marvellously little; and he thus saw more clearly and naturally than many of his later successors. there are probably few biologists who now cherish any hopes of seeing the fundamental problems of biology solved by the study of the protozoa, though the majority stil] speak and write in the optimistic language of last century. yor these mental survivals there is a psychological basis, which seems worth noting before we go on to consider the true status and value of protozoology. there is a curious disposition, apparently protozoology inherent in the human mind, to suppose that by studying the most minute creatures we can come nearer to first principles. and it is the same with the study of the larger organisms. as the cytologist probes into the structure of an animal with higher and still higher powers of the microscope, he feels that he is gradually “ getting to the bottom ” of his problems. he feels that when his microscope has resolved the larger animals into their smallest component parts and has revealed every detail of the smallest living thing, he will be face to face with fundamentals. it does not require much thought to realise that this is a fallacy. the deeper we delve, the more detail we dis- cover. but it is all of the same sort; we add to the quantity and not 1o the quality of our knowledge. with the highest possible magnification we shall obtain no information which is qualitatively or fundamentally different from that to be derived from the study of large organisms and their gross anatomy, with the naked eye. the mental bias just mentioned seems to be responsible for many popular—and not a few “ scientific ’’—notions about the protozoa. it appears, for example, to be at the back of the unreasonable but common belief that the protozoa are ‘‘ elementary ’’ and ‘ prim- itive ’ animals. although few biologists now believe in spontaneous generation, yet many are able to believe that living things must have been spontaneously generated from lifeless matter in the past; and to those who hold this belief it still appears self-evident that the organisms so generated were microscopic. consequently, these biologists feel that the protozoa must, in some way, be nearer than other animals to “ the beginnings of jife,”” and they find no difficulty in conceiving that the first animals were ‘‘ protozoa.’”’ in the same way, when these same biologists come to consider evolution, and the relations of living animals to one another, they find tin the protozoa the easiest starting-point for their speculations. the protozoa are “the simplest ’’ animals, and the human mind works most readily from simple to complex conceptions. consequently, evolution is pictured as necessarily moving in the same direction—the simply constructed creatures coming first, and the complex developing fromthem. but it is surely a poor philosophy which would constrain nature to order her infinite events in that particular sequence in which thoughts happen to follow one another mast easily in the mind of man. what, then, it may be asked, is the theoretical interest or value of protozoology? clearly it is this. biological theory is sound in proportion to the truth of its generalisations. when all the facts are known about all animals and plants, we shall be able to make true general propositions about them. before we know the facts our generalisations can be but partial and premature—more or less lucky guesses, based upon incomplete knowledge. all biological theory is at present in this condition, and therefore the careful study of any animal or group of animals, such as the protozoa, will, if it yields new facts for generalisation, be valuable ultimately as a contribution to biology. at present we cannot hope to do much more than collect facts, by means of accurate observation and apposite experiment. when we have collected and critically analysed them, we can sometimes make tentative generalisations of a lesser order. but the larger and truer generalisations will come later. it may be said that if this is all that can be expected from protozoology, then it is no more important than any other branch of zoology: there is no reason why we should study the yrotozoa rather than any other group of animals. all this is true and reasonable; but there is also a reason why protozoology is likely to yield results of particular interest. the protozoa are a group of animals organised on a different principle from the rest. they are, as we have just seen, non-cellular animals with peculiar lives and habits. structurally and functionally they differ, in many ways, from all other animals. now all the chief biological generalisations—almost all general proposi- tions relating to such phenomena as birth, growth, development, sex, reproduction, heredity, variation and death—have been derived from observatiors made upon the larger multicellular animals. when general ideas were formulated on such subjects the protozoa were practically left out of account. when the more important facts about the protozoa are firmly established, we shall be able to recast many of our biological theorems in protozoology a more satisfactory form. the protozoa offer us, in other words, a new world of animals for generalisation, and a new standpoint from which to survey our old-world zoological knowledge. the appited sctence—the chief practical applications of protozoology are to medicine. certain of the protozoa live as parasites in the bodies of men and animals and thereby cause diseases. some of these are so important that they are widely known—for example, malaria and sleeping sickness—and the elucidation of such diseases is one of the most interesting and recent chapters in biology (see parasitology). the founder of protozoology was the first to find protozoa inhabit- ing the living bodies of other and larger animals. in 1681 he described one such ‘ animalcule ’ which was living in his own intestine. in 1683 he described and depicted others from the intestine of the frog. all these are recognisable, with fair certainty, at the present day. leeuwenhoek did not suggest that these ‘ parasites '’ were in any way concerned in the causation of disease and it is probable, indeed, that the forms which he observed are not. but already at that date the ‘‘ microbe "’ theory of disease-production was in existence, for it was guessed at long before any “‘ microbes’ were discovered; and consequently we find that, even in lecuwenhoek’s lifetime, the sug- gestion was put forward that his “ little antmals” might be the ““ causes " of certain disorders. we find, for example, an early fellow of the royal society remarking, in 1683, of a ‘‘murren ” which had raged among cattle in central europe, and of which the cause was undiscovered: ' i wish mr. leeuwenhoek had been present at some of the dissections of these infectedanimals. iam persuaded he would have discovered some strange insect or other in them.’’ mr. leeu- wenhoek’s successors have, on many a like occasion, fulfilled the expectations of ‘‘the ingenious fred. slare, m.d., and f.r.s.,” but his ‘‘ strange insects "' they now call ‘‘ protozoa "’ or “‘ bacteria.” our knowledge of protozoal diseases—diseases colloquially said to be “‘ caused ”’ by protozoal parasites—really begins as recently as the middle of the roth century, when louis pasteur (1822-95) began his researches on a disease of silkworms called pebrine. applying to the investigation of this disease the genius which stamps his work on “ microbes ” generally, pasteur first discovered its causes and then deduced methods for its pre- vention. the “ cause ” he found to be a microscopic parasite, now called nosema bombycis and classified among the protozoa. although pasteur did not know that the parasite was a proto- zoon, his work on pebrine and other microbic diseases was of fundamental importance for protozoology, because it demon- strated the methods by which such diseases can be studied and elucidated. it is common knowledge that pasteur founded modern bacteriology; but in so doing he also laid the founda- tions of medical protozoology. to the casual reader it may scem strange that the study of silk- worms can have any bearing upon medicine, or could in any way contribute toward the alleviation of human suffering. but there was another practical result of pasteur’s work which ¢veryone will immediately appreciate, since it can be expressed in pounds, shillings and pence. before pebrine attacked the silkworms of france the silk industry yielded an annual! revenue of 130,000,000 francs to the state. after the disease had raged for a dozen years the revenue had fallen to 8,000,000 and the industry was on the brink of ruin, to have discovered the causes of the disease and to have devised, asa direct consequence, means for its control, and, as a further consc- quence of this, to have rehabilitated the whole silk industry—these are practical results which everyone can understand. one has but to remember that protozoal diseases may affect man himself and his larger domesticated animals, not merely silkworms, to realise the practical possibilities of protozoology. toward the close of the tgth century medical protozoology became linked up with another branch of zoology——entomology, the science which deals with insects (see entomology, medical). this connection has nothing to do with the silkworms just mentioned, but arose through the discovery of the part played by certain other insects in the causation of protozoal diseases. the discoveries in this fizld began, once more, with the investi- gation of a disease of domesticated animals; but the pioneer was not, in this case, the frenchman pasteur, but the scotsman david bruce. his work is of such importance that we must notice it at this point. the work of bruce—some parts of africa are the home of certain large blood-sucking flies called “tsetse.” the “ fly country ” is uninhabitable except for wild animals; and long 243 before its full significance was understood, the fly itself was recognised as a serious obstacle to the opening-up of central africa. livingstone, the greatest of all african explorers, was so impressed with the fly’s importance in this connection that he put a vignette of a tsetse on the title-page of his afissionary travels (1st ed., 1857). livestock taken into the “‘ fly coun- try ” rapidly succumbs to a disease which is called “‘ nagana ” in zululand, where bruce’s original investigations were made. the disease was also called “ tsetse-fly disease,” since it was believed by the european settlers to be caused by the bite of the fly. the natives believed, however, that it was “ caused by the presence of large game, the wild animals in some way contaminating the grass or drinking water.” bruce began his work in zululand—after an abortive attempt in 1894—in september 1895 (the month of pasteur’s death). his full report on his researches is dated may 1896. in this almost incredibly short space of time he demonstrated that nagana is caused by a protozoal blood-parasite—since named trypanosoma brucei, after its discoverer; that the parasite lives normally in the blood of big game, without harming them; and that it is conveyed from animal to animal by the tsetse. when the fly sucks the blood of an infected animal it becomes itself infected with the trypanosomes, which are subsequently re- inoculated into other animals by the fly when it sucks their blood. if these other animals are domestic stock, such as oxen or horses, they become infected with trypanosomes, contract nagana and die. if they are wild game, such as antelopes, they also become infected, but develop no disease. in nature the trypanosome lives in the game and the flies alternately, the fly acling as an intermediary in the spread of infection from antelope to antelope. | bruce thus succeeded in extracting the elements of truth from both the european and the native beliefs, and was able to com- bine them into a true theory of the causation of nagana. at the same time he threw a flood of light on many other protozoal diseases, and suggested all sorts of possibilities concerning their causation and prevention. he forged new links between proto- zoology and medicine and between entomology and protozoology. it is true there were other lights and other links before. trypa- nosomes were known, and known to cause diseases, before bruce went to zululand. two welshmen, timothy lewis and griffith i-vans, had observed similar parasites in india more than a dec- ade earlier; and two americans, theobald smith and kilborne, had demonstrated in 1893 that the disease of cattle known as ‘texas fever’’—a disease also caused by a blood-inhabiting protozoal parasite—is transmitted from beast to beast by the agency of ticks. but bruce’s work was solid, complete and demonstrative. by clean experiments and right reasoning he contributed more to science in a few months than hundreds who have followed up his work have since been able to contribute in many years. | the following-up of bruce’s discoveries and the working-out of details and consequences have led to the accumulation of an immense amount of new knowledge—protozoological, ento- mological and medical. we can do no more than mention it here. we must, however, notice one of the first fruits of his labours—the application of his results to the study of human diseases. this application was made mainly by bruce himself. a few years after he had done his great work on nagana he attacked the problem of sleeping sickness, a human disease which has depopulated large areas of central africa. bruce and his collaborators were able to show that this disease is similar to nagana. it is likewise caused by a trypanosome, which is con- veyed to man by the bite of a tsetse-fly, and which is capable of living in other animals. in this case the parasite had been previously seen by forde and dutton and by castellani. but its relation to human disease, and the part played by the tsetse in its transmission, were first clearly demonstrated through the work of bruce. (see parasitology; sleeping sickness.) malaria and other diseascs—we must now notice another disease, which is known by name to all—malaria, “ the scourge of the tropics.” this disease, as we now know, js also carried from 244 man to man by the agency of a blood-sucking fly—in this case a mosquito; and it is also caused by a blood-inhabiting protozoal parasite, though it is one very different from that which causes nagana. moreover, this parasite lives in men and mosquitoes only. after uncergoing a peculiar development in the blood of a human being, it is sucked up with his blood by a mosquito when it feeds upon him. provided that the mosquito is of the right sort, the parasites in the blood—if they are in the proper stage of development—undergo further remarkable changes in the mos- quito’s body. thereafter the mosquito is able to infect other men with the parasites, which it injects into their blood in the process of sucking. and so the life of the parasite continues. the foregoing is the briefest synopsis of a very complicated story, in which almost every event has been worked out in great detail. hundreds have contributed to this work, though some of them can hardly be said to have co-operated in it. indeed, such bitter fights have taken place among them that it has now become almost im- possible to mention the names of some workers without offending others, fortunately, however, the names of the leading discoverers are now known to almost everybody, and their individual achieve- ments are no longer in dispute. even the “ general reader ”’ is famil- iar with the name of laveran (1845-1922), the great frenchman who, in 1880, discovered the malarial parasites in human blood; of patrick manson (1844-1922), the founder of modern tropical med- icine, who divined, in 1894, the part played by the mosquito; of ronald ross, who, inspired by manson, first worked out in 1898 the complete development of the malarial parasite of birds; and of grassi (1854-1925), and his fellow-workers in italy, who imme- diately confirmed ross’s work and extended and successfully applied his results to the study of malaria in man. when the 19th century ended the story was almost complete. (see malaria.) it will be evident that malaria, nagana and similar diseases are not purely protozoological problems. it will also be obvious that such diseases might be prevented by attacking either the protozoal parasites which “‘ cause’ them, or the insects which transmit them, though there could have been but little hope of success in coping with such diseases before the life-histories of the parasites were discovered. the practical importance of protozoology in cases such as these is self-evident. the facts speak for themselves. malaria ts a far commoner disease than nagana, and the discoveries relating to it have therefore made a far wider appeal to the public. it intrigues the public to hear that there would still be no panama canal but for the great discoveries in connection with malaria. it would excite them but little to hear that some obscure tribe of zulus could now keep cattle in places where it was previously impossible. but the advancement of science is not measured in such terms, and science values most highly those who discover and enunciate new principles. already we can observe that the problems presented by nagana and malaria are similar, and that most of the gencralisa- tions which their solution can give us are, indeed, the same. we can see, too, that history, in the end, is generally just. consequently, we may hazard a guess that in years to come the historian of science, in his impartial search for beginnings and great names, will not fail to note the sequence of the discoverics which we have just considered, and will apportion his praise accordingly. the war period.—medical protozoology, like many another branch of science, received a powerful stimulus from the war of 1914-8. not only was much of the previously acquired knowledge put into practice, but this practical application in turn revealed or emphasised the gaps, defects and errors in many current con- ceptions, and so led ultimately to the prosecution of new re- searches and the acquisition of much new knowledge. surveyed from the most general standpoint, the war appears to have taught us little that was new regarding malaria and the other protozoal diseases already mentioned. its chief protozoological contribution has been to our knowledge of those protozoa which live in the human intestine, and more especially to the elucicda- tion of the disease called amoebic dysentery. we may therefore say a few words on this subject at this point. (see dysentery.) the protozoa known as amoebae form a large and interesting group. most of the species live independently in such places as ponds, ditches or the soil; but some of them live in the bodies of other animals, and one of them—called entamoeba histol ytica— was already known before the war to live in the human bowel and ‘‘ cause ’’ amoebic dysentery. protozoology this parasite was first described by ldsch in russia as long ago as 1875. its real relation to dysentery, however, was not made clear, though much debated, until just before the war, when the admirable researches of two american workers in the philippine is.—e. l. walker and a. w. sellards—were published. during the war their results were confirmed and greatly extended, chiefly by the investiga- tions of british workers. as a consequence, we now know as much about amoebic dysentery as we do about malaria or the diseases due to trypanosomes. no less than five different species of amoebae may live in the intestine of man, though only one of these—the “ dysentery amoeba ”’ already mentioned—ever does him any harm. more- over, amoebic dysentery is a comparatively rare disease. ‘there are many different kinds of dysentery, and the kind due to amoe- bae is far from being the commonest. before the war amoebic dysentery was generally recognised as a disease more or less restricted to the tropics, though certain other kinds of dysentery occur all over the world. the curious fact brought into promi- nence by the war is that the dysentery amoeba itself is very common almost everywhere. ‘this parasite, which can cause, by its presence in the bowel, a violent and sometimes fatal form of dysentery, usually does no such thing. very many people in all parts of the world are infected with it, but very few ever suffer any appreciable harm from its presence. the parasite and the person who harbours it are usually suited to one another in such a way that they can live together comfortably, oblivious of the existence of one another. there are, for instance, in the british is. at this moment at least 2,000,000 people who are infected with these potentially disease-producing parasites, and yet enjoying perfect health. another curious feature of amoebic dysentery is the circum- stance that the disease cannot be contracted from a_ person suffering from it. ‘the people responsible for the spread of in- fection are those who harbour the parasite but themselves suffer no ill consequences from its presence. the explanation of these seemingly contradictory facts is really quite simple, now that we know the life-history of the amoeba and its relation to clisease. it is a popular fallacy to suppose that any parasite is the sole ‘cause’ of any disease. a disease is a joint result of many antecedent factors, and in the present case it would probably be nearer the truth to say that the person who harbours the amoe- ba, rather than the amoeba itself, is the “‘ cause” of amoebic dysentery. for dysentery results only when the infected person happens to be abnormally sensitive to infection with the amoeba, and the condition is as harmful to the parasite as it is to the pa- tient. normally man and amoeba fit one another, and there is no trouble. abnormally there is a misfit, and amoebic dysentery is the consequence. the foregoing considerations will serve to show once more the value of protozoology in the study of human diseases. what hope could there ever be of eradicating a disease such as amoebic dysentery if we remained in ignorance of the life-history of the parasites connected with it? we might cure every case of the disease—we might conceivably prevent the death of every patient who contracted it; but even if we did, it is now clear that this would have no effect whatever upon the continuance and prevalence of the disease itself. it has been supposed for so long that the parasites which produce protozoal diseases are peculiar to tropical or sub-tropical countries that the discovery of the dysentery amoeba in britain may seem surprising. it is really not so surprising as the circum- stance that nobody, until quite recently, had thought of looking for it here. and there are many equally remarkable parallels. to mention only those diseases and parasites which we have already noted, we can now say that malaria occurs indigenously in britain—though this was hardly suspected until recently; and that parasites closely similar to those which cause nagana and texas fever have now been discovered in british sheep and cattle. how far these observations are of practical importance the future will show, but already they clearly indicate that medical and veterinary protozoology may be studied with profit at home no fess than abroad. this, in fact, is being done to a very large extent. proust—prussia references.—the literature relating to protozoology is so vast that it is impossible to give adequate references in a few lines. the works listed below are therefore merely a selection of the more im- portant memoirs referred to in the preceding article, together with a few others likely to be of service to the reader desirous of pursuing the subject further. of recent monographs dealing with the protozoa as a whole the most trustworthy are those of doflein (1916) and minchin (1912), both of which contain copious bibliographies. a. van leeuwenhoek, ‘“‘ observations concerning little animals ob- served in rain—well—sea—and snow-water; as also in water wherein pepper had lain infused,”’ phil. trans. roy. soc., vol. 12 (1677); j. flill, a hrstory of animals (1752); c. linnaeus, systema naturae (1767); o. f. miller, antmalcula infusoria fluviatilia et marinacura o. fabricit (1786); c. g. ehrenberg, die infusionsthierchen als voll- kommene organismen (1838); f. dujardin, zitstoire naturelle des zoophytes: infusoires (1841); schwann's and schleiden’s re- searches, sydenham society (1847); c. t. von siebold, ‘* ueber einzellige phanzen und thiere,” zeitschr. f. wiss. zool. (1849); t. h. huxley, ‘‘ the cell theory ” (1853) reprinted in sctentific memoirs (1898-1903); m. schultze, ‘‘ veber muskelkerperchen und das, was man eine zelle zu nennen habe,”’a rch. f. anat. u. physiol. (1861); ll. pasteur, tudes sur la maladie des vers a soie (1870); o. biitschli, protozoa, in bronn's rom. klassen u. ordnungen des thier-reichs (1880-9); c. o. whitman ‘ the inadequacy of the cell-theory of development,” jour. of aforphology (1893); a sedgwick, ‘‘ on the inadequacy of the cellular theory of development,” quart. jour. micro. sct., vol. 37 (1894); d. bruce, further report on the tsetse fiy disease or nagana, in zululand (1897); m. verworn, general phy sielogy (1899); b. grassi, studi di uno zoologo sulla malaria (1900); sir d. bruce and others, reports of the sleeping sickness commission (1903-19); r. ross, ‘‘ researches on malaria,” jour. roy. army med. corps (1905); h. s. jennings, behartour of the lower organisms (1906); c. dobell, ‘‘ the principles of protistology,”’ archiv. f. protistenkunde (1911); a. laveranand f. mesnil, trvpano- somes et trypanosomtases (1912); e. a. minchin, an introduction to the study of the protozoa (1912); e. l. walker and a. w. sellards, ‘“‘ experimental entamoebic dysentery,’’ philippine jour. sci., b. (1913); f. doflein, lehrbuch der protosoenkunde (1916); s. p. james, malaria at ilome and abroad (1920); c. dobell and others, a re- port on the occurrence of intestinal protozoa in the inhabitants of britain, medical research council (1921); c. dobell and f. w. o'connor, the intestinal protozoa of man (1921). (c. do.) proust, marcel (1871-1922), french man of letters, was born in paris on july ro 1871. his father was a professor of medicine, and his mother was of jewish extraction. he was educated at the lycee condorcet, and about 1892 he was for some time associated with leon blum, louis mirhlfeld and tristan bernard on the revue blanche, a periodical conducted by a select group of intellectuals, mostly jewish. becoming a favourite in the salons—especially those of mme. de caillavet and madeliene lemaire—he wrote a number of society love- stories (collected in 1896 under the title les plaisirs et les jours) distinguished by their psychological subtlety. he also attained reputation as a clever writer of pusfiches. he became an enthusi- astic admirer of john ruskin and translated several of his works into french, including the bible of amiens, to which he contrib- uted a valuable preface. in ro902 proust’s health began to fail. thenceforward he was reluctantly obliged to lead an extremely retired and careful life, and for many years it looked as if he had altogether aban- doned literature, in which his name hitherto had not been known outside a small circle of friends. he was reading and writing a great deal, however. the interminable discursiveness of ruskin, which french readers do not suffer gladly, was to him a constant source of delight, and saint-simon, ever one of his favourite authors, exerted a powerful influence upon him at this time. thus it came about that, having unlimited time at his disposal, he embarked upon a long and leisurely work, full of minute detail, in which was imprisoned, as in a net, his whole experience of life; in which the sufon life he loved was revived in all its details and observances like the coust life in saint-simon’s memoirs; in which the people he had known provided the mate- rials for new, fuller and richer characters (m. de charlus, for example, is a blending of three different people of proust’s acquaintance), and in which the author sought out and lived the past over again. hence the general title given to the 15 volumes of the series, a la recherche du temps perdu (1913, etc.). this lengthy work had almost been completed when proust published the first part, du cete de chez swann, in 191 3. the freshness and minuteness of the recollections of childhood 245 attracted some attention, but none the less proust, who had had to publish the first part at his own expense, had difficulty in finding a publisher for the second, l’ombre des jeunes filles en feurs. when it did appear its qualities were at once appreciated by leon daudet, whose enthusiastic articles, followed by the award of the prix goncourt in 1918, brought proust’s name prominently before the public, and he was read, discussed and criticised everywhere. two more parts appeared during proust’s lifetime—le cete de guermantes and sodome et gomorrhe, both in 1921. when he died in paris, nov. 18 1922, he left three parts still in manuscript—la prisonniere, published in 1924, albertine disparue (1926) and le temps retrouve (1926). proust’s influence, especially since his death, has been con- siderable. he introduced into the novel an analytic method which has a superficial resemblance to that of meredith, but is more properly comparable with that of freud. that the name and notion of time should appear in the general title of his great work is not without significance. by a curious coincidence he was related by marriage to bergson, the philosopher of “ creative time,’ and the term “ creative time ” aptly describes the psy- chological time which proust explores, seeks and recovers. his people are never given as “ characters’ in the fashion of la bruyere or balzac; they are always in process of development, change and continual creation. part of proust’s success was due to the very thing that is likely to tell against his lasting reputation, viz.: the fact that his characters, beginning with the ‘‘ i” of the book, are excep- tional, an erotic and mysterious group having little in common with the generality of mankind. this is true not only of sodome et gomorrhe and proust’s emphasis upon homosexuality, but also of the idle life and ultimate nothingness of the people of his world, their lack of all interests other than those of social life, and the indifference that the ordinary reader must always feel as to their fate. on the other hand, there will be a taste for proust so long as there is a taste for pyschology as an end in itself, and so long as the play of memory, the searching and brooding that pertain to the conquest of the past, afford to some men a sufficient reason for living or a romantic manner of not living. the following translations by r. scott moncrieff ap- peared in english: swann’s way (1922); within a budding grove (1924); the guermantes way (1925). see marcel proust, an english tribute, collected by c. k. scatt moncrieff (1923); ‘‘ hommage & marcel proust, 1871-1922,” la nouvelle revue francaise, no. 112 (1923); l. pierre-quint, marcel proust: sa vie, son oeuvre (1925). (a. th providence, r.1i., u.s.a. (see 22.510), increased in popula- tion only 5:9% in the decade: after t910, and 12-8% in the five years 1920-5. the figure for 1920 was 237,595 which included 5,655 negroes and 69,895 foreign born; for 1925 (state census), 267,918. its varied and important factory products were valued at $120,241,000 in 1909; $267,629,000 in 1919; $170,116,661 in the year of depression, 1921; $215,654,286 in 1923, when there were 890 establishments, employing 45,495 wage-earners. extensive harbour improvements were initiated in 1918, in co-operation with the state and federal govern- ments. the water supply was increased by the construction of the scituate reservoir. a zoning ordinance was adopted in 1923. providence has a relatively high amount of child labour (11-7% of all children between 10 and 15 years of age being wage-earners in 1920). providence college, a roman catholic institution, was established in 1917, and had 517 students in 1925. brown university had 2,013 on the register in 1924~5, including 428 in the women’s college. prussia (see 22.518), a free state and territory of the german reich (freistaat preussen). the area is 113,833 sq. m. and the population (1925) 38,750,000; these figures include the prussian part of the saar district with estimated population. political history 1910-25.—up to 1918 prussia was a fed- erated state of the german reich (since 1871) and a monarchy, with constitution dating from jan. 31 1850. the king of prus- sia was also german emperor. the reigning dynasty was the hohenzollern. the people were represented through two 246 chambers: the upper house (herren haus) composed of mem- bers whose seats were hereditary and others appointed by the king for life; and the lower house (haus der abgeordneten) composed of members elected by direct voting according to the “three-class system ” (see 22.521). the principal political agi- tation before and during the war centred round the abolition of this undemocratic electoral system, which was loudly de- manded by the mass of voters and promised, but not granted, by the king at easter 1917. on nov. 9 1918 the king abdicated; on nov. ro the monarchy was abolished and the republican form of state proclaimed. the power rested at first with the workmen’s and soldiers’ councils: the executive authority was exercised by a plenary council, under whose orders a provisional government took over the conduct of the prussian government. during this period there was no popular representation; the lower house had been dissolved, the upper house abolished. on jan. 26 1910 the elec- tions to the constituent prussian assembly were held; on march 5 the assembly met. the final constitution was perfected on nov. 30 1920. meanwhile, prussia’s relations to the new repub- lic of the german reich had been regulated by the constitution of the german reich of aug. 11 1919 (see germany: constitution) which had put an end to the dominating position which prussia had enjoyed in the german federation, partly through the position of her king as german emperor. if prussia predomi- nates in the german reich to-day, this is due to her size and the fact that she has successfully preserved her unity. constitution and admintstration.—the constitution of the prus- sian free state includes 11 sections: the state, the executive power, the landtag (diet), the state council, the ministry of state, the legislative power, finance, self-administration, religious orders, state officials and temporary and final provisions. the section ‘‘ state ”’ declares that prussia is a republic and a member of the german reich. the national colours remain black and white. the authority ' of the state rests in the people as a whole. it can enunciate its will directly by referendum, or indirectly through the constitutionally appointed organs. the franchise is general, equal, secret and direct. the diet is the supreme organ of legislation, subject to the people's right of direct ‘ popular initiative ” or ‘' popular decision.’’ the diet has the right to decree legislation. it consists of deputies of the prus- sian people, elected for four years. after the elections of dec. 7 1924 there were 450 deputies (114 social democrats, 10g german national- ists, 81 centre, 45 people’s party, 44 communists, 27 democrats, 17 economic party, 11 national socialists and 2 poles), the president bting a social democrat, bantels. the council of state (staatsrat) exists to approve or to raise ob- jections to the decisions of the landtag. it consists of representatives of the provinces, elected from the provincial diets. new elections are held after the new clections of the individual provincial diets. in 1925 the council of state consisted of 77 members: its president was dr. adenauer, oberbiirgermeister of cologne. the ministry of state is a supreme executive and directing organ of the state. it consists of the minister president, who is elected by the landtag, and the ministers of state, whom he then nominates. the ministry of state consisted in 1925 of braun (social democrat), minister president; dr. a. m. zehnhoff (centre), minister of justice; sever- ing (social democrat), minister of the interior; hirtsiefer (centre), minister for popular welfare; dr. becker (non-party), minister of science, art and education; dr. hopker aschoff (democrat), minister of finance; dr. schreiber (democrat), minister of trade and industry; steiger (centre), minister of agriculture, state do- mains and forests. the principles of the administrative organisation were not changed by the revolution. prussia is divided into 13 provinces (formerly 14), each under an ober-prasident: east prussia, bran- denburg, pomerania, berlin city, the posen march (west prussia), lower silesia, upper silesia, prussian saxony, schleswig holstein, hanover, westphalia, the rhenish province, and ilessen nassau. each province, except berlin city, is divided into districts, each under a “‘ regierungsprasident ’ and these again into cantons, urban cantons and rural cantons, each under a landrat. the rural can- tons are at the same time communal organisations. the landrat controls the country communes and districts, the urban com- munes are directly under the regierungsprasident. area and population.—under the treaty of versailles, prussia ceded: to lithuania (memel district) 2,656 sq. km., with 141,238 persons (census of 1910); to poland, 46,142 sq. km., with 3,854,971 persons; to czechoslovakia, 316 sq. km., with 48,446 persons; to denmark, 3,993 sq. km., with 166,348 persons; to belgium, 1,036 sq. km., with 60,003 persons; to the free state of danzig, 1,914 sq. km., with 330,630 persons; or 56,058 sq. km. in all. in some cases these cessions were preceded by plebiscites. they affected nine prussia provinces: the heaviest losses were incurred by posen, westphalia and upper silesia. east prussia was separated from the mother country by the creation of the so-called polish corridor as an adit to danzig. on april 1 1922 pyrmont (65.6 sq. km., 10,443 inhabit- ants) was incorporated in prussia (see rhineland; ruhr: saar). at one time (1920) 27,572 sq. km. of prussian territory with over 8,500,000 inhabitants, were occupied. the demilitarised prussian territory on the rhine consists of 32,487 sq. km. with nearly 10,000,000 inhabitants, the territorial provisions of the treaty of versailles, therefore, affect in all almost 90,000 sq. km. of prussian soil, with over 14,000,000 inhabitants. the population of prussia was 36,700,000 in 1919, but at the census of june 16 1925 had reached 38,180,000; including the saar district, about 38,750,000. the sur- plus of births over deaths fell from 552,961 (1913) to 400,348 (1920); 438,778 (1921); 324,633 (1922); 270,036 (1923); 324,533 (1924). in the first half of 1925 it was 187,841. even taking into account the diminution of territory, these figures show a considerable reduction in the natural increase of population. this surplus of births was due solely to a great reduction in the death-rate, for the birth-rate itself has fallen heavily and steadily since 1913. emigration has been exactly balanced by repatriation and immigration. the losses of territory were most important for prussia from the economic point of view. in upper silesia, prussia lost one of her most valuable industria! districts; and in the provinces of posen and west prussia, the districts which produced the largest agricultural surplus. in 1913 the part of upper silesia which is now polish pro- duced 33,100,000 tons of coal, 440,000 tons of zinc (68 % of the entire german production of zinc); the blast furnaces of upper silesia produced 500,000 tans of pig iron; the smelting works delivered 1,000,000 tons of steel; and the rolling mills manufactured 900,000 tons of finished goods. agriculture and. industry.—prussia’s economic character has not, however, been essentially changed. large districts in east and north prussia are still preponderatingly agricultural, equally large districts in west and southwest prussia are exclusively industrial. on the whole, however, the industrial character preponderates. east prussia, silesia, pomerania, the posen march, west prussia and hanover are mainly agricultural. the whole area under cultivation in prussia (plough, meadow, pasture and vineyards) was 18,200,000 hectares in 1925. the predominantly industrial districts of prussia are brandenburg, upper silesia, saxony, westphalia, the rhineland and parts of hanover and flessen nassau. there are no exact data about the distribution of the various branches of industry within prussia and in the different provinces. the results of the ccnsus of occupations and undertakings have not yet been published. according to the jast census of occupations but one, 1907, the undertakings were dis- tributed as follows:— | occupations subsidiary establish- ments persons employed under- takings gardens, livestock and fish- eries.. , industry, including mining and building . trade and transport, includ- ing hotels. . , music, theatres and exhibi- tions. 3e4t3 9333 81,681 90,452 5,870,991 1,794;349 le ee 7,806,388 1,034,359 678,724 etd. 1,758,275 192,938 2,20! 282,153 the most important branches of industry are represented as follows:— industrial establishments main undertak- ings subsidiary establish- ments persons employed ee. mining, blast furnaces, salt mines . ; quarries . ; metal working ; ; machinery and instruments chemical industry lighting industry . textile industry paper industry leather industry wood and carving foodstuffs clothing cleaning building . printing, etc. . arts and crafts 3,721 21,073 80,518 45,155 5,448 2,951 44,375 8,454 24,832 96,455 156,805 362,013 63,237 104,264 9,776 282 565 1,420 s957 5,696 183 417 4,246 686 1,616 11,9044 18,034 16,637 4,270 9,150 585 2793 673,315 412,916 544,565 625,945 101,430 53,316 437,029 106,501 107,142 375,841 642,488 704,178 134,347 832,547 105,164 14,207 pryor—przemysl, sieges of since the middle of 1924, all industry alike passed through a process of contraction, which adapted the apparatus of production and distribution, which was swollen during the period of the war and the currency inflation, to the reduced needs of the world market. natural resources —the importance of prussia’s industry as a whole is chiefly based on prussia’s own natural resources, coal, iron and potash. prussia has the richest deposits of any country of the german reich. the most valuable coal-fields, the ruhr district and upper silesia, are entirely prussian, the saar district partly so. the richest lignite fields, those of central germany, the east elbe and the rhine are mostly prussian. the most important iron ore districts are in peine and salzgitter and in siegerland, also in prussia. the potash fields are mostly confined to central germany in the north and south of the harz, the districts of fulda and werra in the province of hanover, principally prussian districts. the refining industry is closely connected industrially and territorially with the production of raw materials. (see also germany.) cw. gr.) pryor, roger atkinson (1828-1019), american jurist and politician (see 22.533), died in new york city march 14 t91g. in 1912 he published a volume of essays and addresses. przemysl, sieges of.—the galician town of przemysl on the san was first fortified in 1854, when war between russia and austria appeared imminent. the line of the rivers san and dniester is the first natural barrier to a russian invasion of galicia, so that the fortification of the principal crossings seemed a wise precaution. state of the fortress —in 1914 the town was protected by a ring of forts 36 m. in circumference. some of the forts were of recent construction, but the fortress as a whole was not strictly up-to-date. the history of fortresses in the world war shows, however, that an exaggerated importance had been attached to works of concrete and steel, and that improvised field fortifi- cations were almost equally effective in resisting assault. to clear the foreground in front of the fortified line no fewer than 18 villages and some 5 m. of forest were levelled to the ground on mobilisation. the armament of the fortress included four large modern howitzers of about 12 in. calibre and some 9g in. and 6 in. howitzers of older pattern. there were in all about 1,000 guns in the fortress, but more than half of these were old, short-range weapons of little value except for close defence. there were 114 machine guns, of which two-thirds were mobile. the eventual garrison leit in the fortress when the austrian armies retreated from the san on sept. 18 1914 consisted of: 613 battalions (of which 403 were landsturm), 7 squadrons, 4 field batteries, 43 fortress artillery companies, 48 landsturm artillery brigades, 8 sapper companies, and various technical and administrative units. the total strength was approximately 130,000 men and 21,000 horses. tprovisions were available for three months. the first siege—the austrian armies withdrew from the san on sept. 18; by sept. 24 the investment of the fortress was complete. on the southwest front kusmanek held a line a mile or two in advance of the ring of forts, elsewhere the line of the forts was held. the siege of the fortress was undertaken by radkag dimitriev’s iii. army. while the arrival of the siege artillery material was still delayed by the state of the communi- cations, the austrians renewed the offensive in the early days of oct. (sce vistula-san, battles of the). in the hope of cap- turing przemy$l by a coup de main before the progress of the enemy offensive compelled the raising of the siege, radko- dimitriev carried out several violent assaults between oct. 5-8 against the siedliska group of works to the southeast of the town. these assaults broke down with heavy loss, and the approach of the austrian jii. army necessitated the with- drawal of the investing forces. the fortress was entered by austrian infantry of the field armies on oct. 11, on which date radko-dimitriev’s iii. army retreated to the east bank of the san. period between the firstand second sieges—during the aus- trian attempts to force the san line, which lasted throughout oct., the fortress lay in the centre of the battle line and its gar- rison took an active part in the operations. its reserves of sup- plies and material were also largely drawn on by the field armies to make good the deficiencies caused by the poor working of the lines of communication. during their retreat the russians had 247 systematically destroyed the railways and bridges, and the continued wet weather had rendered the roads almost impass- able. thus it was natural that the reserves of przemyel should be used for the benefit of the field armies, trom whose operations great results were expected at the time. but when the offensive proved fruitless and russian pressure necessitated a retirement which would leave the fortress again isolated, special efforts were made hastily to reprovision it. they were so far successful that the fortress was enabled to hold out for 43 months in the second siege. second siege, nov. 6 191.4-march 22 1915.—the strength of the garrison was approximately the same as in the first siege, a gorach f ee te or rokietnica 12,76, 82. i batycze e ie ba walawa § ye a bs : 3 : xl. : . gs @e 1} puchewieee ® %a xla 3 ae tora = ef, oe ° zurawica,’ xillb.@ @ xia a ‘py € & = tetowniaytm ——lighwica * 2 et va i] ay h “4 - o cg a r cf a @vil —€ zasania fi, b a krasiczyn fn il el: es pratkowce x. vib. £403 pod masurem: ¢ a mm helicha ey 7 . nehoybk¢ ! soy advanced line 0 pikulice o ae" ss lle ut “a eve ; e aig eo’. ri > ® 4 cm bp 3n 3 quo a yt ca aka 9 cgay, dd) ¥. eitls rde. o hiemanice sey emes przemysl first siebe 189-44 ~ 9-10-14 scale of miles « , a 4 4 1,2. etc. defence commands © armoured forts other works =——— investment lines 83 etc. russian troops sector limits but a detachment of aeroplanes had been added. kusmanek had now laid out new entrenched positions from one to two miles in advance of the line of forts, to give more depth to the defence and to keep the russian siege artillery at a greater distance. on nov. 9 the investment of the fortress for the second time was complete. the siege was now undertaken by a specially formed xi. army under gen. selivanov, consisting of four divisions of second-line troops. it had been decided to reduce the fortress by blockade rather than by assault. during nov. and dec. such fighting as occurred was initiated rather by the sorties of the garrison than by the attacks of the besiegers. during feb. and the first half of march the austrian field armies made repeated efforts to advance to the relief of the for- tress, but unsuccessfully (see carpathians, battles of the). meanwhile the russians had gradually closed in and had com- menced a systematic bombardment of the fortress. on march 13 they carried the advanced positions on its north front. kus- manek’s situation was now desperate; his supplies and muni- tions were almost exhausted, and the final effort of the field armies to come to his rescue had definitely been abandoned. he determined on an attempt to save a portion of the garrison by a break-through to the east. the effort was made on the morning of the 19th, but was soon brought to a stand. the fate of the fortress was now sealed. on the morning of march 22 kusmanek surrendered, after destroying the works and military stores as far as possible. the numbers of the garrison then amounted to about 110,000. | recapture of the fortress-—the russians did not hold the fortress for long. at the beginning of may mackensen’s offen- 248 sive on the dunajec broke through the russian line and drove their armies back to the san (see dunayec-san). on may 30 the austrians attacked on the southwest and the germans on the north of the fortress. the former made little progress, but the german heavy artillery, which included 42 cm. howitzers, made short work of the northern group of forts. on the night of june 2 the russians abandoned the fortress. conclusions —przemysl was the only land fortress of the world war which stood a prolonged siege after complete invest- ment. no conclusions as to the value of permanent fortifica- tions in modern war can, however, be drawn from this fact. gen. townshend in kut held out for longer behind hasty field entrenchments. the length of przemys!’s resistance was due to the russians’ lack of efficient siege artillery, as is proved by the speed with which mackensen’s heavy guns reduced the forts at the time of its recapture. nor can it be admitted that the for- tress served any strategical aim commensurate with the efforts expended on its defence and attempted relief. it is true that its resistance during the first siege was of value to the austrians when their armies again advanced to the san, in assuring to them a bridge-head over the river. but during the second siege przemy$l was an embarrassment rather than a source of strength and led to several ill-considered efforts at relief which cost the austrian field armies dearly. the fortress did not control any line of supply vital to the russian armies operating west of it towards cracow, since there was a railway available through jarostow. the russians could therefore afford in the second siege to resort to a simple blockade by second-line troops, so that the fortress did not even weaken their field armies to any appreciable extent. on the whole then, przemysl may be con- sidered no exception to the general experience of the world war, that permanent peace fortifications proved of very limited strategical value. brs_tiograruy.—h. hillger, krieg und sieg, befreiung vor przemysl (1915); w. renner, feldmarschal von mackensen (1915); sir a. w. f. knox, with the russian army, 1914-7 er oe also wor_p war: biptrograruy.) (a, p. w.) psychiatry, a special branch of medical science dealing with the causes, symptoms, course and treatment of disorders and diseases of the mind. the ultimate aim of this branch of medicine should be to ascertain the best means to promote nor- mal thought and action individually and collectively, and to apply the knowledge so obtained to the causation and prevention of mental defects, disorders and diseases. hitherto, unfortunately, little attention has been directed towards prevention, and not much, beyond detention, for the cure of the above. mind and body-—there is a general feeling among the pro- fession and the public that psychiatry should be more closely associated with general medicine than has hitherto been the case. as long as the psyche, the soul and the mind were used as synonymous terms, traditional belief that the psyche is an invisible intangible spirit that leaves,the body at death dominated all our ideas of mental diseases and their treatment—or rather lack of treatment. body and mind cannot be separated, for there can be no mind without memory and no memory without body, and all psychic processes are dependent upon physiological processes. although the brain is the organ which stores the mem- ory of past experiences and the bonds that unite and recall them, thus enabling the individual to adapt himself to environment in the struggle for existence, yet strictly speaking the mind is directly dependent upon the vital activities and harmonious interactions of all the organs and tissues of the body; for how could the brain make adaptations to environment without the receptor peripheral sense organs and the nerves which connect them with the spinal cord and brain? these are the avenues of intelligence, as is clearly recognised in the famous dictum: nihil in intellectu quod non fuerit prius in sensu, [one cannot conceive of anything that one has not previously experienced through one’s senses]; which should, however, be expanded by the addition of ef in motu for every feeling, thought or desire causes a nervous discharge; to voluntary and involuntary muscles and their visible or invisible activation. psychiatry personality —another fundamental function of the brain besides that of the life of external relation is the consciousness of the individual’s own personality, his states of fecling, his appetites and his desires, which are due in great part to the organic and bodily sensibility. the ego is aware of his individual personality by the continuum of subjective feelings arising from the entire body in relation to its integral parts and as a whole to the external world. he is continually attending to alterations of this external and internal sensory continuum, and reacting instinctively, habitually or consciously, according to a judgment of value based upon past experiences. the sentiments and passions may be regarded as the outcome of the evolution and interaction of the primitive emotions connected with self- preservation, propagation and the social instincts. they are associated with specific and characteristic expressive reactions in the “ mind muscles ” of the eye and face, as well as in gesture, in postural attitudes and in inarticulate vocalisation. this emotional language is similar and common to all human beings; for whereas articulate speech is entirely imitative and mainly intellectual and acquired, emotional language is an innate and untaught acquisition of the species komo sapiens. it has a much deeper significance than articulate language. it cannot be feigned when absent or hidden when present. it, therefore, re- veals the real state of mind of an individual more truly than articulate speech. repressed sentiments and passions find their expression in the “ mind muscles ” of the eye and face, and their study will often reveal the motives and secret dispositions of men. moreover, a change in their reactions to thought and feel- ing may be the first outward sign of the onset of a mental disorder. “the unconscious mind” and the new psychology.—dr. carpenter in his work on mental physiology first called attention to the importance of the subconscious mind by giving examples of what he termed unconscious cerebration. he affirms: “‘ the emotional state seems often to be determined by circumstances of which the individual has no ideational consciousness.” sig- mund freud (see psychoanalysis) first propounded a theory of the subconscious mind and demonstrated the dominating influence of the “‘ love instinct ” (libido) in its widest acceptation as a great “‘ life impulse ” of vast significance in connection with the psychoneuroses and psychoses. this is shown, moreover, in the fact that the onset of the psychoneuroses and the psychoses especially occur when the sex instinct matures—adolescence; and wanes—climacterium—in both sexes. the mental conflicts associated with this “‘ life impulse ’”’ bear a close relationship to the prevailing unrest of modern hfe, especially among women of the middle and upper classes to whom marriage in a majority and maternity in a still larger proportion are denied. disharmonies—when the “life impulse” existing in the deeper levels of an individual’s personality do not find a natural outlet and the means of adaptation to environment, there exists a disharmony between physiological and sociological conditions, which is ever increasing in the most cultured races. the non- gratification of this instinctive desire may be the source of a mental conflict, accompanied by fear and anxiety in a large number of men and women, especially the latter. members of the medical profession constantly find a sexual basis for the menta) trouble in the history and behaviour of their pationts who are suffering from either a psychoneuresis (for example, hystcria, hypochondriasis, or neurasthenia) or a psychosis (for example dementia praecox, religious manic-depressive insanity and in- volutional melancholia). the frustration of the complete “ life reaction,” and its corresponding failure of release of emotional tension, profoundly influence all the functions of the involuntary and glandular structures of the body. the causes of these dis- turbances are inexplicable to the patient. conflicts and primal instincts —the maternal “‘ life reaction,” as expressively symbolised by the madonna and child, is unful- filled and incomplete in the majority of women, especially in the upper and middle classes. the mere gratification of the sexual passion is but an incomplete product of the instinct of preserva- tion of the species; the complete fulfilment of which is to love, to psychiatry be loved, to give birth to children and to nourish and cherish them. it has been assumed that women would be happy if they were able to enter into all the pursuits and occupations of men, but modern psychology tends to show that these primal instincts still dominate, though hidden to our conscious feelings. when there is an antagonism between a primal instinct and the social instinct a mental conflict occurs which is thrust out of conscious- ness; it remains in the subconscious mind and, as freud has shown, can be revealed by the investigation and interpretation of dreams; by psychoanalysis by free association; and by the method of word association and time reaction of jung, who also applied the psychogalvanometric reflex to word association as a method of discovering a mental conflict in the subconscious mind. the more complex society becomes, the more liable are these mental conflicts to occur. when there are conditions which tend to an inherited mental instability and lack of development of the highest control, psychoneuroses and psychoses proportionally become more prevalent. the fact, nevertheless, remains that human beings of every social grade and belonging to all races of men have in the past suffered and still suffer from the same types of psychoneurosis and psychosis. effects of civilisation.—the mental conflicts brought about by the disharmony between physiological and sociological instinctive conditions of the “ life reaction ’? and the morbid reactions they induce occur much more frequently in highly civilised races as compared with primitive races. there are, therefore, many reasons why psychoneuroses and psychoses should occur with much greater frequency in the former. the onset, course and symptoms are, however, fundamentally the same, the only differ- ence being that the hallucinations and delusions and their mode of activation (behaviour) are coloured by the habits, customs, social usages and beliefs which constitute the greater part of the individual and collective furniture of the mind. the late dr. mercier always maintained that mental diseases should be studied from the behaviourist point of view, and his work on disorders of conduct embodies his teaching. the be- haviourist doctrine has especially flourished in america, where the investigations, experiments and observations of prof. j. b. watson on the behaviour of animals and infants have been of great value in teaching psychiatrists the importance of viewing their cases as problems of behaviour, although his explanations of abnormal behaviour are to most psychiatrists inadequate. the psychiatric student who wishes to study conduct must take into account not only what a man says and does, but the circumstances or “setting ’’ at the time. thus a prosperous butcher, who on saturday night is seen standing outside his shop in apron and shirt sleeves inviting people to come in and buy, would be considered a lunatic if he conducted himself in exactly the same manner outside his respectable suburban villa next morning. a man is regarded as insane who on account of mental disease no longer thinks, feels and acts in accordance with the usages and customs of the society to which he belongs, and is not held responsible for his behaviour if he does not know at the time the nature and quality of his acts. causes of mental disease the causes of mental disorders and diseases are never single, but they naturally fall into two great groups: (1) endogenous (from within) and (2) exogenous (from without). they may be somatic, psychical or social. the hereditary factor is the most important endogenous cause. the endogenous factor of mental disorders —the life of the individual begins at the moment of conception, 7.e., at the con- jugation of the male and female germ cells. the raw material of character is a complex of inherited tendencies and dispositions impressed upon the individual by sex, species, race and ancestry, giving each individual a specific predetermined plasticity to re- ceive and store stimuli and react to them in a particular way. like tends to beget like—as galton’s history of similar and dissimilar twins shows, in the dispositions and temperaments of the offspring. 249 a well-balanced mind is due to an inherent equipoise of the latent potentialities of character, and its efficient activity depends upon the potential psychophysical energy derived from the parental stocks. the study of heredity (1) by statistics, (2) by pedigrees and (3) by experience shows the importance of this factor in the causation of the true insanities which are not due to organic brain disease, where chance counts for everything and heredity for little or nothing. the raw material of mentality is conditioned by the innate potentialities of the fertilised ovum as it starts its course in life. at later stages of development, the fertilised ovum is influenced by pre-natal and post-natal exoge- nous environmental factors in addition to the hereditary factors. pre-natal exogenous factors-—much may happen while the embryo is developing in the mother’s womb. owing to abnormal condilions of growth, interfering with the circulation and nutri- tion of the great brain, various degrees of arrest of development of the highest and latest evolutional structures of the brain may occur, viz., the cerebral hemispheres, which by their size especially distinguish the brain of man from the lower animals, and to which he owes his superior intelligence, may suffer from various con- genital effects. abnormal dynamic conditions of the cerebral vessels and of rate of growth of brain and dura mater may lead to anencephaly, microcephalic idiocy or low-grade imbecility (see article neuropathology, 19.429). again, pathological conditions may arise by which the cerebrospinal fluid secreted in the ventricles of the brain cannot escape, causing arrest of growth by pressure and (water on the brain) hydrocephalic idiocy. the embryo, during development, may become infected by the spirochaetes of syphilis circulating in the blood and lymph streams of the mother, resulting in abortion or congenital syphilis causing arrest of development of the brain and idiocy, or later in life of cerebral syphilis and general paralysis. various poisons introduced into the body of the mother, e.g., lead and alcohol, may cause abortion, and presumably may have a devitalising effect upon the developing embryo. again, absence of the thyroid gland in the embryo, or even hypothyroidism owing to goitrous disease of the gland with a failure of thyroxin in the blood (the essential element of which is iodine) may cause cretinous idiocy. the brain cells owing to this deficiency are arrested in their growth and fail to function, but if the cause is diagnosed in early infancy, and thyroid gland be administered, then the brain cells develop and grow and function normally. this cretinous idiocy is due to the absence of iodine in the environment. in districts far remote from the sea goitrous cretinism 1s common, e.g., in switzerland and certain districts of the united states (see goitre). the addition of iodide of sodium in the water or table salt has greatly reduced the numbers afflicted with this disease. what more striking proof can we have that the mind depends upon the harmonious interaction of all the organs and tissues of the body, since a chemical substance containing iodine is essential for the growth of the brain and mental development and for its proper function. particularly in women about the climacteric period, a condition known as myxoedema, due to hypothyroidism, occurs, resulting in a slowing of thought and speech and often mental symptoms which disappear by administration of the gland. a curious form of idiocy, associated with blindness, is only met with in jewish children. it is characterised by a racially unique degenerative biochemical conaition of all the ganglion cells of the sympathetic and cerebrospinal nervous systems. the convolutional pattern of the brain has a normal appearance quite unlike that of a low-grade imbecile or idiot; it is, therefore, a late congenital or post-natal racial morbid condition. arrest of the growth of the brain may arise from pre-natal causes previously stated; likewise prolonged labour or unskilful use of instruments may damage the brain and arrest growth. it has been calculated that 25% of the cases of idiocy and imbecility are due to non-inherited conditions. the remaining 75% of cases of mental deficiency are truly hereditary, and due to an innate lack of vis propria of the fertilised ovum, which leads to an arrest of development of the highest and latest evolutional level of the brain. 250 hereditary factor in relation to psychoscs and psychoneuroses. —study of the hereditary factor in psychoses and psychoneuroses by the construction of a large number of pedigrees extending to three, four and five generations with collaterals, and by a card system of 4,000 relatives who were or who had been in the london county council asylums, proves that heredity plays a very important part in neuroses and psychoses. neuroses may be classified as follows: (1) hysteria, (2) neurasthenia, (3) obsessional psychasthenia, (4) epilepsy and (5) migraine; and psychoses as (1) paranoia (systematised delusional insanity), (2) dementia praecox, (3) manic-depressive insanity, of which there are several types, viz.: alternating periods of ex- citement and depression (folie circulaire) and recurrent periods of maniacal excitement or of melancholic depression, alternating with periods of sanity, (4) involutional melancholia occurring at the climacterium in women, also in men between the ages of 55 and 6s, though less frequently met with than in women. both the latter forms of mental disorder may terminate in dementia, these three last-named types are in some ways related to one another, and their onset is associated with the maturation or waning of the sex instinct. an involutional melancholic or senile dement may have offspring in whom manic-depressive insanity or dementia praecox may occur in adolescence, or a parent with manic-depressive insanity may have one or more offspring with dementia praecox. this phenomenon together with the fact that not infrequently several members of the same co-fraternity suffer with either dementia praecox or manic- depressive insanity or an atypical form, coming on at puberty or adolescence at about the same age, shows antedating and hereditary predisposition as the important factor. there may be atypical cases in some respects resembling both these forms of mental disease, and it is a matter of opinion to which category a particular case should belong. this shows how fallacious classifications may be. the many changes which kripelin has made in his classification emphasise the fact that each case must be regarded as a biological problem with two factors to consider; viz.: what an individual was born with; and what happened after fertilisation of the ovum—that is, pre-natal and post-natal conditions. there is, it seems, a causal correspondence in these three types of insanity connected with the “ life reaction ” of the primal instinct of propagation. disintegration of psychic unity—the biological concept of mental disease propounded by hughlings jackson in his theory of evolutional levels will help in the understanding of the causes and symptoms of insanity—dissolution of the highest level bringing into relief lower levels. thus a negative condition of the highest evolutional level of control permits of over-action of the lower level of ideation, e.g., the delinum of fever. in mental disorders there may be a negative condition of the highest level of control with disordered ideation manifested by hallucinations and delusions, owing to partial disintegration of the psychic unity. such hallucinations and delusions may determine various active uncontrolled and irresistible impulses—disorders of con- duct. when the disease has sunk to a lower depth of dissolution of evolutional levels there may result emotional indifference and apathy reflected in a mask-like expression, and motor inertia or katatonic stupor with ffexibilitas cerea. stuporose states with mental confusion indicate a more diffuse toxic influence on evolutional levels and are more hopeful of recovery than the persistence of hallucinations and delusions, the mind remaining clear. past-natal exogenous causes.—these do not play an impor- tant part per se in the production of the true insanities. they may, however, act as exciting or contributory causes in individuals with an hereditary latent tendency. stress per se from disease and disasters of every kind cannot be the important factor be- lieved to be in the production of the true insanities as distinct from organic brain disease, ¢.g., general paralysis and lethargic encephalitis. this was clearly shown during the war by the fact that bonheffer, an eminent austrian psychiatrist, only found five insane among 10,000 serbian prisoners. organic brain disease may cause various symptoms of irrita- psy chiatry tions such as fits, headaches, pains, stiffness of muscles, and delirium or drowsy stupor, loss of memory, paralysis and dementia, according to the pathological process and the struc- tures affected. general paralysis of the insane.—general paralysis was former- ly believed to be an insanity; it is now known to be due to the invasion of the tissues by the spirochaeta pallida, 7.e., the specific organism of syphilis (see venereal disrases). that a positive wassermann reaction of the cerebro-spinal fluid is found in practically every case is an indication that the spirochaete of syphilis in the brain is multiplying and producing a toxin that sets up a chronic inflammation followed by destruction of the neurone. the dementia that ensues is proportional to the degree of decay and destruction of the cerebral cortical grey matter. serological methods have enabled a diagnosis of this disease to be made in 97% of cases, whereas prior to the employment of laboratory methods the diagnosis was correct in only 75% of cases, when controlled by post-mortem examination. this dis- ease is preventable, and ought to be prevented, for it is found that it claims its victims from among the best physically and mentally in all grades of society. chance is everything and heredity nothing in this disease. there ts first the chance of infection and next the chance that the spirochaete lodges in the brain and colonises there. lethargic encephalitis (see excrphalitis lethargica) may be followed by serious mental disorders; especially does it affect the moral sense in children and young adolescents. mental hygiene many advances were made in the practical sphere of action in the decade 1915-25. a afind that found itself (1908), a book written in america, produced a great impression in that country on account of the author’s vivid description of his personal suffer- ings as inmate of a mental hospital and of the manner in which everything except the right thing was done to restore him to health. subsequently in the united states the author of the book, mr. clifford beers, was instrumental in founding in 1916 “ the national committee for mental hygiene,” having amongst its aims ‘‘ the conservation of mental health’’; the ‘' prevention of nervous and mental disorders and mental defect ’’; the *“ raising of the standards of care and treatment of those suffering from such disorders and defects; the dissemination of reliable information upon these subjects.” | a valuable periodical, afental hygiene, first issued in 1917, is published quarterly by the society, containing records of its work and recent advances in knowledge. such an organisation hasa potent influence for good, for it affects those suifering from mental disorder or defect and those also who through mental causes are unable so to adjust themselves to their environments as to live happy and efficient lives. societies of mental hygiene have since been founded in france (dept. of seine) and in england on similar lines to that in america. reforms in treaiment.—a royal commission on lunacy and mental disorder was appointed in nov. 1924, to inquire into certain state- ments regarding illegal detention and ill-treatment and cruelty in asylums. for some time past dissatisfaction at asylum conditions had been prevalent amongst certain sections of the public which led to the formation of a national society for lunacy reform supported by many distinguished persons. the royal commission also investigated “ the need of extending as a whole the privilege of treatment of insanity without subjection to the legal formalities of the lunacy acts,” and of extending such other reforms as were embodied in the medical treatment bill 1923. this bill constituted a recognition by the authorities of the necessity long recognised by the medica! profession for fresh legislation for the provision of funds for early treatment and research. mental disease is primarily a medical question, a part of general medicine, the fundamental principles of which are (1) to prevent disease, failing that (2) to cure or arrest the progress of disease, and failing that (3) to prolong life and relieve suffering. till recently the ratepayers’ money has been spent in building huge and sometimes palatial institutions, useful in the main for the detention and pro- longing the life of certified chronic lunatics and senile cases. little money has hitherto been expended in the endeavour to find out the causes of insanity by clinical, psychological, sociological and patho- logical research. relatively few satisfactory efforts have been made psychical research by the authorities to treat mental diseases in the early and curable stage, upon hospital lines. treatment on hospital lines —during the war the public insisted that no soldier should be sent to an asylum unless proved to be suffering with an incurable mental disease or until after a probation of twelve months the disease was regarded as incurable. ‘the same regulation applied to ex-service men under treatment by the ministry of pensions. this principle could not be applied to the civil popula- tion, because the conditions are different, since a man in the army or an ex-service pensioner is under control. the success of this method of dealing with mental disease in the army led the board of control to reconsider the question of the early treatment of insanity. the maudsley [ospital—when dr. henry maudsley, a great philanthropist, psychiatrist and philosopher, offered to the london county council in 1907 £30,000 if they would build a hospital in london for the study and treatment of mental diseases in the early and curable stage, a real effort was made to deal with insanity on modern rational lines. the offer was accepted, and five years later a suitable site at denmark hill was found. the war came in 1914 before the hospital was finished. the building was completed in 1916, at the direction of the war office, and served as the central nucleus of the neurological clearing hospital for london. dr. maudsley died in 1917, and the council received by his will a further sum of f10,000. it was his expressed wish that this money should be expended in pathological investigation and research. for a time this hospital served as a neurological hospital for ex-service men under the ministry of pensions, and in 1922 it was taken over by the lon- don county council. the maudsley hospital has an out-patients’ department, and 150 beds for males and females. it has an adequate, efficient and highly qualified staff of meclical officers. early in the war the central pathological laboratory for the london county council mental hos- pitals was removed from claybury asylum to the maudsley hos- pital, where routine clinical laboratory and scrological investigations are carried out, thus affording excellent opportunities for research. the maudsley hospital is a recognised school of the london university, and a course of lectures, together with practical instruc- tion, is given to medical men who are desirous of qualifying for the diploma of psychological medicine. the london county council give study leave to their medical officers of asylums, and now require officers who apply for senior appointments to possess a university diploma of psychological medicine or a diploma of the conjoint board of the royal college of physicians and surgeons. opportu- nities for research in the pathological laboratory are afforded to suit- able applicants by the committee. the maudsley hospital being a rate-aided hospital is primarily intended for those who have a london scttlement, and the charge made varies according to the means of the patient. all inmates of the hospital are voluntary and uncertified. this allays the fear of the patients that they may be made permanent inmates, and inspires them with confidence in their treatment. out-patients are thereby encouraged to attend the hospital, and in this way a more favour- able prognosis is secured, for mental disorders and diseases are thus observed and treated in their incipient stages. this is advantageous to the patients, and it enables medical men to learn and understand the symptoms and early stages of mental disease. too frequently the descriptions in text-books have been drawn from the more serious, the chronic and the incurable cases of disease seen in asylums; thus knowledge of the initial stages of mental disease has been inadequately taught. it is on these early cases, which cither are, or ought to be, outside the asylums, with their large chronic incurable population, that the ratepayers’ money can be expended with advantage, not only from a medical and social but also from an economic point of view. another move in the right direction, as regards research into the causes of insanity, has been made by the establishment of a joint board of research of the corporation and university of the city of birmingham, and the establishment of an adequately staffed and equipped pathological laboratory. these opportunities for early treatment and research might with advantage be adopted by large cities on the lines of the maudsley ilospital. other schemes are embodied in the memorandum to the royal commission on lunacy and mental disorders by the medico-psychological association of great britain and ireland. brntiograpuy.—a brit. med. assn. lecture; hughling j. jackson, the “factors of insanities,” medical press and circular (june 13 1894); mercier, disorders of conduct; white, outlines of psychiatry; buckley, the basis of psychiatry; sir f. w. mott, “ articles on dementia praecox,” archives of neurology and psychiatry, vol. 8; myerson, the inheritance of mental disease; sir t. s. clouston, unsoundness of mind (1911); sir. f. w. mott, “ astudy of the neuropathic inheri- tance especially in relation to insanity,” archives of neurology and psychiatry, vol. 6 (1914); c. g. jung, analytical psychology, 2nd ed., authorised translation (1920); j. b. watson, psychology from the stand point of a behaviourist; hugh elliot, zuman character (1922); sir f. w. mott, ‘ the biological foundations of human character,” edin. review (july 1923); william mcdougall, an outiine of psychology (1923); maudsley, pathology of mind; w. sullivan, crime and insanity; sic f. w. mott, “psychology and medicine,” b. mf. j. (march 10 1923); ‘ memorandum of evidence given on behalf 251 of the royal mecico-psychological association to the royal commission on lunacy and mental disorder, journal of mental science, vol. 70, no. 294; sir f. w. mott, “ the investigation of some of the causes of insanity,” presidential address to royal medico-psychological association, journal of mental science, vol. 71 (oct. 1925). (f. w. mo.)