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    "source_title": "Encyclopaedia Britannica (1926)",
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    "title": "PAN-AMERICAN CONFERENCES",
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    "verified_text": "the fourth pan-american conference was held at buenos aires in 1910, and during the same year the pan-american union building, erected through a gift of $750,000 from andrew carnegie and $250,000 contributed by the various republics of the union, was formally dedicated. during the three weeks following dec. 25 1915, the second pan-american scientific congress met in washington. amongst the speakers was president wilson, who urged friendly settle- ment of international disputes by arbitration. the congress appointed an international high commission, which sat at buenos aires in april 1916. improvement and extension of cable, telegraph and railway services between the countries was urged. a permanent international high commission was estab- lished to promote uniform commercial laws throughout the countries represented in the union. in feb. 1918 the governing board of the pan-american union approved a plan to establish a section of education to promote better knowledge of the lan- guages and history of the american republics through educational institutions. in nov. 1918 a pan-american federation of labour confer- ence met at laredo, texas. delegates were present from the united states, mexico and central america. an influenza epidemic interfered with south american attendance, colombia alone being represented. a permanent federation was organised. pan-american child welfare congresses met at montevideo, uruguay, in dec. 1918 and in may 1919; at the second meeting provision was made for establishing at montevideo an inter- national bureau of child welfare. in june 1919 the second pan-american commercial congress was held in washington, and in the same city, in jan. 1920, a pan-american financial congress. the sixth international sanitary conference was held in montevideo dec. 12~—20 1920. it re-organised the interna- tional sanitary bureau, which has been active in disseminating valuable bulletins on sanitation and public health. in jan. 1921 @ convention was held in mexico city with the object of promoting good relations between the labouring classes of the united states, central and south america. it was at- tended by samuel gompers and other united states labour leaders. in june 1921 panama proposed the formation of a pan- american league of nations which should function on the amer- ican continent in the same manner as the league of nations established by the treaty of versailles. the suggestion, how- ever, did not meet with the approval of president harding and no further action was taken in this direction. in sept. 1921 a pan-american postal congress was held in buenos aires, at which the postal rates between the countries of the union were discussed. the fifth conference——the fifth pan-american conference was held march 25-may 3 1923 at santiago, chile, henry p. fletcher, u.s. ambassador to belgium, being head of the u.s. delegation. delegations from all the american republics, except bolivia, mexico and peru, were present, and a large number of subjects were discussed. a proposal by uruguay that the prin- ciple of the monroe doctrine be adopted by all american states was not supported by the united states delegates, and was rec- ommended for report to the next pan-american conference. 36 similarly, an attempt to arrive at an agreement for the limita- tion of naval armaments failed on account of disagreement be- tween brazil, argentina and chile. costa rica strongly urged the establishment of an american permanent court of justice but failed to obtain the support of the conference, because the plan submitted included arbitration of questions involving the vital interests of nations, and the matter was referred to the com- mission of jurists at rio de janeiro in 1925. four conventions were completed and signed, viz., an agree- ment under which international disputes might be investigated and settled by a commission empowered to ascertain facts; a trade-mark convention, protecting users of trade-marks in the countries where ownership of the mark is acquired through reg- istration; a convention to secure uniformity of nomenclature in the classification of merchandise; and one providing for the publicity of customs documents. no fewer than 73 resolutions were passed, one of the most important of which created four permanent committees to assist the union in the study of (1) the best means of developing the economic and commercial rela- ' tions between the american states; (2) the international organ- isation of labour in america; (3) hygiene in the countries of the american continent; and (4) the best means of developing intel- lectual co-operation, with especial reference to co-operation between the universities and the exchange of professors and students. it was decided to hold the sixth pan-american conference at havana, cuba, within the following five years. in sept. 1924 the international pan-american committee, consisting of men interested in developing closer pan-american relations, proposed that columbus day, oct. 12, should be observed annually as pan-american day, and the suggestion met with the approval of president coolidge. the seventh pan-american sanitary conference was held at havana, cuba, nov. 5-15 1924, and the third pan-american scientific congress met at lima, peru, in dec. 1924. bibliography.—pan-american society of the united states, yearbook, rules and members (1912); j. barrett, pan-america and pan-americanism (1915), practical pan-americanism (1915), pan- americanism and the monroe doctrine (pan-american union, 1916)$ r. g. usher, pan-a mericanism (1915); g. h. blakeslee (ed.), prob- lems and lessons of the war (1916), and true pan-americanism; a policy of co-operation with the other american republics (1917); j. b. lockey, pun-a mericanism (1920); s. g. inman, problems in pan-americanism (1921), and pan-american conferences and their resulis (1924); pan-american union, list of publications published or distributed (1923); for the text of the conferences see untied states supt. of docume: ts. pan-american union (sce 20.671).--at the second pan- american conference, held at mexico city, oct. rt901~jan. 1902, the international bureau of american republics was organised under a governing board of the diplomatic representa- tives of the american republics at washington with the secretary of state of the united states as chairman. at the fourth pan- american conference, held at buenos aires, july 12-aug. 30 igto, it was decided that this international bureau should be henceforth called the pan-american union. the same year the pan-american union building in washington, d.c., erected through a gift of $750,000 from andrew carnegie and other funds provided by the various republics, was dedicated and has since been maintained as the headquarters of the union. at the fifth pan-american conference, held at santiago, march 26-may 13 1923, the membership of the governing board of the union was enlarged; and it was agreed that in future any american republic not having an accredited representative at washington may nominate a special representative on the board. the board is constituted of representatives of all the countries of america, except canada and guiana. its purpose is to de- velop commerce, friendly intercourse, good understanding and the preservation of peace among the countries of america, and it is supported financially by quotas contributed by each country based upon their respective populations. it publishes a monthly bulletin embodying a record of pan-american progress, and also special reports and pamphlets containing practical information on pan-american union—pan-germanism pan-american subjects. its library, the columbus memorial library, contains 55,000 volumes and a large collection of maps, photographs, lantern slides and negatives. in addition to its other activities, the governing board acts as an ad interim exccu- tive committee in the intervals between the pan-american conferences (q.v.). pangalos, theodore (1878- _+), greek soldier and poli- ticlan, was born in salamis of albanian origin, and in 1895 en- tered the athenian military academy, whence he proceeded to complete his studies in paris. during the world war he com- manded a regiment in macedonia, in 1917 he held a post in the ministry of war, in 1918 commanded the first infantry division and in 1919 was chief of the general staff during the campaign in asia minor. when the revolution of 1922 dethroned king constantine for the second time, he was chairman of the com- mission of enquiry into the responsibilities for the asiatic dis- aster, and was consequently concerned in the execution of the six royalist ministers. he subsequently became minister of war in the revolutionary govt., and commander-in-chief of the army of the i[ebros. at the elections of 1923 he entered the national assembly as delegate from salonika and chief of the republican group. in the first republican cabinet of m. papanastasiou in 1924 he was successively minister of law and order (for the repression of brigandage) and war. on june 25 10925, by a bloodless coup d'etat, he made himself premier, then forced the chamber to accept him, prorogued and subsequently dissolved it, took two royalists into his cabinet as a sign of “ reconcilia- tion,” and on jan. 3 1926 publicly proclaimed himself dictator; he had already been so in fact ever since he had thrown away the “ parliamentary mantle” with which m. papanastasiou had tried to cover the uniform of his former colleague. in april 1926 gen. pangalos was elected president of the hellenic republic in succession to admiral condouriotis. pan-germanism.—pan-germanism is the name given to an imperialistic movement which, though it had long been gain- ing strength, received but little serious notice in anglo-saxon countries until the years immediately preceding the world war. its importance may then have been exaggerated, yet there can be little doubt that it helped largely to popularise the belief that there had been at work in germany forces bent upon ambitious schemes of territorial aggrandisement and _ political dominion. its two aspects.—there are, indeed, two aspects of pan- germanism—the purely national and defensive, and the out- spokenly chauvinistic and aggressive. the pan-german is accustomed to describe his endeavours as merely designed to realise, under modern conditions, the ideas of men like fichte, arndt and other patriots who over a century ago looked to the time when the sundered german tribes would be gathered into one political fold. in the middle of the century the political economists friedrich list and wilhelm roscher, both forward- looking in many ways, gave more purposive form to this vague notion of an all-embracing germanic commonwealth. list dreamed of a german empire extending from the adriatic to the black sea, offering scope for german colonisation for cen- turles to come. he also predicted the eventual inclusion in that empire of holland, holding that without control of the mouth of the rhine germany was ‘“ like a house whose front door is owned by a neighbour.” . list’s speculations would appear to have given encouragement and «direction to the later more definite activities of the pan- germanist movement; for many of the imperialistic schemes which have been advanced by contemporary writers are only variations or augmentations—mostly the latter—of his ideas. list’s influence can first be traced in the works of men like paul a. de lagarde, gustav a. c. frantz and paul dehn, who all wrote on the subject in the ’seventies or ’eighties of last cen- tury. thus, in his deutsche schriften, lagarde wrote:— we must create a central europe which will guarantee the peace of the entire continent from the moment when it shall have driven the russtans from the black sea and the slavs from the south and shall have conquered large tracts to the east of our frontiers for pan-germanism german colonisation. we cannot let loose ex abruptio the war which will create this central europe. all we can do is to accustom our people to the thought that this war must come. frantz, too, in his book die weltpolitik, advocated the forma- tion under german direction of a powerful confederation of states comprising, besides germany, austria, ilolland, bel- gium, flanders, lorraine, switzerland, franche-comte, savoy, and, in the east, the balkan principalities and russian poland. the war period during the years preceding the world war these ideas affect- ed germany and were reinforced by influential political names. they had been kept alive by a host of writers of unequal merit, among the most influential being ernst von jlalle, friedrich lange and ernst hasse. the special aspect of the pan-german question to which hasse devoted his pen was “ frontier policy,” the title of his best-known book. one of his favourite schemes was the hedging of the empire on its landward frontiers by a military glacis, a day’s march wide, to be settled by the families of ex-non-commissioned officers and other picked men who had had'a military training. this real landwehr was to be the rocher de bronze of which frederick the great spoke, a bulwark against which the attacks of germany’s enemies would hurl themselves in vain. he also advocated the incorporation in the german confederation of belgium, luxemburg, holland and certain french frontier districts, as well as of bohemia and moravia (to be taken from austria) and parts of western russia. for, he wrote, ‘‘ we want territory even if it be inhabited by foreign peoples, so that we may shape their future in accordance with our needs.” it was only in 1891 that the pan-germans resorted to sys- tematic organisation and propagandism. the colonial move- ment was then in full flood, and the idea of imperial expansion had captured the national imagination in a high degree. five years before a congress of patriotic organisations had been called for conference in berlin by dr. karl peters, who later acquired a sinister notoriety. a loose federation of these bodies was formed for the more successful advancement of national interests, particularly territorial expansion, and peters was for a time accepted as its head. a new league.—in 18or this federation was reconstituted as the general german league (allgemeiner deutscher verband) under pressure of the strong public fecling evoked by the con- clusion of the zanzibar convention of the previous year, by which germany ceded to great britain a large part of her east african empire in exchange for the island of heligoland. a membership of 20,000 appears to have been obtained, but this number gradually fell off to 5,000, until in 1894 the movement was taken in hand by prof. ernst hasse of leipzig, the municipal statistician and a member of the imperial diet. simultaneously the name pan-german league (alldeutscher verband) was taken; the machinery of organisation was improved and ex- panded; an energetic agitation by means of meetings, leaflets and a weekly news sheet pan-german leaves (alldeutsche bldtler) was begun; and both members and money again came in freely. the new league sought to create a world-wide national union of all the germans, adopting as its motto the saying of the great elector of brandenburg, frederick william, the founder of the german colonial movement and the creator of the german navy, ‘“ remember that you are germans.’”’ the propagandist manifesto in circulation before the war set forth: ‘“ we must strengthen our national sentiment and bring home to the mass of our people the fact that germany’s development did not end in 1871.” the programme of action comprised the following measures :— the quickening of the patriotic consciousness of germans at home and the combating of all tendencies antagonistic to national develop- ment, the solution of questions relating to the education and training of the young and the schools in the sense of germanism. the fostering and support of german national movements in all countries where our kinsmen have to struggle for the maintenance of germanism; with the union of all germans throughout the world. 37 (at the same time germans living abroad were warned against direct interference in the internal affairs of the countries of their adoption.) the promotion of an energetic german “ policy of interests ” in europe and across the seas, and especially ree carrying forward of the colonial movement to practical objectives. had the pan-germans kept their endeavours within the limits of the party’s programme much later reproach might have been saved them. individual members of the league, how- ever, were not slow to supplement its avowed aims by all sorts of immoderate schemes of aggression in europe, asia minor and africa. as time passed and the relations of the great powers became increasingly strained, the league itself developed into a powerful piece of political machinery. berlin was the administrative seat, but the organisation covered the whole country, which for purposes of agitation was divided into gauen or regions, while the formation of branches in foreign countries was studiously furthered. there was an executive committee of 306 members, drawn from all parts of the empire; there were special committees for various territorial and other questions; and national congresses were held at intervals. the fact that a large number of its members sat in the {mperial diet gave to the league an excellent forum for the propagation of its ideas, and in all the more critical episodes and controversies in ‘foreign politics during two decades prior to the war it proved an unwearying exponent of a spirited imperialistic policy. yet influential though the pan-germanist movement was before the war, and inflammatory as was much of its influence on public opinion, injustice would be done by identifying the german nation as a whole with its more aggressive propagan- dism. in the main the movement appealed to and was embraced by the powerful nationalist and chauvinist parties—in other words, by the military men and the political reactionaries—for though many intellectuals supported the league the soberer heads among them kept aloof, and the historian mommsen even called the pan-germans ‘ patriotic idiots.” some reflections.—it would be equally unfair to draw general conclusions from the many extravagances which were uttered and written in germany during the years of war. the real sig- nificance of the pan-german propagandism at that time lay in the new importance attached to the idea of a central european confederation under german influence, now revived by dr. f. naumann in his book mitiel-europa, perhaps the ablest con- tribution from the german side to the literature of a “ new europe,” the expansion of the old berlin-to-bagdad programme into a grandiose scheme of empire extending from antwerp and the north sea to basra and the persian gulf, and the claim to a vast consolidated colonial empire stretching across tropical africa, to be acquired at the expense of france, belgium and particularly of great britain. these ambitious projects are not recalled in order to prove that the war aims of germany were more immodest than those of some of her enemies, still less for the purpose of pointing the contrast between aspiration and achievement, but rather as showing how many years of inten- sive pan-germanic agitation had clearly familiarised the na- tional mind with the idea of imperial expansion as one which might be better realised by force of arms than by the slow methods of peaceful penetration. when criticised, the pan-germanist is ready with his answer. “put yourself in our position,” he says; and the challenge is one to be met. viewing the question from the german stand- point it is not difficult to discover facts and tendencies in na- tional and international politics that explain, and within limits may be said to have condoned, the anxiety and spirit of unrest which settled upon germans when, in 1885 or thereabouts, they began to feel the pressure of the population question, the grow- ing need for new markets and the stirring of ambitions which pointed outwards. it is significant that the movement made its greatest advance when mr. chamberlain, colonial secretary from 1895 to 1902, was uttering his clear and resounding call to the commonwealths of the british empire to coalesce and to raise their frontier barriers, commercially, to the outer world. in the past the british empire had opened its door freely to ger- mans as immigrants and traders, but they might be perhaps, 328 less welcome than before. even had it been otherwise, the germans chafed against the inequality in the partition of the undeveloped territories of the earth which compelled their emigrants to seek homes under alien flags and thus to be even- tually lost to the fatherland. further, while many german politicians feared a future agglomeration of the anglo-saxon races, the whole nation was haunted by the two-fold menace of a restless russia in the east and of a france in the west unrecon- ciled to the loss of territory in 1871. these and other facts, weighing on an emotional and politi- cally immature people, probably gained for pan-germanist ideas a hearing and a sympathy which in different circumstances might have been refused to them. when all due allowances have been made, however, it is but the more justifiable to say that pan-germanism stands condemned by its excesses. the great mistake of the pan-germans in the past has been that they allowed a justifiable national pride and an eager and natural hankering for more elbow-room to degenerate into hostile designs against other nations which, owing to historical reasons, had preceded germany in the colonisation of the empty spaces of the earth, and that they so often avowed these designs with astounding candour. since the war the pan-german league, refraining from aggressive agitation, has concentrated its atten- tion upon the task of strengthening the national sentiment and spirit, hardly tried by adversity. the latest revision of its stat- utes (march 1925) is substantially directed towards the political rehabilitation of germany as a great power and the removal of the territorial and economic penalties imposed by the treaty of versailles. stress is laid upon the maintenance and strengthening of the national spirit, the cultivation of the german individuality, the need for a powerful defence force, the recovery of the lands of which germany has been deprived and the union of german-austria with the reich. | statistics —on the eve of the war the number of regional groups of the league was about 200, and the aggregate member- ship was 17,000, a number considerably below the maximum attained in 1902. in 1917 the groups numbered 250, with little change in the total membership. no official figures have been published since the war, but both the number of groups and the membership are believed to have greatly decreased. the representation enjoyed by the league in the diet has likewise declined, for while as many as 38 members were identified with it in 1902 the number of such members had fallen to 17 in 1917 and since the war it has been quite insignificant. the movement in austria.—the most important development of the pan-german movement since the war is the great stimu- lus which it has received in austria. there an autonomous league was formed in 1919 with an independent organisation; and working from graz it has carried on a vigorous agitation in all parts of the country, and has even succeeded in making its influence felt in the german districts which have passed from austrian rule under the treaty of st. germain. while its pro- gramme has much in common with that of the parent league, it specially emphasises union with germany as the hope of the future. that great enthusiasm is being thrown into the agitation is shown by the fact that up to 1925 200 district branches of the league had been organised, representing an enrolled mem- bership of some 14,000. these austrian reunion endeavours practically revive the great germany movement of the middle of last century. it is not the least strange of the ironies of his- tory that an idea which at that time reft in twain the old german bund should serve to-day as a symbol of national unity. birliography.—the german literature of the pan-german movement is very large and inevitably of very unequal value. better krown writers include, besides those already named, alexander von peez, albert ritter, general friedrich von bernhardi, the anglo- german houston s. chamberlain, baron l. von vietinghoff, count von reventlow, albrecht wirth, h. frobenius and friedrich lange. noteworthy german works on the league itself are an official survey of pan-germanic endeavours entitled zwanzig jahre alideutscher arbeit und kaempfe (1910); martin wenck’s aldeuische taktik (pan-german tactics) (1917); and burchard’s geschichte des alideutschen verbands (1920). of a number of works in english there pan-islamism may be named rowland g. usher’s pan-germanism (1913), and a translation of charles audler’s pan-germanism, published in 1915. (w. h. d.) pan-islamism.—this word was first employed in journal- istic literature in the early ’eighties of the roth century to describe the efforts made in the moslem world to bring about some unity of action in opposition to the christian powers of europe. in- vented to express what was believed to be a new order of cir- cumstances, the word has led to much misunderstanding, since it has obscured the facts that mahommedan political theory has always embodied a hostile attitude towards unbelievers unless they submitted to mahommedan rule, and that the ideal of the unity of all believers has formed an integral part of the religious outlook of islam since its very inception. the only new cir- cumstance in the relations between the christian powers and the various moslem populations was that the expansion of the press in the east and improved methods of communication have in modern times enormously facilitated the rapid circulation of ideas. the unity of islam—since the armistice in 1918 it has been as difficult for the present generation of moslems to effect any realisation of the ideal unity of islam as for the mahommedan world during the last thousand years. the moslem empire held together under the rule of the early caliphs for little more than one century only. personal ambition, racial distinctions, sectarian divisions and geographical conditions broke it up into fragments, and although the ideal of the unity of all believers was never abandoned and indeed formed the theoretical basis of the political theory and of both the religious and the judicial organisation of the greater part of the mahommedan world, it has generally been left to theologians and journalists to bring forward schemes for its realisation, while de facfo rulers and practical statesmen have ignored all such visionary attempts to re-arrange the political conditions of contemporary society. indeed, throughout the whole history of islam, the infrequency of any serious attempts to realise political unity and the lack of response when any such attempts have been made are more noteworthy facts than any so-called pan-islamic movements. the sanusis, who excited so much anxiety among the french in the latter part of the roth century, succeeded in arousing little more than local interest instead of starting the conflagration which was expected to be about to put the whole of north africa in a blaze. similarly, the struggles for independence on the part of the berbers in the rif have attracted to their assist- ance no voluntecrs from other parts of the mahommedan world, and the turkish republic {one of the few independent mahom- medan states now surviving) has on more than one occasion made it clear that it does not concern itself with the fate of mahommedan populations in other countries, even as it does not welcome interference in its own internal affairs on the part of non-turkish mahommedans. attitude of turkey.—this attitude of aloofness on the part of the turkish govt. has dealt a severe blow at pan-islam- ism, for those who worked for the unity of islam during the roth century had looked on turkey as the rallying point of their efforts, and since the armistice, pan-islamic feeling has taken the form chiefly of anxiety for the fate of turkey. while the settle- ment of the terms of the treaty was so long delayed, there was ample time for an organised excitation of feeling on the matter. as the caliph was sultan of turkey and the caliphate (¢.2.) was the visible symbol of islamic unity and served as the easiest basis for a popular appeal, the defence of this institution and the advocacy of its claims were placed in the forefront. india.—the khilafat movement was started in india in oct. 1919, and in the following nov. a khilafat conference was held in delhi. shaukat ali became secretary of it in the following year, and he and his brother, muhammad ali, were hence- forward prominently connected with the movement. the latter headed a deputation to the prime minister in london in march 1920 and maintained that islam required temporal power for the defence of the faith, that for this purpose the caliph must retain adequate territories, including the whole peninsula of pankhurst arabia, which was defined to include syria, palestine and | mesopotamia, and that the guardianship of the holy places must remain in his hands. the deputation returned disappointed, and in july 1923, in the khilafat conference at karachi, mu- hammad ali declared that military service under the pres- ent british govt. was religiously unlawful for all moslems, and he was consequently condemned to two years’ imprison- ment for making a statement likely to cause soldiers to fail in their duty. one result of the excitement stirred up in india was that in aug. 1921 rebellion broke out among the moplahs, a section of mahommedans in malabar, who declared their in- tention of establishing a khilafat govt., and murdered or forcibly circumcised a large number of hindus. the declaration of a republic in turkey in oct. 1923 and the consequent abolition of the sultanate, hitherto a concomitant of the caliphate, contravened one of the main contentions of the indian khilafat party, namely that the dignity of the caliphate demanded that the holder of this office should possess adequate power for fulfilling all his functions. indian opinion found expression in a letter sent by h.h. the aga khan and the rt. hon. ameer ali in nov. 1923 to ghazi ismet pasha, in which they urged that “‘ any diminution in the prestige of the caliph or the elimination of the caliphate as a religious factor from the turkish body politic would mean the disintegration of islam and its practical disappearance as a moral force in the world.”” the relation of the caliphate to pan-islamic aspirations was em- phasised by representing this institution as “ the link which binds the followers of islam as a vast congregation.” when the caliphate was in peril from outside attacks, mussulman feeling all over the world was violently agitated, and the moslems of india gave their sympathy and support to the turkish nation in the belief that “in fighting for their independence they were also fighting for the preservation intact of the institution which symbolised moslem solidarity.’’ the publication of this letter gave much offence to the turkish govt., which was little inclined to pay consideration to indian opinion, since the turks regarded the indians as impracticable idealists and re- sented their failure to render assistance during the world war. the abolition of the caliphate by the turkish national as- sembly in march 1924 excited still greater indignation in india, but in answer to numerous protests mustafa kemal pasha (q.v.) defended the action of the national assembly, maintaining that the caliphate had been a source of internal dissension in turkey, that the ideal of a united moslem state under the caliph had never been realised but, on the contrary, had been a constant source of strife and duplicity among moslems, and that the interests of the various mahommedan peoples demanded that they should now organise themselves into separate governments. in view of these altered circumstances the indian mahommedans, who had hitherto been urging the claims of the sultan of turkey, had to adopt a new programme, and accordingly the central khilafat committee, at its meeting in bombay in may 10923, resolved to endeavour to promote friendly relations and to strengthen the bond of brotherhood between the different moslem countries and exchange communications regarding a settlement of the caliphate question in accordance with the sacred law of islam; at the same time, efforts were to be made to free the peninsula of arabia (as defined above) from the control of european powers. egypt.—less excitement was felt in egypt, but the action of the turkish national assembly was condemned by the whole body of the ‘ulama, and various proposals were discussed for the revival of the office of the caliph. finally it was resolved to invite representatives of all the moslem communities in the world to meet in cairo to elect a new caliph; such a congress, first proposed for march 1925, was postponed until may 1926. java.—in java the first pan-islamic congress was organised in nov. 1922, when a telegram was sent to mustafa kemal pasha, and the javanese attitude towards the caliphate question was discussed. at a later meeting in dec. 1924 it was resolved to send delegates to attend the proposed caliphate congress in cairo, and this resolution was reaffirmed in aug. 1925. 39 separatist movemenits—such efforts for united action in the mahommedan world are less significant than the separatist and national movements, which have filled a larger place and have been of more permanent influence in the political life of ma- hommedan countries. the basis of such nationalist feeling in the case of the turks was racial, as also in the soviet mahom- medan republics, which were organised as kirghiz, tajik or turkoman; similarly in arabia, where hostility to turkish domination was exacerbated by the primitive pride of race and love of independence. internal dissensions in arabia even im- plicated the indian supporters of the khilafat movement, though by theory they were working for the unity of all be- lievers; they regarded the action of king husain in throwing off his allegiance to the sultan of turkey as an act of treachery towards islam, and the khilafat committee, in aug. 1924, ex- pressed their sympathy with ibn sa‘ud, the wahhabi sultan of nejd, when he invaded the territories of the king of the hejazs, and in 1925~6 sent more than one deputation to him with proposals for the future government of the hejaz. in egypt the nationalist movement was territorial, and moslems and copts combined to assert the independence of their country; also in india, where the swarajist and non-co-operation movements united hindus and mussulmans. in java, bolshevik influence in 1923 converted the sarekat islam (founded in 1910) into the sarekat ra‘yat (union of the people), which, unlike the move- ment out of which it sprang, takes no account of religion. control of the seas and of national resources.—the earlier writers on pan-islamism view this movement as a possible menace to christian europe. the obstacles in the way of any such united activity on the part of the mahommedan peoples have recently been discussed from a novel point of view in the american geographical review (vol. 14, new york, 1924); it is there pointed out that european control of the seas makes it impossible for any powerful combination of moslem peoples to be effective, and that in the parts of the world inhabited by a predominating mahommedan population there is a lack of those mineral resources which are necessary for the conduct of modern warfare, ¢.g., phosphates are only found in those parts of north africa that are under french control, manganese only in georgia, tin only in malacca, and petrol only in baku. binliography.—lothrop stoddart, the new world of islam (1921); de lacy o'leary, islam at the cross roads (1923); j. r. mott, ed., the moslem world of to-day (1925); arnold j. toynbee, the world after the peace conference (1925); sir valentine chirol, the occrdent and the ortent (chicago, 1926); c. snouck hurgronje, verspreide geschriften, i. (bonn, 1923); oriente moderno, i. seq. (1921). cl. wile) pankhurst, emmeline (1858- ), british suffragist, was born july 14 1858, the daughter of robert goulden of man- chester. in 1879 she married richard marsden pankhurst (d. 1898), a barrister who drafted the women’s property act (1882) and an advocate of women’s suffrage. early interested in politics, she, during a short residence in london, took part in the strike of the match girls at bryant and may’s factory in 1886 and helped to found the women’s freedom league three years later. returning to manchester in 1893 she acted for four years as a poor law guardian, and was afterwards a registrar of births and deaths and a member of the school board and education committee. after having been successively a member of the liberal and independent labour parties, she decided to abandon everything for the cause of women’s suffrage, and in oct. 1903 was chiefly instrumental in the foundations of the women’s social and political union on a non-party basis. having failed to induce the liberal party to make votes for women a part of their programme she utilised’ her organisation to oppose their candidates, took headquarters in london, held public meetings and organised processions and deputations to the house of com- mons. on may 16 1906 she spoke for her society at a joint deputation of suffrage societies which met sir h. campbell- bannerman at the foreign office. but the liberal party being divided on the question, their leaders refused facilities for the discussion of private bills, and the methods of the w.s.p.u. increased in violence. ao in r908 mrs. pankhurst was arrested and imprisoned in hollo- way for inciting to a breach of the peace by the issue of a hand- bill urging her followers to rush the house of commons, and sentenced to three months’ imprisonment. claiming to be treated as a political prisoner, she defied prison rules and suflered solitary confinement, but was released before the expiration of her sentence on grounds of health. next year she was again arrested for a technical assault and was again imprisoned, and at the end of the year paid a first visit to the united states. in tgto there was a short lull in the movement pending the con- sideration of a moderate measure framed by a non-party com- mittee of the house, but as the government refused assistance the agitation was again resumed. the census was boycotted in 1911, and on her return’ from a second american visit at the end of the year mrs. pankhurst and her daughter directed a window- breaking campaign. mrs. pankhurst was sentenced to 9 months’ imprisonment for inciting to violence in march 1912, but was temporarily released in june after refusing to take food and resisting forcible feeding, under the so-called ‘‘ cat and mouse ”’ act. on her return from another visit to america she was re- arrested at plymouth but soon again released, when she went abroad to her daughter, christabel, who, having evaded the police, was at paris. in 1913-4 arson and the destruction of property were added to the methods of the w.s.p.u., and after the burning of mr. lloyd george’s house at walton, “mrs. pankhurst was sentenced at the old bailey for inciting to commit felony, to three years’ penal servitude, despite the jury’s recommendation to mercy. but she served but a small part of this sentence as she refused both food and drink and even medical attention. meanwhile, although steps were taken to crush the organisation, it continued to flourish, and funds came both from england and america, whilst public opinion began to assert itself against forcible feed- ing. the outbreak of war brought militancy to an end, and both mrs. pankhurst and her elder daughter lent their organisation to the cause of recruiting and the increase of munitions. at the first election (1918), after the concession of the vote, the latter contested smethwick as an independent candidate. christabel pankhurst (b. 1880) had been the director of the skilful strategy of the militant movement which she had induced her mother to adopt. several other members of the family also took part in it. one of them, sylvia (b. 1882), opposed the war, became a communist, and was imprisoned in 1920 under the defence of the realm act. see e. pankhurst’s, my own story (1914); s. pankhurst, the suffragette (1911); a. kenney, memoirs of a militant (1924). pantaleoni, maffeo (1857-10924), italian economist and politician, was born at frascati in 1857. after studying in ger- many, he returned to rome and attended the law faculty of the university where he took his degree. he specialised in the study of economics, and after teaching at venice, bari and geneva was, in 1902, appointed professor of political economy in the university of rome, a post which he held until his death. in economics he was the founder of the new scientific tendency, but he always managed to weld theoretical principles with the elaboration of concrete facts. pantaleoni was deputy for macerata in the xi. legislature, and at first showed some sympathy for radicalism and even socialism; but when the latter abandoned its struggles for the elevation of the working classes and evolved into a system of proletarian organisations for exploiting its political influence he became an uncompromising opponent of the move- ment. on the outbreak of the world war he was an ardent pro- entente interventionist. after the armistice he opposed bol- shevism, and was a warm supporter of the fascist movement, being one of the first senators created by the fascist government. in 1923 pantalconi was appointed italian delegate on the league of nations committee for the restoration of austria’s finances, of which he was president. he died in milan oct. 29 1924. pantaleoni’s works include: teoria della iranslazione dei tributi; dell’ ammontare probabile della ricchezza in italia; manuale dt economia pura; scritti varti di economia; tra le incogniie; note in margine alla guerra, and bolscevismo italiano, pantaleoni—pan-turanianism pan-turanianism.—the word turan, from which the name of the pan-turanian movement is derived, is persian. in the persian epic it means the steppes and deserts of central asia, in contrast to the cultivated country of iran or persia. the people of turan were the nomads who had constantly over- run persia from the northeast. since the beginning of the christian era, these nomadic invaders from turan have belonged linguistically to the peoples speaking the so-called agglutinative languages, in contrast to the languages of the indo-european family. when modern european philologists wanted a common term to cover this agglutinative group they coined the word “ turanian ” for the purpose. turanian researches were first taken up seriously by the magyars of ilungary, and this fortwo reasons. the first reason was that the magyar language belongs to the ugro-finnic branch of the agglutinative group, in contrast to most modern european languages, which are indo-european. the second motive which influenced the hungarians was not philological, but political. during the half-century before the world war, the ifungarian statesmen who largely controlled the foreign policy of the austro-hungarian monarchy were on the look-out for allies against the pan-slav movement which was being pro- moted by russia, and seized on the fact that turkish also was a turanian language (though of a different branch from hun- garian), in order to commend to the turks the idea of a magyar- turkish entente against the slavs, a supposed linguistic kinship being assumed to imply a common racial origin. thus the idea of pan-turanianism had an academic origin before it was ex- ploited for political purposes, and it was first introduced to the turks by a european nation, the hungarians, who put it for- ward not in the turks’ interest, but primarily in their own. | although the magyar-turkish entente eventually ripened into the military alliance between turkey and the central powers during the world war, the turks were never captivated by the concept of pan-turanian unity in the wider sense of a brotherhood between peoples speaking all branches of the turanian family of languages. the turks of the ottoman empire translated pan-turanianism into pan-turkism, that is, into the narrower idea of a brotherhood between all peoples speaking turkish dialects, with an insistence upon the aboriginal turkish element in their own osmanli language and culture. these two sides of the pan-turanian movement as developed by the ottoman turks were equally important, and indeed were complementary to one another. the ancestors of the ottoman turks had travelled right across the islamic world in order to reach their final home in asia minor and the balkan peninsula from their starting-point in central asia, and on their journey they had adopted the culture and religion of the islamic world the ottoman turkish dialect was enriched and overlaid with borrowings from arabic and persian, and the ottoman turks felt vividly their solidarity with all other moslems, of whatever race or language, while retaining little or no sense of kinship with other turks as such, especially if those other turks be- longed to different sects of islam, or to non-islamic religious communities. a specifically turkish national movement among the ottoman turks only began after the revolution of 1908, in which the committee of union and progress overthrew the sultan ‘abdul- hamid, and the leaders of the c.u.p. always tried to run pan- islamism and pan-turkism in double harness. it is only since the rise of a new turkish national movement in 1919, under the stimulus of the greek invasion of anatolia, that the leaders of turkey have consciously and completely abandoned the islamic basis of the turkish state, and have constructed a turkish republic on exclusively national foundations. meanwhile, mustafa kemal pasha and his party, that is, the very turks who have brought turkish nationalism to maturity, have thrown over the other side of the original movement, which insisted, not merely upon turkifying the ottoman state, but on re-creating the links between the ottoman turks and other turkish peoples. this latter movement, to which the name of pan-turanianism, papacy in the sense of pan-turkism, properly belongs, resembled the wider pan-turanianism of the hungarians in having a pre- dominantly political complexion. from the political point of view the essential fact about the present distribution of the turkish-speaking peoples as a whole is that nearly two-thirds of them (reckoning by aggregate population) live under russian government, while less than one-third live in turkey itsclf. thus, before the russian revolution of 1917, when the russian empire was turkey’s principal enemy, the promotion of a pan-turanian movement among the tsar’s turkish-speaking subjects seemed to turkish statesmen of the union and progress party a power- ful means of weakening and possibly breaking up the russian empire. on the other hand, after the revolution of 1917, russia sud- denly changed from being turkey’s principal enemy to being her principal ally, and the new turkish nationalists, in their life- and-death struggle with greece and the principal allied powers, naturally abandoned a movement which would have made friendly co-operation between the new turkish republic and the new russian soviet union impossible. moreover, the union of socialist soviet republics, while losing vast territories which had belonged to the old russian empire on its european bor- der, succeeded in establishing its sovereignty de facto over alk former russian territories in asia, that is, over all former rus- sian territories containing turkish-speaking populations. thus the expected break-up of the russian empire did not take place as far as its turkish-speaking subjects were concerned; and, for these several reasons, the pan-turanian movement, after ob- taining a certain notoriety during the years 1914-7, has sunk into an obscurity from which it is unlikely to emerge, at any rate in its previous form. it is to be noted, however, that the 15,000,000 or 16,000,000 turks of the union of socialist soviet republics have been given a far-reaching political autonomy within the framework of the union, which they never enjoyed under the tsardom. of the six republics constituting the union two, namely the turk- men and the uzbeg republic, are turkish. again, one of the three members of the trans-caucasian republic (which itself is a member of the union) is the turkish republic of azerbaijan. finally, within the russian socialist federal soviet republic, which is the jeading member of the soviet union, there are a number of autonomous turkish units, such as the tatar repub- lic, the bashkir republic, the kirghiz republic, the karakalpak autonomous district, and several other less important territories like the yakutsk republic in the far northeast of siberia. thus in the constitution of the u.s.s.r. the germs of a new pan- turanian movement are latent. (see turkey.) birbliography.—british admiralty manual on the turanians and pan-turanianism (1920); british foreign office peace handbook, mahommedan ifistory (1920); tekin alp (pseudonym) ttirkismus und panitirkismus (weimar, 1915). cas ji, fs)",
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