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    "source_key": "britannica_1926",
    "source_title": "Encyclopaedia Britannica (1926)",
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    "chunk_id": "1926:philippine islands:c45848aba4ae",
    "title": "PHILIPPINE ISLANDS",
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    "verified_text": "a group of 7,083 islands of the malay archipelago, with an area of approximately 115,026 sq. miles. about 64,000 sq. m. of the area represent commercial forests;\nthe area of the cultivated lands is about 14,000 sq. miles. the total population in 1922 was 10,906,482, the majority of whom were christians, the remainder of the population con- sisting of mahommedans, buddhists and pagans. ‘phe population of manila, the largest city, was 285,306 in 1918;\nthat of cebu was 65,502 in the same year;\nalbay, 52,756;\niloilo, 49,114;\nlepa, 46,557. some 87 languages and dialects are spoken throughout the islands, the most important being tagalog, bisaya (several dialects), bicol, pampanga, pangasinan, iloco, zambal and ibanag. english is spoken by about 30% of the population and spanish is spoken by 20 per cent. i. general government.—the philippines are represented in the united states by two resident commissioners who have seats in the house of representatives, with power of debate but no vote. the archipelago has a high measure of self-government. with the exception of the governor-general, vice-governor, auditor, deputy auditor and a majority of the members of the supreme court (but not the chief justice, who has always been a filipino), all the higher officials, whether executive, legislative or judicial, are filipinos. the islands are governed under the terms of the enabling or organic act of aug. 29 1916, commonly known as the jones act. the legislature consists of a senate of 24 members and a house of representatives of ot members. all the legislators are clected by popular vote except two senators and nine repre- sentatives, who are appointed by the governor-general to rep- resent the non-christian provinces of sulu and zamboanga, nueva vizcaya, mountain province, agusan, bukidnon, cotabato, davao and lanao. thus far, although there are two political parties in the field, the philippines have not enjoyed a healthy party life;\nbut there are signs that this condition will change as more and more of the young men who have been trained wholly under the american regime take their place among the voters. the two parties are the consolidated nationalist party (partide nacionalista con- solidado) and the democrats (partido demecrata). the first is the more radical of the two, and has made an issue of the demand for immediate and absolute independence. the partido deme- crata, while expressing itself in favour of independence, appears to be in favour of allowing political events to shape themselves more slowly. the number of qualified electors is in excess of 1,000,000;\nand in the general election of 1922 it was reported that 812,000 had actually voted. gov.-gen. wood has recommended that the suffrage be extended to women. the judiciary consists of a supreme court composed of one chief justice and eight associate justices, modelled largely after the supreme court of the united states;\na court of first instance for each judicial district, except the clistrict of the city of manila, which has four judges;\nthe municipal courts of manila and baguio;\nand a justice of the peace court for each of the 555 municipalities. defence—maintenance of public order in the philippines devolves upon the municipal police and the philippine con- stabulary. in 1914 the strength of the constabulary was 396 officers and 6,325 enlisted men of all ranks. the force was dis- tributed throughout the islands amongst 149 stations. a force consisting in 1924 of about 12,000 troops of the u.s. army, including five filipino regiments, was maintained in the philip- pines by the united states. | education.—education is free in all the public schools of the philippines. the vice-governor is secretary of public instruction. in 1918 it was estimated that 24-46% of the school population 109 were enrolled in the public schools. by 1923 the percentage had risen to 36-69%. the elementary teaching force in 1923 numbered 24,190;\nsecondary teachers, 933;\nand supervisors, 657;\nwhile in 1918 there were only 14,523 teachers of all grades. of the 1,087,732 elementary pupils in 1923, 634,350 were boys and 453,382 were girls. of the secondary school pupils, 27,972 were boys and 13,293 girls. of the teachers, in dec. 1923, 15,327 were men and 10,433 women. among them were only 368 americans, of whom 177 were men and 191 women. efforts were being made to increase the number of american teachers. greater attention is given to health and sanitation in the public schools, and athletics are a recognised part of the curriculum. the university of the philippines 1s an tnsular government institution that was created since american occupation. it has schools of agriculture, education, engineering, liberal arts, law, medicine and surgery, veterinary science, dentistry, pharmacy, music, nursing, fine arts and forestry, a junior college of liberal arts and a university high school. enrolment in all units for the academic year 1918-9 was 3,312;\nfor the year 1923-4, 5,004. the university has had two american and two filipino presidents, the incumbent in 1926 being a filipino, rafacl palma, who had formerly been a member of the philippine commission, and had acceptably held other offices of trust under the govern- ment. expenditures for the university amounted to approxi- mately 1,197,000 pesos for the year 1919 and to 1,717,000 pesos for 1923. there are many private schools, partly religious and partly secular, and many new parochial schools have been established. among private institutions, the silliman institute and the ateneo of manila occupy high places, and the university of santo tomas, the oldest university under the american flag, has played an important part in the history of the islands. finance.—the peso, practically stabilised at 50 cents united states gold currency by the operations of a gold standard and reserve fund, is the standard of value. it fluctuated consider- ably after 1916, reaching a discount of 15 % in 1919 and over 12% in 1921, but is once more approximately at par. the estimated wealth of the philippines in 1918 was 4,252,789,000 pesos, and in 1923, 5,495,482,000 pesos. the total wealth is capable of very great expansion as the potential resources are developed. the reccipts of the insular government for the years 1918, 1920, 1921 and 1923 were 68,690,105 pesos, 99,404,913 pesos, 130,199,714 pesos and 71,108,722 pesos respectively;\nand ordinary expendi- tures for the same years were 57,496,044 pesos, 84,010,279 pesos, 118,194,211 pesos and 95,580,800 pesos, respectively. the total insular bonded indebtedness on dec. 31 1923 amounted to 134,500,000 pesos;\ncity of manila collateral bonds, 5,500,000 pesos;\nprovincial and municipal bonds, 13,920,000 pesos;\nmaking a total bonded debt on dec. 31 1923 of 153,920,000 pesos. the total per capita debt rose from 2-81 pesos in 1919 to 12-26 pesos if) 162%. production and industry —in the production of coconuts the philippines rank amongst the foremost countries of the world, and this product has contributed largely to the economic progress of the islands. the nut furnishes copra, copra meal, coconut oil and butter, vinegar, desiccated coconut;\nand from the fibre of the outer husk coir mats and other articles are made. rice produc- tion always falls short of consumption because farmers consider other crops more advantageous, and imports (mainly from french cochin china) are necessary. next to rice, maize is the most universal grain food, maintaining about 24%) of the population. the sugar crop is steadily increasing in importance, especially since the installation of sugar centrals, where centri- fugal sugar is made. abaca, or manila hemp, the strongest com- mercial fibre known, has always been one of the principal crops, and upon it prosperity largely depends. as it can be grown successfully in no other region, the philippines have a natural monopoly. it is extensively used in the manufacture of hats and textiles. maguey, much inferior to abaca, is grown especially for the manufacture of binder twine. the philippines are one of the chief tobacco-raising countries in the world. exports of tobacco leaf and manufactures of tobacco were valued at 21,034,- 893 pesos in 1923 and 19,725,718 in 1924.;\niio livestock.—carabao, the main dependence of the peasants, numbered 1,541,000 in 1922;\ncattle, 815,000;\nhorses, 204,200;\nhogs, 5,241,200;\ngoats, 1,012,600;\nand sheep, 257,700. anthrax and rinderpest are among the most serious problems of the philippines. forest and forest products—the commercial forests are estimated to contain 200,000,000 board it. of lumber, com- prising both hard and soft woods. the government owns about 99% of all standing timber. public forests are not sold, but the exploitation of timber lands is granted by licence or concession. among the most valuable of the forest products are rubber, bamboo, rattans, gutta-percha, gum copal, various resins, dye- stuffs, tanbark and beeswax. afinerals——the output of gold increased from 141,209 fine grammes in 1907 to 2,537,162 grammes in 1923. silver is found with the gold minerals, but native silver occurs in small quanti- ties in benguet and mindanao. iron deposits occur in surigao (estimated at 500,c00 metric tons), bulacan (1,200,000 tons), and camarines norte. although coal was discovered as early as 1827, workings have been so far slight and unsatisfactory in their output. manufacturing and other indusirics —agriculture is the most important basis of what manufacturing is carried on. besides the manufacture of sugar and tobacco, abace is made into cordage and textiles;\nvarious products into perfumes;\nfibrous substances into the famous philippine hats;\nrattans and woods into furniture and other articles;\nvegetable compounds into soap;\nbarks of the mangrove and camanchell tree into tanning materials;\nand various plants into dyes. embroideries exports rose from a mere beginning in r9r§ to about 12,000,000 pesos in 1923. fishing ranks second to agriculture in the value of the product and the number of persons employed in it. the following table shows the area under cultivation, the production and the value of the ro principal crops for the vears 1918 and 1923:— philippine islands 17,000,000 pesos in 1924;\nfrom great britain, at approximately 11,100,000 pesos in 1900 and at over 9,500,000 pesos in 1924. other exports (in the order of their importance in 1924) were to spain, china, germany, france, hongkong, the netherlands, italy, belgium, british east indies and australia. other principal sources of imports were french east indies (almost wholly rice), china, dutch east indies, australia, germany, switzerland, british east indies, france, spain and japanese china. trade with the united states was given a great impetus by the underwood tariff act of 1913, which abolished all duties between the two countries. the principal imports from the united states were machinery, construction materials, motor- cars and accessories and cotton goods. imports of agricultural machinery were especially important. the united states fur- nishes almost all the automobiles and trucks used in the islands. cotton and manufactures thereof meet heavy compctition from great britain. from china come many foodstuffs, and from australia much of the wheat consumed and a good proportion of the meat. trade with japan has increased rapidly, while great britain has difficulty in maintaining its trade. communications and trausportation.—the good roads cam- paign, instituted almost at the beginning of the american occupation, has been one of the most important economic movements in the archipelago. the results are apparent in the better marketing methods made possible. there are two railway lines, one in the island of luzon and the other in the islands of panay and cebe. the luzon system, known as the manila railroad, is owned and controlled by the government, but gov.-gen. wood has recommended that it be sold or leased to a private company. the manila electric co. (operated on a 50- year franchise and under the control of the j. g. white manage- ment corporation) has an extent of about 90 km. in manila and the province of rizal. it operates about 160 cars and carries about 33,500,000 passengers annually. the use of trucks and automobiles is increasing rapidly in all parts of the islands. in area, hectares! production, metric tons? value, pesos? commodities 1923 1918 1923 ig18 1923 1918 ric 1,675,870 1,368,140 1,882,992 1,539,187 149,475,950 135,163,375 atich (manila hemp) 513,420 512,208 188,889 166,864 39,317,490 92,193,224 sugar-cane . : 227,290 205,511 431,212 430,686 87,831,550 41,158,779 coconuts 456,440 335,602 1,515,253,000 1 ,506,796,000 64,366,220 56,533,793 (number) (number) tobacco 64,730 78,4413 32,806 61,555 6,814,800 15,219,155 maize . 557,690 418,386 457,992 309,799 32,388,700 21,018,648 maguey 28,575 32,601 27,033 15,665 3,018,770 3,707,213 cacao 1,320 1,e42 1,030 566 1,145,500 504,670 coffee;\n: 1,156 768 1,328 722 787,300 445,983 swect potatocs . 4 80,350 47,594 188,483 313,068 3,751,100 (not available) 1 the hectare is equivalent to 2-47 acres. 2 the metric ton is equivalent to 2,204-6 lb. avoirdupois. foreign trade.—the peak was reached in 1920, when the value of exports reached 302,248,712 pesos and of imports 299,675,566 pesos. this was due to war conditions and the feverish demand of the early reconstruction period, when high prices ruled. in 1921, the total value of the foreign trade fell below that of 1920 by almost 200,000,000 pesos. in 1923, with increased demand and better purchasing power, exports rose to 241,506,980 pesos and imports to 175,500,494 pesos. in 1924 the increase in both ex- ports and imports persisted, the former being valued at 270,- 689,325 pesos and the latter at 216,021,790 pesos. in 1923, about 86% of the export trade consisted of coconut products, cane sugar, abace and tobacco products, and for many years the pro- portion represented by these products had been jsomething over 80%. the principal countries of export are the united states, japan and great britain. exports to the united states rose from less than 16,000,000 pesos in 1900 to 194,500,000 pesos in 1924;\nto japan, from 1,500,000 pesos in 1900 to 12,500,000 pesos in 1924;\nto great britain, from over 16,000,c00 pesos in 1900 to about 18,800,000 pesos in 1924. imports from the united states were valued at 4,300,000 pesos in 1900 and at 120,700,000 pesos in 1924;\nfrom japan, at approximately 800,000 pesos in 1900 and at 3 the peso is nominally equivalent to 50 cents in u.s. currency. 1924 there were 914 post offices and over 500 municipalities with free delivery mail service. mails are received three times weckly from china, twice weekly from japan, once weekly from the united states, india, java and the straits settlements and about fortnightly from australia. european mail is received and sent by way of the suez canal. it usually goes cither way on an average of once weekly. in 1923 there were 397 telegraph stations (of which 24 were wireless stations) with 7,450 km. of line. the u.s. army and navy also had in operation seven wirciess stations, one of which was open for commercial messages. two cable lines ensure out- side communication. in 1923 there were 14,122 telephones with 27,000 km. of wire. in 1890, 277 foreign vessels with a net ton- nage of 322,130 entered harbour, and 273 ships with a net ton- nage of 336,550 cleared for foreign ports. in 1923, 979 ships entered and 948 cleared, with net tonnage of 3,351,022 and 3,242,753 respectively. manila is the chief port, but considerable shipping enters and clears through the minor ports of cebu, iloilo and zamboanga, and smaller amounts through jolo and davao. in 1923, 230 steam and 730 sailing vessels were en- gaged in the inter-island trade. in all there are about 200 ports of call in the islands. philippine islands banking—by a charter granted on may 2 1916 by the philippine legislature the philippine national rank was tnau- gurated, with an authorised capital of $10,000,000, the government subscription being $5,050,000. the bank was made by law the depository of all government funds by an act of july 1 1916. a further legislative act authorised the increase of capital to $25,000,000, of which the government subscription was $12,700,000. the mint of the philippine islands has been established at manila for the minting of philippine coinage. i. history the harrison adniinistration.—w. cameron forbes, who was appointed governor-general on nov. 11 1909, was replaced on oct. 6 1913 by francis burton harrison, as a consequence of the victory of the democratic party in the united states with the election of woodrow wilson as president. harrison held office for seven years, resigning after the election of president harding. in his place, gen. leonard wood was appointed governor- general in oct. 1921, and was still in office in 1926. when harrison took office, the filpinos were given a majority on the philippine commission, the upper house of the legislature as then constituted, thus assuring filipino control of both houscs. interpreting most broadly his instructions, harrison accelerated the filipinisation of the civil service. the result was that, while undoubtedly the elimination of american emplovees was, in some few cases, justifiable because of lack of efficiency or because of incompatibility, the service of many americans who had laboured enthusiastically and unselfishly was lost to the philippines. an added incentive to americans to leave govern- ment service, intended expressly for that purpose, was provided by the enactment in 1916 of a temporary pension act applicable to employees who had been in the philippine service for six or 10 years or longer. petition for retirement uncer this act had to be made by a specific date. the 2,623 americans in the civil service in 1913 had shrunk to 760 in 1920, while filipino em- ployees during the same period had risen from 6,363 to 12,947. by the end of dec. 1923 the numbers were 562 and 14,167 respectively;\nand of the americans 329 were school teachers, while the remainder were mainly engineers in the bureau of public works and constabulary officers. independence movement—during the seven years of the harrison administration, when filipino autonomy was exercised to a greater degree than at any other period, various events and movements led critics to take a discouraging view of filipino efficiency in, and capacity for, self-government. these critics pointed to the troubles of the bureau of lands, the inefficient re- organisation of the burcau of science, the breakdown in the health service, with disastrous outbreaks of smallpox and cholera and the increase in tuberculosis, the backward steps taken in the rinderpest campaign, the results of the government’s entry into business, and the harmful political background and activities, as abundant proof of the necessity of continued guidance by the united states. other americans considered that the filipinos had progressed far enough on the road toward self-government to manage their own affairs, and desired that the united states withdraw its sovereignty at once or as soon as possible. the most important political movement since 1907—the year when the first philippine assembly (the lower house) was convened—was the campaign for independence. this over- shadowed all else, and the question was cleverly kept to the fore by the filipino political leaders. undoubtedly a majority of the people desired independence, some immediately, others eventu- ally;\nsome absolute, others conditional. those not desiring inde- pendence, or who thought that it should come only after a long period, hesitated to make their views public. perhaps the most general sentiment in the united states was for withdrawal at some future date unless the filipinos themselves asked that american control persist. one of the earlicst acts of president harding was the dispatch of the wood-forbes mission to the philippines to make a thorough investigation and report of conditions. after an ex- haustive investigation, which took them into nearly every part of | as the archipelago, the heads of the mission submitted a compre- hensive report advising that the time had not yet come to with- draw the sovereignty of the united states, and that the united states should not be left in a condition of responsibility without authority. it was in line with the findings of the report that the president appointed gen. leonard wood governor-general to replace francis burton harrison. gen. wood accepted the ap- pointment, and immediately entered upon the thankless task of rebuilding american authority and prestige, which had been weakened by the preceding administration. in this, as might be expected, he met with the hostility of the political leaders, espe- cially those of the nuctonalisia party. governorship of gen. wood.—this hostility was apparent in various ways, and little effort was made to conceal it. general wood’s recommendations were shelved whenever possible;\nand complaints were made that he had surrounded himself with a “kitchen cabinet” and that he sought to govern by military meth- ods. more serious opposition arose, however, in two cases. the first was wood’s reinstatement to office of an american de- tective, named conley, who had long been connected with the police department in manila;\nand the second was the veto of a bill enacted by the philippine legislature remitting the penalty for the non-payment of the land tax. the conley case was desig- nated by the filipino political leaders as an inroad by the gover- nor-general on the prerogatives of the executive departments;\nand the veto as an unwarrantable meddling with purely domestic concerns over which the jones act gave the governor-general no power to veto. with regard to conley, the facts seem to be that because of his activities he had gained the ill-will of the gambling and criminal class, some of whom were able to exert considerable influence in certain quarters. accusations of having accepted a bribe were brought against him, but several investigations made by the pros- eculting attorney of manila and the courts failed to disclose any official wrongdoing. the secretary of the interior demanded that a departmental investigation be made, but the governor- general refused and the investigation was carried on through the courts. reinstatement being ordered, the secretary and then the mayor of manila resigned. accordingly, wood reinstated conley himself, and then accepted his resignation because it was found that he was guilty of an irregularity contrary to the rules of the civil service. with respect to the veto, the governor-gen- eral based his action on section 19 of the jones act, which outlines the procedure to be followed in all legislation enacted by the philippine legislature. the filipino rejoinder to the reinstatement of conley was the resignation on july 17 1923 of the president of the philippine senate and the speaker of the house of representatives as mem- bers of the council of state, and of the departmental secrctarics, with the exception of the secretary of public instruction (who is also vice-governor, and, by law, an american), both as secre- taries and as members of the council of state. wood, although surprised at the action, and regarding it as a challenge and a threat, accepted the resignations. on july 23 1923 the icgisla- ture, sitting as the commission of independence, ratified the ac- tion of the filipino officials, and declared that it would defend the constitutional liberties of the filipinos against the encroach- ments of the governor-genecral and keep inviolate the domestic autonomy already granted to the filipinos, and upheld by the or- ganic act and the other laws in force in the country. the next day the same body declared that wood should be recalled in the mutual interest’of the philippines and the united states. on jan. 8, in a memorial to the congress of the united states, presented by manuel roxas, speaker of the house of representatives, act- ing with the two resident commissioners, isauro gabaldon and pedro guevara, wood was again charged with autocratic 1end- encies and with overriding filipino rights. he was upheld by the secretary of war and by president coolidge, both in regard to his action in the conley case and in the veto. autonomy missions to u.s.—one of the features of the cam- paign for independence had been the sending of independence missions to the united states. five of these missions had been ii2 sent, namely in the years 1919, 1922, 1923, 1924 and 1925. the 1919 mission arrived while president wilson was attending the peace negotiations in paris. ie sent a cordial message regretting his inability to receive the mission, with an assurance that the time seemed near for the realisation of filipino hopes. ‘the mission of 1922 was received by president harding, who, while stat- ing that he was not yet prepared to recommend the granting of independence, assured the mission that no backward step in the relations of americans and filipinos would be taken during his administration. the mission arriving in 1923 presented its memo- rial early in january. on feb. 21, president coolidge rather vig- orously answered the mission, stating that inability to co-operate with gov.-gen. wood, in view of the excellent administration he was giving, might be proof that filipinos were unprepared for in- dependent citizenship and that the time had not yet come for in- dependence. the several missions, together with the independ- ence propaganda and the influence of some americans, both officials and private persons, were factors in the bills for greater autonomy or for the withdrawal of american sovereignty that were introduced into the first session of the 68th congress. on these bills two extended hearings were held in the first half of 1924. none of the bills had become law by 1925;\nbut they show the latest trend of legislation in the united states for the philip- pines and point perhaps to even greater autonomy than is now enjoyed. in may 1925 the philippine islands were received into the inter- parliamentary union, and the filipino delegate to that union, senator osmefia, attended the 23rd convention of that body in washington. in the early part of 1926 news was received of the departure of an economic mission despatched to the philippines by president coolidge. because of the claim of the netherlands govt. to the island of palmas, or miangas, lying southeast of mindanao, which has generally been regarded as part of the philippine archipclago, the netherlands and the united states agreed, on jan. 23 1925, to settle the matter by arbitration. the case has been referred to the permanent court of arbitration at the hague, and the arbitral tribunal is to consist of a single arbiter. the united states has presented its first arguments which have been answered by the netherlands government. bibliography.—annual reports of the governor-general, and of the several executive departments;\nil. o. beyer, population of the philippine islands in 1916 (new york, 1917);\nf. b. harrison, the cornerstone of philippine independence (1922);\nj. bocobo, general wood and the law (univ. of the philippines, manila, 1923);\nr. palma, our campaign for independence (manila, 1923);\nphilippine islands (bureau of commerce and industry, manila, 1923);\nd. p. barrows, iistory of the philippines, revised ed. (1924);\ncommerczal ilandbook of the philippine islands (manila, 1924);\nf. g. carpenter, through the philippines and hawaii (1925);\ng. m. dutcher, the political awakening of the east (1925);\ne. o. gothwaite, ed. trade in philippine copra and coconut oil (bureau of foreign and domestic commerce, washington, 1925);\nf. c. laubach, the people of the philippines, etc. (1925);\nk. mayo, the isles of fear (1925);\nd. r. williams, the united states and the philippines (19285). caw 6) phillimore, walter george frank phillimore, ist baron (1845- ), british judge, was born in london nov. 21 1845, the eldest son of sir robert joseph phillimore, bart. (see 21.405). educated at westminster school and christ church, oxford, he won the vinerian scholarship and was elected to an all souls fellowship. he was called to the bar in 1868. in 1885 he succeeded his father as second baronet, and in 1897 was made a judge of the queen’s bench division, being in 1913 appointed a lord justice of appeal and sworn of the privy council. he retired from the bench in 1916, and in 1918 was raised to the peerage. he was from 1905 to 1908 president of the inter- national law association. in 1918 he became chairman of the naval prize tribunal. lord phillimore was english representa- tive on the commission which sat at the hague in 1920 to pre- pare the scheme of a permanent court of international justice. lord phillimore’s publications include three centuries of treaties of peace and their teaching (1917);\nhe also revised j. hl. blunt’s book of church law and several of his father’s works. phillimore=phizology phillips, stephen (1868-1915), british poet (see 21.407), died at deal, kent, dec. 9 1915. philology (sce 21.414).—since ro1o there has been a remark- able revival of interest in linguisticscience. a number of linguists have turned aside from their specialist activities and concerned themselves with the restatement of fundamental principles. among these works may be mentioned otto jespersen, lauguage, its nature, development and origin, and the philosophy of grammar;\nj. vendryes, le langage, introduction linguistique & pitistotre and e. sapir’s language: an introduction to the study of speech. these writers approach the study of language from notably distinct viewpoints, so that their books supplement rather than parallel each other. jespersen is mainly concerned with the more important modern languages of europe and takes into consideration a good many matters cf practical interest ordinarily neglected by the scientific linguist. vendryes writes from the standpoint of the indo-europeanist and stresses the comparative and historical points of view. sapir, a specialist in american indian languages, is chiefly concerned with formal and psychological fundamentals, and uses freely examples taken from the languages of primitive peoples. psychology—it is very noteworthy that other social and humanistic sciences than linguistics itself have taken a serious interest in the data of language. psychology, which had been disposed to neglect language behaviour, has begun to analyse it more carefully in terms of stimulus and response;\nof habit;\nof adaptive function. a notable contribution to the understand- ing of language as a particular type of behaviour is j. r. kantor’s paper on ln” analysis of psychological language data, in which the peculiar characteristics of speech, whether communicative or expressive, are sought in its indirect nature as a response, the ‘‘ adaptive stimulus ”’ being responded to not directly but in the form of a reference, while a secondary stimulus, generally the person spoken to, is substitutively reacted to. j. b. watson, the extreme exponent of behaviourism, sees in language merely a series of highly specialised laryngeal habits, and goes so far as to identify language with thinking by interpreting the latter type of behaviour as implicit or “ sub-vocal ” laryngeating. such ultra-behaviouristic interpretations of language are not likely to meet with the approval of the linguists themselves, but they may have a certain value in accustoming us to approach the study of language habits without necessary reference to the logicians’ world of “concepts.”’ there is reason to believe that the kind of psychology (see psychotocy) which will prove of the greatest value to linguistic science is the gestale psychologie (configura- tive psychology), which 1s still in its elementary stages. in this type of thinking the emphasis on behaviour is placed on the total form or configuration of a sequence of acts viewed as a system. ‘to apply configurative psychology to language one may say that no linguistic act, however elementary, can be looked upon as a mere response, nor can even the simplest speech articulation be understood in terms. of muscular and nervous adjustments alone. language always implies a particular kind of selective organ- isation: no speech sound, as sapir has shown in a paper on sound patterns in language, is intelligible as a habit without reference to the complete system of sounds characteristic of a given language, the individual sound being defined not merely as an articulation, but as a point ina pattern, with the other points of which it has intuitively felt relations (see phonetics). for the more complex levels of linguistic organisation the pattern point of view is more obviously in place. philosophy—even more fruitful for linguistics than psy- chology has been the work of certain philosophers. as the relativity of all knowledge and all experience to the habitual symbolism by means of which they are expressed has become more and more clearly understood, philosophy has begun to take a very lively interest in the relation between language and thought, in the nature of the symbolic process exemplified in, but not exhausted by, language, and in allied problems of mean- ing, reference and classification of experience. philosophers of standing, such as cassirer, delafosse and ogden and richards, phitlology have been occupying themselves with linguistic problems as never before. new viewpoints have been arrived at which are of capital interest for both philosophy and linguistics. in an important work entitled the amfeaning of meaning ogden and richards have carefully explored the nature of the symbolic and referential process involved in the use of language and have classified the concept of “meaning” itself. many problems that have occupied the attention of philosophers and logicians are shown to be not essential problems but pseudo-problems that arise from the almost unavoidable temptation to read an absolute validity into linguistic terms that are really devoid of meaning when they are disconnected from a more or less arbi- trarily defined context. forms of speech.—the study of forms of speech that are very different from those that most of us are accustomed to—say english, -french or latin— discloses the possibility of markedly distinct analyses of experience where one might naively suppose that our customary analysis via speech is resident, as it were, in the nature of things. categories that are carefully developed in one language are but weakly developed, or not at all, in another. even the elements of sensible experience, whether conceived of as thing (say “tree’’), quality (say “ blue ’’) or action (say “ give’), are not necessarily taken as equivalent ranges of reference (“‘ concepts’’) in different languages, but may be included in, or distributed among, respectively different ranges. it may even happen that what in one language is a definite experiential concept, with an unambiguous mode of reference to it, finds not even a partial expression in another, but is left entirely to the implications of a given context. such a language may be said to have no “‘ word ” or other element for the “ idea”’ in question, from which, however, it need not in the least follow that it is incapable of satisfactorily conveying the total psychic sequence (“‘ thought ”) or unit of communication in which the “ idea, ” in another language, figures as an essential element. linguistic expressions of this kind are naturally of the greatest value for our conception of the nature of “ reality ”’ anc of our symbolised attitude toward it, and certain philosophers have not been slow to turn to language for this reason. that in the process of thought linguistic mechanisms play an important part is beyond doubt. material rich in interest for the philosopher, the psychologist, the philologist and the sociologist is afforded by the modes of classification in use in various language families, such as classificatory prefixes and generic determinatives. sociology and anthro pology.—sociologists and anthropologists too have interested themselves in linguistic phenomena as in- dispensable to an understanding of social behaviour. especial mention may be made of b. malinowski’s speculations on the linguistic expression of primitive peoples. the value of language as a;\nindex of social groups is being increasingly recognised by sociologists. one may wonder, indeed, if there is any set of social habits that is more cohesive or more disrupting than language habits. not only has language been an object of study in its own right, but it has shown itself increasingly to be of the greatest instrumental value in all historical studies. the best kind of ethnological;\nfolk-loristic material 1s that which is secured in the form of native texts, for material of this kind is not open to the charge of misrepresentation of the native point of view. accordingly, we find that the text method of studying the cultures of exotic peoples, whether lettered or not, has been growing in favour, in spite of the obvious difficulties of the method, implying as it does a preliminary study of the exotic language itself. indeed, much of the most compctent;\nauthoritative ethnological information that we possess has been obtained as material ancillary to linguistic studies. one may instance, for america, the kwakiutl publications of franz boas;\n, for africa, the shilluk texts of d. westermann. place names.—in another sense, too, linguistic researches have been of great assistance,;\nthat is in enabling us to make inferences as to the history;\nprehistory of various peoples. the value of place names, e.g., in the study of the former dis- tributions of the various ethnic elements that go to make up the 113 present population of engl;\n, is well understood (see folklore). much of the prehistory of europe;\nwestern asia is being rewritten with the aid of a profounder study of place names. the non-hellenic character of hundreds of well-known greek place names, such as athenai, korinthos;\ntiryns, is interest- ing;\nimportant in connection with our rapidly increasing knowledge of the pre-hellenic or minoan civilisation of the aegean;\nof the mainl;\nof greece. the etruscan problem, too, has been furthered by a study of the recorded place;\npersonal names of etruria that are clearly not of italic origin. these show so many resemblances to names recorded from western asia minor (e.g., lydia, lycia) that there is now less hesitation than before to credit the testimony of herodotus, who derives the turrhenoi (etrusci) from asia minor. general tendencics—we may point out a number of ten- dencies in recent linguistic thinking. first of all, there is a growing realisation that the life of language is similar in all parts of the world, regardless of the race or cultural development of the speakers of the language,;\nthat the rate of linguistic change is not scriously dependent on the presence or absence of writing. the supposed conservative power of a system of writ- ing, it is now generally agreed, is altogether mythical. it is an illusion to imagine, for instance, that chinese as a spoken language was hindered from the normal rate of change because of an early literary fixation. not only have the modern dialects a notably different vocabulary from classical chinese but their pronunciation has been so modified that it is clear that present- day m;\narin or cantonese would be quite as unintelligible to confucius as present-day spanish to cicero. internal factors in change-—-the most important single factor making for an increased or retarded rate of linguistic change would seem to be the formal set of the language itself. it is significant, for instance, that the semitic languages have changed very much less in the last 3,000 years than have the indo-european languages. the athabaskan (dene) languages of north america, spoken by unlettered tribes which had, for the most part, reached but a very primitive level of culture, have tended to resist morphological change because of a certain formal equilibrium, despite the complexity of their grammatical structure, hence such widely separated languages as navaho (new mexico;\narizona), hupa (northern california);\nchipewyan (mackenzie valley) differ probably less than french;\nitalian (see arcilaeology: central america). consistency of change-—one of the most impressive things about linguistic change within a given genetic group is the relative consistency of its direction over a long period of time. well-known examples of this principle are the progressive simplification of the case system in all branches of the indo- european family;\nthe ever-increasing tendency to isolation in the structure of the sinitic (indo-chinese) languages. it is very remarkable, too, that in many cases it can be shown that related languages have undergone similar developments in- dependently of each other;\nat very different periods. “ um- laut,” for instance, seems to have developed independently in west germanic;\nin sc;\ninavian, just as certain tonal de- velopments in modern tibetan (central dialects) are significantly parallel to the far older tonal developments of the earliest chinese. it is difficult to explain these parallelisms except on the assumption that a given formal set implies a certain lability to modification in one rather than in another direction. : external contacts—important, yet less important than the inner “ drift ’ of a language, is the tendency to change as a result of external contact. not only lexical, but also far-reaching phon- etic influences may be ascribed to the contact of unrelated lan- guages. although annamite seems to be basically a mon-khmer language, therefore originally toneless, it has acquired a com- plicated tone mechanism which is, in principle, identical with that of the neighbouring tai languages (siamese, shan, laos, tho). morphological features, too, may be freely diffused, though the evidence for this is less convincing in most cases than for the spread of words;\nof phonetic elements;\ntendencies. often it is difficult to say whether a morphological it4 parallelism is due to historic contact or to genetic relationship or to independent development. the efiects of bilingualism deserve attention, especially in those areas where permanent contact is established between two different families of speech, as in india, where indo-aryan languages are spoken in addition to dravidian or austric or indo-chinese tongues. the principles of the growth of hnguae francue have also been examined, but much yet remains to be done. internal social developments as well as exterior relations induce linguistic features of interest;\nof philological value in themselves. the phenomena recorded by anthropologists of secret speech, of slang, of special modes of speech associated with social divisions, women, age-grades, priests;\nkings bear witness to the importance;\nvalidity of linguistics in the study of social aggregates;\ntheir corporate manifestations. morphology—the morphological classification of languages still leaves much to be desired. it is abundantly clear that the traditional classification of types of speech into isolating, agelutinative, inilective;\npolysynthetic is imperfect. it is dificult to find easily applicable criteria of gencral linguistic structure. perhaps the safest plan is to adopt a number of dis- tinct points of view;\nto classify a given language from each of these. sapir suggests the possibility of three independent types of classification, based respectively on degree of synthesis, on the predominant “ technique ” (manner;\ndegree of welding of elements into unities),;\non the conceptual expressions. from the first point of view languages may be described as anilytic (chinese, ewe), weakly synthetic (english, tibetan), synthetic (latin, turkish, japanese);\npolysynthetic (eski- mo, alyonquin). the classification based on “ technique ” is into isolating (chinese, annamite), agglutinative (turkish, nootka, bantu), fusional (latin, french, yokuts);\n“ symbolic,” t.c., with the characteristic employment of various types of internal change, such as vocalic;\nconsonantal change, reduplication;\ndifferences of stress;\npitch (semitic, shilluk). a con- ceptual classification would distinguish between languages which can;\nthose which cannot freely derive words from bis'c elemerts and, further, between those which express the fundamental relational (syntactic) concepts as such and those which need adventitious concepts like gender or number to bring out these necessary relational ideas. there would, therefore, be theoretically four conceptual types of languages—pure-rela- tional, non-deriving languages (chinese), pure-relational deriving languages (polynesian, haida), mixed-relational non-deriving languages (but meagrely represented) and mixed-relational deriving languages (latin, semitic, algonkin). phonetics—much progress has been made in phonctic re- search (see puonetics). a vast number of new sounds have been discovered and whole classes of articulation come to light from time to time whose existence could not readily have been foretold by ana priori phonetic analysis. the help derived by linguists from objective methods of investigation (various types of recording apparatus) has been welcome but, none the less, dis- appointing on the whole. a well-trained ear can readily make and classify sound differences which a kymograph does not materially help us to understand. as our knowledge of phonetics grows, we realise that sounds and phonetic discriminations originally believed to have a quite restricted distribution are reuly rather widely distributed. the hottentot and bushman clicks, partly borrowed by certain bantu languages, seem to be confined to south africa. but the curious glottalised consonants and voiceless laterals of western american languages are found as well in the caucasus and in a number of african languages. again, tone differences or significant elements in the word are by no means confined to chinese and related languages in eastern asia. we now know that pitch languages are exceedingly com- mon. most of the african languages that are not semitic or hamitic are pitch languages (sudanese, bantu, hottentot, bush- man), while in aboriginal america a very considerable number of languages have been found to recognise tonal differences (c.g., athabaskan, tlingit, achomawi, takelma, tewa, mohave, mixteczapotec, chinantec, otomi and many others). philology genetic relations —for a long time linguists hesitated to look for genetic connections between the groups and isolated languages that had been established. there is an increasing tendency now tomake larger syntheses and to suggest as at least probable, if not entirely demonstrable, relations that at first blush seem far- fetched. among serious linguists alfredo trombetti is perhaps the only one who has ventured to commit himself to the theory of linguistic monogenesis and has actually attempted (sce his mementi. di glottologia) to show in what manner the various groups of languages that are generally recognised are related to each other. the most important general survey of languages published in recent years, les langues du monde, edited by a. meillet and marcel cohen, is very conservative in the matter of genetic theories, but even in this a number of syntheses are al- lowed that would not have passed muster a few decades ago. there is no doubt that as our comparative knowledge becomes more profound we shall be enabled to extend our genetic groups with safety. north and south american languages —we can only glance at some of the new genetic theories. the incredibly complicated linguistic picture of north and south america, which has long been proverbial among linguists is likely to become very ap- preciably simplified. r. b. dixon, a. l. kroeber, p. radin sapir, g. r. swanton and p. rivet are among those who have sought 10 bring order out of the linguistic chaos that still largely prevails in america. for the groups of languages spoken north of mexico and in part in mexico sapir suggests a greatly simphi- fied classification into six genetic groups, eskimo, nadene (haida, tlingit-athabaskan), hokan-siouan, algonquin-wakash- an, penutian and aztek-tanoan. these groups, asule from eskimo, embrace languages, however, which differ vastly more than the indo-european languages. in south america rivet has connected various groups of languages hitherto believed to be unrelated. he has also attempted to prove a relationship between certain fuegian languages and the languages of australia, and between the hokan languages of california and polynesian. the austric and australian langutages.—more likely to prove sound than these latter theories is father w. schmidt’s linguistic synthesis which passes under the name of * austric ”’ and which includes the vast group of languages— mon-khmer (mon-khmer proper; khasi; proto-malaccan, nicobarese; munda) and ma- layo-polynesian. analysis of the australian languages by father schmidt seems to disclose the existence of a definite distinction between the northern and southern groups. the northern group is resolved into two main divisions with a third division of an intermediate nature. ‘chere are marked differences in the southern group, some of which are regarded as approaching tasmanian (now extinct) and as therefore markedly primitive. to a very large extent linguistic differences in this areca, claims father schmidt, can be correlated with, variations of, or differences in, other cultural features such as social organisation.\" african languages ——in africa we may note as important the discovery of 2 language spoken in the east-central portion of the continent: sandawe, which is unmistakably related to hlottentot, spoken far to the south. this lends an unexpected colour to theories long prevalent as to the hamitic affihation of hottentot. the sharp line of demarcation which used to be drawn between the bantu and sudanese languages is giving way. everything points to the fact that the sudanese languages are a worn-down form of a language, or group of languages, which was genetically related to bantu. a number of sudanese lan- guages possess class prefixes (or suffixes) that are strongly reminiscent of the bantu prefixes, while bare survivals of these elements persist in a great many other sudanese languages. the publication of sir h. h. johnston’s work on the bantu lan- guages was an event of first class scientific importance. it sum- marises and surveys with masterly power the sweep of this family of languages throughout africa and argues that “ the bantu family was finally moulded by some non-negro incomers of 1a nthropos, vol. 8 (1912), p. 260 and p. 463; vol. 9 (1913), p. 526. philosophy possibly hamitic affinities, akin at any rate in physique and culture, if not in language, to the dynastic egyptians, the gallas and perhaps most of all to those ‘ethiopians’ of mixed egyptian and negro-nubian stock that, down to 1,000 years ago, in- habited the nile basin south of wadi-halfa and north of kordo- fans? indo-european, semitic and hamitic languages.—hermann meltlers’ very systematic and detailed attempt to connect indo- european and semitic (the relationship of which to hamitic is now generally recognised) scems not to have been cordially received by either the indo-europeanists or the semitists, but to the general linguist who studies his works his demonstration seems highly suggestive, not to say convincing. less solid seems to be the attempt of n. marr, a russian linguist, to establish a “zaphetic”’? group of languages, consisting of the caucasic languages, basque, and that large number of still very imper- fectly known languages which preceded the indo-european group in southern europe and western asia (etruscan, minoan, “‘ asianic ” learly hittite]). more and more it is becoming evident that the linguistic cartography of the near east and of europe was a complicated one in remote times. the discovery and partial decipherment of a series of cunciform “ ffittite ” inscriptions from the second millennium b.c. proves a number of interesting things—that a language closely related to sanskrit and known from quoted terms was spoken in the neighbourhood of the hittite country; that the language of the hittite rulers had unmistakable indo- european features, but was not typically, or even mainly, indo- - european in character; and that an older hittite language was quite unrelated to this. just what relationship, if any, the non- indo-european elements of these ifittite languages bear to “ asianic ” (lycian, lydian, carian and others) and the caucasic, remains to be discovered (see archaeology: western asia). discovery of tokharian.—perhaps the most interesting lin- guistic discovery that has been made of recent years in the domain of indo-european philology, apart from the “‘ pseudo- hittite ’? documents just referred to, is the presence of two dialects of a language, generally termed tokharian in chinese turkistan, as late as the 7th century a.p. tokharian is quite distinct from any other known indo-european language and has thrown light on a number of points of indo-european grammar. in certain phonetic respects it agrees more closely with greek and latin than with the indo-iranian languages that were geographically nearer to it. pisucha languages.—problems of an interesting nature are raised by the evidence published (1919) in vol. 8, part 2, of the linguistic survey of india by sir george grierson, who describes the dardic or pisacha languages as not possessing all the charac- teristics either of indo-aryan or of eranian. they exhibit almost unaltered and in common use words which in india are hardly found except in vedic sanskrit. the wild, mountainous country in which these languages are found has not attracted the con- queror. an interesting feature is the survival of words from burushaski, a form of speech which has not yet been satis- factorily related to any other language group. karen languages examination of the languages spoken in burma, an area not covered by the linguistic survey, has justilied the view that the karen group of languages constitute a new family of languages which exhibits features resembling those of the chin and sak languages, even of some of the sub-himalayan dialects. sir george grierson suggests the possibility of a wicde- spread pre-tibeto-burman population, which was absorbed, with parts of its language, by the later tibeto-burman immigrants. other families —the man family is similarly regarded as dis- tinct but it is a newcomer from southern china, whence further evidence may be available to identify its main relationship. there are thus in the confines of the indian empire language stocks of world-wide distribution and languages—the dravidian tongues— burushaski, karen, man and andamanese, which survive in isolation. it has been surmised that dravidian languages may be related to sumerian or to basque, or to a common prototype, but 11s conclusive evidence has not yet been put forward in proof of these hypotheses. breriograpiy.—bureau of american ethnology, bulletin 4o, pb. i (1912); and pt. 2 (1922); sir h. h. johnston, 4 com parative study of the baniu and semi-baniu languages (1919); j. vendryes, le langage (1921); e. sapir, language (1921); c. k. ogden and i. a richards, the meaning of meaning (1923); o. jespersen, language, its nature, development, and origin (1922); sir g. a. (rierson, linguistic survey of india, vol. 8-11 (1919-22); india census re- port (1921). | ce sr.)",
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