PACIFIC, COMMAND OF THE

from the close of the far eastern conflict of 1904-5 to the outbreak of the world war, nine years later, strategical conditions in the pacific ocean were undisturbed by any development of consequence. over the northwestern quarter of that ocean the collapse of rus- sian sea power had left japan in undisputed mastery. south- ward from kamchatka to the philippine archipelago there was scarcely a point at which she could not have deployed her navy in full force, since almost everywhere along this route of thou- sands of miles her ships would have found base facilities within their reach. the russian pacific fleet had been destroyed, nor could it be replaced within the calculable future. great britain, knowing her interests to be safeguarded by the alliance with japan, reduced her force on the china station to a mere cruiser squadron. germany, it is true, continued to strengthen the defences of tsingtao, the naval fortress of kiao- chow which served as a refuge for her small asiatic fleet; but in view of japan’s supremacy in armament it was clear that this german outpost in shantung did not materially affect the strategic situation. at manila in the philippines the united states kept a few secondary ships of war, but took no steps to develop the naval resources of this fine harbour. guam, an american island of the marianas group, lying 1,500 m. to the west of the philip- pines, ranked only as a fuel station, though its position invested it with unique strategic value. conditions after the war.—such, then, were the conditions prevailing in 1914. the far eastern seas, which had long been the arena of conflicting claims to supremacy, had now passed definitely, and, as it seemed, permanently, under the control of a single power. subsequent events have tended to consolidate the strategic predominance of the japanese empire. the conquest of tsingtao early in the world war eliminated the only german stronghold in the pacific. domestic convulsions in russia, by apparently reducing the naval forces of that state to impotence, have rendered still more remote the prospect of vladivostok again becoming the headquarters of a formidable fleet. the treaty of versailles and the agreements reached at the washing- ton conference (¢.v.) have a direct bearing on the naval problems of the pacific. under the versailles treaty, the former german islands north of the equator passed into the custody of japan, while those south of the equator were transferred to the british empire. the league of nations mandate forbids the use of these islands for warlike purposes, and does not permit of their being fortified. none the less, they constitute an important ele- ment from the naval point of view. this will be made clear on reference to a chart of the pacific. zauyder. ale radius of fleet action.—in that vast expanse of ocean every problem of strategy is fundamentally a question of base facilities. modern fighting ships have a narrow radius of action, dimensioned by their relatively meagre fuel capacity. in time of war individ- ual cruisers may roam the sea for weeks, even for months, at a stretch, replenishing their bunkers as opportunity offers. this, however, is not possible for an organised fleet, attended by the smaller craft which are essential as watch-dogs to the heavy ships. from experience gained in the world war it is estimated that a battle fleet, with its proper complement of ancillary units can remain at sea under war conditions not longer than four days. this does not mean, however, that such a fleet would be free to conduct operations at some point four days’ distant from its nearest base, to which, accordingly, it must return for fresh sup- plies of fuel. to be within reach of attack the objective must not be farther away than two days’ travel at ordinary speed. special circumstances might permit of a longer sojourn at sea, but to all intents a battle fleet within the war zone is restricted to a cruise of 96 hours. with this essential fact borne in mind, the intimate relationship between strategy and geography requires no dem- onstration. potential naval bases.—in consequence of recent internation- al negotiations, the number of potential naval bases in the pacific has been substantially increased, with the result that squadrons, ih not whole fleets, may henceforth be able to operate in waters which formerly lay beyond their reach. it is true that a great many of these islands are mere atolls, affording little or no shelter for large vessels and lacking even the most rudimentary naval resources; yet some could be used as emergency bases and fuclling stations, for which reason their existence cannot be ignored. students of naval history need no reminder of the important part that was played in the south atlantic operations of the | british fleet during the world war by the remote coaling base at abrolhos rocks, off the brazil coast. since 1919 japan has exercised mandatory powers over several island groups situated far out in the pacific. strategically, her most important ac- quisitions are the peleliu islands (500 m. east of the philip- pines); the carolines; the marianas islands, excepting guam, which is american territory; and the marshall group, these latter being some 1,700 m. to the southwest of hawaii. light naval vessels, aircraft and submarines, judiciously distributed among the islands named, would represent a serious menace to a hostile force advancing towards japan from the east. so much for the reaction of the versailles treaty on pacific strategy. the washington treaty.—of equal significance in the same connection is the five-power treaty concluded at washington 2 pacific islands-——-paderiewski in feb. 1922. this covenant has not only reduced very consider- ably the battle fleets of the leading naval powers, but has in some degree nullified the effect of the territorial changes in the pacific for which the versailles treaty was responsible. under the wash- ington treaty the british empire, the united states and japan agreed to maintain the status gwo as to fortifications and naval bases in a series of highly important strategic positions in the pacific. the united states, for example, is pledged not to improve in any way the shore defences or naval works in the philippines, guam or the aleutian islands; japan accepts the like obligation in regard to the bonin islands, formosa and other insular pos- sessions; while the british empire is debarred from adding to the naval resources of hongkong. since the zone to which this agreement applies begins east of the meridian of 110° east long., singapore lies beyond it, and is therefore not affected. the hawaiian islands are also exempted, though they are more than 2,000 m. from the amcrican mainland. their position makes them invaluable as the pivoting centre of a fleet charged with the task of defending not only the western seaboard of the united states, but the outlying territories of alaska and samoa. despite its capital importance as a strategic focal point, hawaii has yet to be adequately developed as a fleet headquarters. in 1925 the naval base at pearl harbour, near honolulu, was not accessible to the heaviest battleships in ordinary conditions of tide, nor could it be approached at all by battleships whose nor- mal draught had been increased through damage or other cause. extensive dredging operations are projected to remedy this state of affairs, and the building of new docks, magazines, etc., is con- templated. singapore, like hawaii, is mainly, if not entirely, a defensive factor in the general problem of pacific strategy. first utilised as a naval harbour in 1882, it has been for many years the southern base of the british china squadron. the new dockyard begun in 1924~-5, is designed to meet the requirements of a battle fleet, the presence of which at singapore would doubt- less be an indirect but none the less effectual deterrent to plans for the invasion of australia or new zealand. conclusions.—broadly speaking, no single power or combina- tion of powers could ever aspire to command so enormous an area of sea as the pacific ocean. the most that can be done by any state which has a vital interest—whether territorial or economic—in the pacific is to take appropriate measures for maintaining the integrity of its particular sphere of influence. so long as warships are as dependent upon shore communications as is now the case, overseas naval operations on a major scale within the limits of that ocean would probably entail an expendi- ture of force which, if not altogether prohibitive, would be out of proportion to the object in view. although the united states and japan both maintain imposing fleets in the pacific, and the british empire may eventually have a considerable force avail- able in the southern area, it is difficult to see how any onc of these powers, or even two powers acting in concert, could dominate more than a relatively small sector of an ocean that extends from the arctic to the antarctic regions, is 10,000 m. across at its greatest breadth and covers nearly one-half of the entire surface of the earth. (see also singapore; washington conference, etc.) bibliography.—world peace foundation, “ japan, america and the great war,” in a league of nations, vol. 1, no. 8 (1918); and ‘‘ china, the united states and the war. chino-japanese negotiations, 1915-8. shantung and its states,”’ vol. 2, special number (1919); g. h. scholefield, the pacific past and future (1919); a. bullard, a. b. c.'s of disarmament and pacific problems (1921); hf. c. bywater, sea-power in the pacific (1921); n. golovin, problems of the pacific in the twentieth century (translated 1922); a. j. toynbee, survey of international affairs, 1920-3, pp. 418-509 (1925). (rit... be) pacific islands: see oceania. paderewski, ignace jan (1860- ), polish pianist and statesman (see 20.443), with characteristic generosity created the paderewski fund in 1goo, the object of which was to en- courage american composers by offering prizes for composition. his unprecedented success as a pianist all over the world never caused him to forget his own country, and to the poles in america he delivered the following inspiring message: ‘‘ the vision of a strong and independent poland has always been the lodestar of my existence. its realisation is still the great aim of my life.” in 1910, when his compatriots were celebrating the sooth anniversary of the victory of griinwald over the teutonic knights, he presented them with a munificent gift in the shape of a memorial which was unveiled at cracow in the presence of representatives from all parts of poland. in 1911 the university of lemberg bestowed on him the degree of doctor of philosophy, aonoris causa. when the world war broke out in 1914, his chief desire was to work for his country, to whose service he dedicated his encyclopaedic knowledge, his unfailing memory, his power of work, his eloquence and prestige, as well as his powerful connec- tions in both hemispheres. he was president d'honneur of a non-party group of poles who met at vevey in the autumn of 1914 to organise a “ general committee of assistance for the victims of the war in poland.” the committee was definitely founded in jan. 1915 under the presidency of the great novelist, sienkiewicz. m. paderewski established branches in paris and london; he then proceeded to the united states, there to co- ordinate the work of the 4,000,coo poles who had formed a ‘“‘ central committee of assistance ’’ and who were in touch with the vevey commitiee. on his arrival, he called on his country- men to stand together, informing them that he belonged to no party and came only to stretch out his hand ‘ as a beggar.” he remained nearly four years in the united states, giving numerous concerts and making speeches in order to collect funds and enlist public opinion in america in the cause of poland. he not only collected enormous sums, but created a pro-polish movement in the united states, which developed with amazing rapidity. as honorary president of the polish national department of chicago, and as the friend of president wilson and colonel house, m. paderewski exercised an increasing influence in the political circles of washington, with the result that president wilson on jan. 22 1917 alluded to a “‘ united, independent and autonomous poland.” not only poland, but all the allies, had reason to be grateful to m. paderewski for his services, and it was said of him that “ his propaganda and eloquence contributed largely to the enthusiasm with which the citizens of the great american republic threw themselves into the formidable strug- gle against germany.’ though he had to fight unaided, with only his personal resources, against the formidable propaganda of the central powers, he was completely successful; for by nov. 1916 every polish organisation in the u.s.a. was represented in the polish national department of chicago, except the small socialist group. for more than two years, up to 10918, m. paderewski guided the political and military destinies of 4,000,000 individuals. on the day after the notorious manifesto of the austro-iiungarian and german emperors of nov. 5 1916, promising the establishment of a kingdom of poland, he drew up a declaration of protest which was signed by many eminent poles who felt that the offer was a perfidious one. foreseeing in feb. 1917 that the u.s.a. would soon enter the war, m. paderewski induced the polish national alliance to found a preparatory school for polish officers at cambridge springs. 11 was, however, only after the decree which authorised a polish army to be raised in france that m. paderewski suc- ceeded in nov. 1917 in obtaining from that wise and generous statesman, newton baker, permission to recruit volunteers. he took a most active part in the recruiting, maintaining enthu- siasm by numerous speeches. with the aid of the british govt. he succeeded in obtaining from the canadian govt. a vast military camp, niagara on the lake, where more than 22,000 polish volunteers were trained by canadian officers. in aug. 1917 the polish national committee, founded at lausanne, chose m. paderewski as its representative to the washington govt., and it was in consequence of representations made by him that mr. lansing officially recognised the committee. after the victory of the allies, m. paderewski by no means considered his task at an end. he arrived in london in dec. 1918, and was cordially received by british statesmen. mr. page, thomas nelson—page, walter hines 2 balfour and mr. lloyd george placed the cruiser ‘ concord ’’ and several torpedo-boats at his disposal, and he proceeded to poland by sea in the company of a british mission under colonel wade. he disembarked at danzig on dec. 24 1918. his popu- larity was already immense;and on arriving at posen on the 26th he was welcomed with indescribable enthusiasm, although the german soldiers fired on the buildings in which he was staying. at warsaw he was acclaimed by over 100,000 persons. he declared himself independent of all political parties; and after difficult negotiations, during which an attempt was made on his life, he succeeded on jan. 17 1919 in forming a coalition ministry, of which he became prime minister as well as minister of foreign affairs. he obtained for poland official recognition by the various powers, and thus regularised her international situation. the existence of various military groups named after their respective leaders seemed an obstacle to national unity, so m. paderewski decided to suppress them, and at the first meeting of the diet he demanded that a national army be formed. in spite of opposition this demand was granted. m. paderewski was always treated with special goodwill by the british govt., which at his request sent over capable instructors to organise the polish national police. as prime minister and minister of foreign affairs he went to paris on april 6 19r9 as poland’s first delegate to the peace conference. his efforts were successful, and he returned to poland in may and again in july, to reassure the doubtful and to preach, as before, the doctrine of conciliation. on two different occasions, on may 23 and july 31, the diet renewed its vote of confidence in him and expressed the gratitude of his country. but as it was impossible for him to make a national union a reality, and, above all, to conclude peace with the soviet govt., in view of the violent opposition of the military party, he decided to resign office (nov. 27 1919). deepest regret was expressed at his resignation; and his name was proposed for the presidency of the republic, but he preferred to stand aside. he defended the interests of his country, however, at the conference of ambassadors and before the league of nations, where his generosity and pacific spirit were fully appreciated. though desiring conciliation, he could not in poland’s name accept the decision of the conference of ambassadors regarding teschen in july 1920 without raising a solemn protest against the conduct of czechoslovakia in this connection. while dealing with the question of danzig and the relations between poland and lithuania at the league of nations, he realised that a certain section of opinion was hostile to him; he therefore de-' cided to abandon his political career in feb. 1921, and retired to his californian estate, returning afterwards to resume his musical career. his many distinctions include the grand cross of the order of leopold of belgium and the grand cross of the order of the british empire. (h. gn.) page, thomas nelson (18523-1922), american author and diplomatist (see 20.450), was appointed ambassador to italy by president wilson in april 1913. in tor4 he announced his discovery of the house, 66 piazza di spragna, in which byron had lived at rome in 1817. in 1915 he induced the italian govt. to raise the ban on the re-exportation of cotton goods dispatched by american shippers via italy to other coun- trices. he earned the gratitude of the italians by his relief work during the avezzano earthquake in 1917. he resigned the ambassadorship in april 1918 and returned to america, dying at oakland, va., nov. 1 1922. | page’s later writings included robert e. lee, man and soldier (1911); the land of the spirit (1913); tommaso jefferson, a postolo della liberta (1918, prepared for an italian series); [taly’s relation to the war (1920); italy and the werld war (1920) and dante and his influence (1922). page, walter hines (1855-1918), american writer and diplomat, was born at cary, n.c., aug. 15 1855. his father, allison francis page, was descended almost exclusively from english ancestors; his mother, catherine frances raboteau, was scotch and french huguenot in origin. perhaps page’s finest inheritance from his father’s family was a strong devotion to the cause of the union, while from his mother he inherited a love of literature. from the standpoint both of mind and character, therefore, walter page’s inheritance was a rich one; it gave him an energetic, clear-secing brain, a predominant moral sense, a profound patriotism on national lines, a devotion to public ser- vice and a faith in education as the essential basis of the self- governing citizen. even asa child page displayed these qualities. at the age of 16, in jan. 1872, after a preparatory course at the bingham military school at mebane, n.c., and a year at trin- ity college, page entered randolph-macon college at ashland, virginia. the greatest influence in his life at this time—and an influence that continued to the end—-was thomas randolph price, professor of greek. professor price had two great enthu- siasms—-english and greek literature; he became deeply attached to page, both as a boy and as a student, and devoted much time to his training. price made another great contribution to page’s education, for he obtained his appointment as one of the first 20 fellows of the new johns hopkins university at baltimore, with the result that the young man, in oct. 1876, found himself one of a group of five ambitious grecians sitting at the feet of amer- ica’s greatest classicist, basil l. gildersleeve. page read inten- sively the greek tragedians, orators, historians and philosophers, and though, in the philological sense, he never became a great greek scholar, he did drink in a knowledge of antiquity and a feeling for greek literature which deeply influenced all his sub- sequent habits of thought as well as his own literary style. page’s health, always frail, broke down in march 1878 and he consequently left johns hopkins without a degree. he met much discouragement in his efforts to get a start in life. a win- ter (1878-9) spent teaching english at the high school at louis- ville convinced him that his nature demanded an active life among men, and in 1880 he became editor of the st. joseph gazette. but a small missouri town did not hold page’s interest long: he broke away in the summer of 1881 to make a tour of the southern states, writing a series of brilliant articles that were simultaneously printed in several leading american newspapers —one of the first cases, if not the first, of the now familiar news- paper syndicate. the next two years page spent as literary editor of the new york hworld, but in 1883 he resigned and returned to raleigh, north carolina. for two years he edited the state chronicie, a weekly newspaper, as distinguished for the vivacity of its editorial style as for the unconventionality of its opinions. page was only 28, but he had completely reasoned views on all southern questions. he ridiculed the current worship of con- federate officers, especially the tendency to regard a war record as almost the exclusive qualification for public office; advocated primary education for both the white and the black, the develop- ment of scientific agriculture, the building of modern highways, the creation of local industries and the lessening of ecclesiastical influence in all departments of life. all these changes north carolina has since introduced to a degree that has given her the leadership among southern states; the youthful page, how- ever, was 40 years ahead of his time, and, after two rather tem- pestuous years, in which he found himself denounced as a “‘ south- ern yankee,” he had to confess failure, dispose of his paper and resume his life in new york. his literary career —page’s opportunity came in 1887 when he joined the staff of the ferwm, a monthly review then in serious difficulties. in four years he transformed a bankrupt property into a profitable one, and made it one of the most influential organs of public discussion in the english language. he resigned his editorship in 1895 and entered the boston publishing house of houghton, mifflin and company. for two years he was lit- erary adviser and associate editor of the atlantic monthly, and in 1898 became editor-in-chief of that venerable new england magazine. his tenure was brief, however, for in 1899 he joined frank n. doubleday in establishing the publishing house of doubleday, page and co., and founding the werld’s work magazine, of which page served as editor from igoo to 1913. for 14 years page led the active career of a publisher and editor, but he spent a large amount of time as lecturer and writer advo- cating the causes which had always been his chief interest in life. 4 paget—painllve of these the leading one was popular education, especially in the backward south. as a member, first of the southern edu- cation board and afterwards of the general education board, he played his part in distributing the rockefeller millions for this purpose. his speeches were probably the most powerful influence in awakening the southern states to their cultural shortcomings. by initiating the movement for the eradication of the hookworm, he started the work that has since taken shape in the international health board. he served on president roosevelt’s county life commission, and was a leader in intro- ducing dr. seaman a. knapp’s demonstration work in agricul- tural areas. all these years he closely followed political affairs, and in rorr was one of the first to proclaim the presidential quali- fications of woodrow wilson, whom he had known for many years. one of wilson’s first acts, after his inauguration, was to appoint page ambassador to great britain. ambassador in london.—for his five years in london page's life had been a preparation. his deepest convictions—his pas- sion for democracy, his belief that british institutions and lt- erature formed the most solid basis of civilisation, his long advo- cacy of british-amecrican co-operation as the most satisfactory method of solving world problems—were all put to the severest test in the five arduous years of his ambassadorship. he had established familiar and congenial relations with the british public and british oflicialdom—espccially with the foreign secretary, sir edward grey—when the world war began. up to that time page had also worked in complete harmony with president wilson. early in his london days the ambassador began writing the president his impressions of british hfe and british society—letters which the president greatly enjoyed and valued. it was owing mainly to his prompting that president wilson persuaded congress to repeal the discriminating panama tolls. hie continued this correspondence throughout the war. in the war page saw above all an attempt of germany to grasp the hegemony of europe, and to substitute the prussian con- ception of autocracy for the democratic ideal which he regarded as the true path of human progress. 1t soon became apparent, how- ever, that president wilson clid not then accept this interpretation of events. it was mainly this difference that caused the historic divergence between page and wilson. to the outside world page maintained an attitude of strict neutrality; in his private commu- nications to the president, however, he made no secret of his com- plete sympathy with the cause of the allies, and his general disagreement with the policy of the administration. as wash- ington did not grasp his view of the struggle, page’s cflorts, for the first year, were ceaselessly devoted to keeping great britain and the united states on friendly terms. when the “ lusi- tania ” was sunk, page in his letters and cablegrams to wilson strongly advocated an american declaration of war against germany. he insisted then, as he did afterwards, that american intervention at that time would have brought the war to an early end with an allied triumph. at all subsequent crises he kept constantly to his main argument—that the war was a life- and-death struggle between autocracy and democracy, and that the united states could determine the result in only one way, by intervention with all its military, financial and economic power. page’s great moment came on april 2 1917, when presi- dent wilson asked congress to declare the existence of a state of war with germany, and in his speech used arguments that page had been forcing on his attention for three and a half years. page had never been in robust health; he was not a hale man when he began his work in london in 1913, and the anxieties and labours of a terrible period gradually exhausted his physical frame. he had meditated resignation many times, and consented to remain only at the earnest request of president wilson. in aug. 1918, however, he became so ill that the president acqui- esced in his retirement. in early oct. he sailed on the “ olym- pic” and reached new york so weak that it was necessary to carry him from the ship on a stretcher. his one wish was to re- turn to ‘‘ the sandhills ” of his early home in north carolina. there he died on the evening of dec. 21 1918, in his 64th year. _ he was survived by his wife (formerly willia alice wilson, whom page married nov. 15 1880), and by three sons and one daughter. several memorials to his life-work have been established, of which the most important are the page school of international relations at johns hopkins university, baltimore, md., and a tablet erected to his memory by his british admirers in west- minster abbey. bribliographyy.—the chief authority on page’s career is the life and letters of walter ii. page, by burton j. hendrick (2 vol., 1922; 3rd vol., 1925). the intimate papers of col. house (2 vol., 1926) and twenty-five years (2 vol., 1925) by viscount grey of fallodon are also valuable. te rebuilding of old commonwealths (1902) gives in eloquent language page's aspirations for the revitalisation of the southern states. the confessions of a publisher (1905) gives his creed on his trade. in 1909 page also published under the name of nicholas worth, the southerner, a novel whose main purpose was to serve as a background for preaching his favourite ideas on the south. in parts it is semi-autobiographical, but only in parts. page’s literary fame will rest on his letters. (ite 4i) paget, violet: see lee, vernon. painleve, paul (1863- ), french politician, was born in paris dec. 5 1863. he was educated at the ecole normale superieure and became a doctor in mathematical science, soon showing himself to be a mathematician of the first rank. he became a professor at the sorbonne, and while still quite young he was elected a member of the french academie des sciences. from the time of the dreyfus case his interest in politics in- creased; in 1906 he was elected deputy for paris, as an inde- pendent socialist and took a special interest in all questions relating to the army, navy and air force. it was not, however, until the world war that m. painleve occupied a_ political position of any great importance. in m. briand’s cabinet, formed on oct. 29 1915, m. painleve became minister of pub- lic instruction and of inventions; but finding himself in dis- agreement with m, briand in regard to the conduct of the war, he ceased to be a member of the briand govt. when the latter was reconstructed on dec. 12 1916. in march 1917 m. ribot became premier and gave the port- folio of minister of war to m. painleve, who proceeded to ap- point gen. petain in place of gen. nivelle as commander-in-chief of the french army. on the resignation of m. ribot, m. pain- leve himself formed a cabinet on sept. 12 1917. he would have included the socialists in his government, but owing to their exaggerated demands he was unable to come to an agreement with them. in addition to being premier, m. pain- leve continued to be minister of war. on oct. 19, in conse- quence of a vote of the chamber, he felt that his majority was insufficient, and therefore resigned; but he at once reconstituted his cabinet, replacing m. ribot by m. barthou at the ministry for foreign affairs. a few days later, after the italian disaster at caporetto, he went to rapallo at the same time as mr. lloyd george to meet the italian premier, signor orlando. ‘these discussions resulted in the creation of the supreme allied council at versailles, gen. foch being chosen by m. painleve as the chief representative of france. on nov. 13, the chamber having refused to postpone questions regarding ‘ defeatism,” m. painleve resigned and was succeeded by m. clemenceau. after some years of restricted political activity, m. pain- leve with m. herriot helped to form the carted des gatches, which obtained a majority in the general elections of may 11 1924. the two heads of this group, m. herriot and m. pain- leve, became premier and president of the chamber respec- tively. the radicals now organised a kind of ministerial strike, with the result that m. millerand was forced to resign the presi- dency of the republic. the attempt to replace him by m. painleve failed, and ai. doumergue was elected president. in april 1925 m. herriot was forced to resign after a defeat in the senate on financial questions and m. painleve succeeded him as premier, taking over the portfolio of war as well. m. caillaux became minister of finance, a position of special im- portance at that time of financial crisis. | in june m. painleve went by air to morocco, where owing to the offensive of abdel-krim a difficult situation had arisen; later he sent out marshal petain to organise resistance and painting pirate |, stee * 2. ete \ ae wv ~, ¥. ~~ ' _ ; y , 4 ‘ : * . : , * . : - : pa : ‘e = : - : * e : ‘ ¥ courtesy of the hispanic society of america “after the bath” by joaquin sorolla y bastida painting : 5 direct a counter-offensive. in july he found it was impossible to remain in power without the support of a section of the op- position, for the socialists refused to accept the fiscal policy of m. caillaux. in oct., therefore, with a view to gaining the support of the extreme left, m. painleve himself took over the ministry of finance from m. caillaux. but on nov. 21 he found himself with a minority in the chamber owing to his financial proposals. he was succeeded as premier by m. briand; and, both in that government as well as in the one formed by m. briand in march 1926, m. painleve continued to hold the portfolio of war. an able mathematician, m. painleve was made a member of the academies of science of france, bologna, stockholm and upsala as well as of the reale accademia dei lincei in rome. among his various works on mathematics may be mentioned: legons sur le frottement (1895); and lecons sur la theorte analytigue des equations aaa (1897). pb)