INDIANA

the population in 1920 was 2,930,390, an increase of 229,514, or 8-5% over the 2,700,876 of 1g10, as against an increase of 7-3% in the preceding decade. from ninth in rank among the states in 1910 indiana fell to eleventh indianapolis-—indian literature in 1920. the density in 1920 was 81-3 to the sq. m.; in 1910, 74°9. the population as of july 1 1926 was estimated at 3,124, 499. the urban population (in places of over 2,500) was 50:6°% of the whole in 1920, as against 42°4% in rg10. the six cities of indiana with a population of 50,000 or more were; increase | estimated cas °, | _ 1925 indianapolis . 314,194 233,650 34°5 358,819 fort wayne 86,549 63,933 35°4 97,846 evansville 85,264 69,647 22-4 93,601 south bend 70,983 53,684 32:2 80,091 terre haute . 66,083 58,157 13-6 71,071 gary 55,378 16,802 229-6 76,870 a griculture.—in 1925 there were 195,785 farms of five acres and over, the total farm land area, which forms 94% of the total area of the state, being 91,917,780 acres. the assessed value in 1924 of all farm property was $2,218,034,991. ‘the chief crops are corn, wheat and oats which produced in 1924, 100,317,606, 26,353,066 and 58,782,554 bushels respectively. hay and rye are also produced. in 1924 the area under tobacco cultivation was 20,695 ac., yielding 18,362,243 pounds valued at $3,057,000. large quantities of tomatoes are grown besides other vegetables and fruits of all sorts. the number of livestock reported on jan. 1 1925 was 557,472 horses, 103,235 mules, 1,296,163 cattle, 614,000 sheep and 3,006,242 swine. mineral products—coal mining was the principal industry, 22,340,000 short tons being mined in 1924, the state continuing to rank sixth in this respect. petroleum wells yielded in the same year 935,000 barrels valued at $1,700,000. the large stone quarries of monroe and lawrence counties produced 70% of the limestone used in the united states for building, the 1923 output being valued at $17,692,112. indiana oblitic limestone is used in nearly every state and in foreign countries. indiana has valu- able clays, shales and kaolin, and is sixth among the states in ceramic production, her clay products in 1923 being valued at $15,643,128. drainage tiles, encaustic tiles, fire-proofing, terra- cotta, sewer pipe and stove linings are other important clay products. pottery products include earthenware, stoneware, white granite, semiporcelain, sanitary ware and porcelain elec- trical ware. education.—in 1921 the state increased the tax levy for com- mon-school support as well as for the support of the higher edu- cational institutions and provision for teachers’ pensions was enacted. there was a tax levy of five cents on each $100 of tax- able property for the support of the three higher educational institutions of the state, producing about $2,750,000, and a levy of a fraction of a cent for vocational education producing yearly about $115,000. in 1924 $64,606,230 was spent on education. in 1925 the tax levy for higher education was repealed and the three state schools received special appropriations. constitution and government—during the decade 1910-20 there was much discussion over amending the constitution of the state, a difficult undertaking under the constitution of 1851, inasmuch as amendment requires the assent of two legislatures and ratification by a majority of the electors. in ror4 an effort was made to bring about a state convention to revise the con- stitution. a conference was held at the state university, out of which grew the constitutional convention league, whose pur- pose it was to bring about such a convention. under the in- fluence of this league, while the legislature refused to call a constitutional convention, it agreed to submit to the voters by referendum in 1916 the question whether such a convention should be held. the proposal was voted down by a large ma- jority, partly because of the expense involved, partly from fear of radical innovations. the vote for the convention was, how- ever, so large that two assemblies approved a series of 13 amend- ments which were submitted to the voters in 1921. all the amendments but one were rejected. during the 12 years 1913-25 much legislation was passed extending governmental functions. only a summary of this can be attempted here: in 1913 an inheritance tax was imposed. in tors laws were enacted dealing with industrial aid to the blind; flood prevention; the direct primary for state nomina- tions; workmen’s compensation for injuries; and arbitration in industrial disputes. in ro17 a prohibition act was passed, made more drastic in 1925 by provisions making the possession of intoxicants a penal offence and the eighteenth (prohibition) federal amendment was ratified jan. 14 1919. provision was also made for a system of state parks, with a commission charged with reforestation and the conservation of natural resources; and a highway commission was created charged with building a complete system of state roads, for which purpose, in 1923, a gasoline tax of 2 cents a gallon was provided, increased to 3 cents in 1925, bringing to the commission for road building from $6,000,000 to $7,000,000 annually. in 1921 a state budget sys- tem was adopted, and cities were allowed, at their option, to provide for city planning and to adopt the city manager or com- mission form of city government. in 1921 the riley hospital for children, a memorial gift from citizens to the state, was es- tablished under the care of the university. in 1921 the univers- ity took over the only dental college in the state. since 1909 the governors of the state have been as follows: thomas r. marshall (dem.), 1909-13; samuel moffet ralston (dem.), 1913-7; james putnam goodrich (rep.), 1917~21; warren t. mccray (rep.), 1921-3; emmet f. branch (rep.), 1923-5; ed. jackson (rep.), 1925- birliography.—julia henderson, historic indiana (1909); maurice thompson, stories of indiana; short school histories by j. p. dunn, james a. woodburn and t. f. moran; woodburn, scotch-irish presbyterians tn monroe county (indiana historical society’s publications); dr. logan esarey, history of indiana, 2 vol.; w. hl. smith, 7zist. of ind., 2 vol.; the files of the indiana magazine of itistory and the publications of the indiana historical comunission, especially constitution making in indiana, by charles b. kettleborough; and. the collections of the indiana_ historical survey of indiana university. (j. a. w.) indianapolis, ind., u.s.a. (see 14.427), which claims to be the largest city in the world not situated on navigable water, ranked 21st in size in 1920, with a population of 314,194, of whom 34,678 were negroes and 16,958 foreign-born. in 1925 the official estimate was 358,819. the population increased 34:5% between 10910 and 1920, but the number of foreign-born decreased 14:2%. the area was increased from 33 sq. m. in 1910 to 43'5 8q. m. in 1920, and to 49°5 in 1925. the output of its factories was valued at $126,313,000 in 1909; $398,667,000 in 1919; $262,- 285,896 in 1921; and $346,858,158 in 1923, when there were 783 establishments within the city limits employing 45,818 workers. the leading industries were meat-packing, manufacture of auto- mobiles and automobile accessories, metal trades and machine shops, canning, manufacture of wearing apparel and printing. after the disastrous ohio valley floods of 1913, a concrete levee go ft. high was built along the west side of the white river with a 60 ft. driveway on the top. this was completed in 1916. a new street lighting system was installed in r915 and improved from time to time. a $3,000,000 sewage purification plant was installed in 1925. the elevation of the railway tracks entering the union station was begun in 1917, and the old union depet was rebuilt and enlarged into an attractive and commodious station. a city plan commission was established in 1919, and a zoning ordinance adopted in 1922. the park area had been in- creased by 1925 to 2,544 ac. and there were 53 m. of boulevard and 46 city playgrounds. the war memorial building, costing $10,000,000, which houses the national headquarters of the amer- ican legion, was nearing completion in 1925. the cost of living is relatively low in indianapolis (94% of the average for 31 american cities in dec. 1924), as would be expected from its excep- tional transportation facilities and its favourable location with respect to agricultural and manufactured products and coal mines. indian literature.—in europe literature is, as regards its subjects, largely international, and any new fashion, such as romanticism, pessimism, the psychological novel, the detective novel, is quickly propagated. the individual qualities of promi- nent writers are soon known, directly or through translations, 448 and evoke responses more or less obvious. moreover, the similar- ity of social conditions and outlook lends interest to the same problems everywhere, and international science causes them to be approached from the same points of view. english and european forms.—lin india the bulk of the edu- cated public is acquainted with english; new english publica- tions are quickly available in the libraries and reading rooms; any new book which has obtained a vogue in england will soon be reviewed in india and be a subject of articles in magazines. morc- over, india has in england, america, france, germany and else- where numerous students, and some journalists, who are living the lives of those countries and sharing their interests; and we have also to reckon with the presence in india of a considerable community of english and other administrators, teachers, mis- sionaries and business men. consequently, there is a very large output of writings which in spirit and manner, and often in sub- ject, are not properly indian, but either international or what may be termed “ colonial.” in bengal alone over 1,000 publica- tions in english (irrespective of bilinguals) are produced annu- ally, and there are over roo english periodicals of different kinds. we might mention in addition the large number of works by in- dians ancl officials or ex-officials in india which are actually pub- lished in england. a second department of indian literature consists of writings in indian languages which are based upon european models or deeply affected by such. iiere we have a great mass of fiction, biography, history, much drama, lyric poetry, travels, political and social pamphleteering and an immense magazine literature, modes which are simply copied from european models. in this sphere we should not overlook the considerable number of actual translations or adaptations of individual works in english, french and so forth. this might be described as the vernacular literature of absorption. ; a third stage is represented by that vernacular literature which, while it has absorbed european influences, has yet recov- ered an indian outlook and temper, whether in the course of nature or in obedience to the strong reactionary feeling. already in the ’eighties of the roth century bengal had produced a novel- ist, bankim chandra chatterjee, whose work exhibits a creative synthesis of the new and the old; and at the present day the bengali language has, irrespective of its outstanding representa- tive, sir rabindranath tagore, a modern literature conscious of an independent inspiration. a fourth department is constituted by the continuance of ancient modes and conceptions. linguistic distvibution.—apart from the influence of particu- lar centres, such as universities, the literature is very unevenly dis- tributed. the matter must be stated in terms of languages. in the field of assamese, oriya, bihari, punjabi, sindhi, nepali and kashmiri, the rajasthani dialects and malaydilam of southern india, the old modes may be said to prevail with little innova- tion. iligh hindi, in regard to which the same might a few years ago have been said, is rapidly equipping itself with literary and scientific compositions on modern lines. urdi, the chief organ of mahommedans in hindustan, the panjab and central india, is further advanced in the same direction. the two chief languages of the bombay presidency, gujarati and marathi, more especially the former, have a considerable modernising literature. the telugu of madras is perhaps not so far advanced; but tamil has a large productivity, hardly second to bengali. special educational efforts have led to the publication of a fair number of manuals in kanarese (mysore), as also in gujarati (baroda) and urdi (bhopal and hyderabad); but other indian states are not productive on modern lines. english.—for publications in english about the same pro- portions hold as for modernised vernacular literature. english works arc, indeed, far more prevalent in the provincial capitals, whereas those in the vernacular abound in the less anglicised districts, gujarati, for instance, favouring ahmadabad, marathi poona. the non-modernised literature is also published in all considerable places. indian literature classical and other languages.—the chief classical language of india, sanskrit, is represented by editions of two kinds, those on old indian lines with or without commentaries in sanskrit or in modern vernaculars, and those with commentaries in english. the former are very widely published in the deva-nagari char- acter, or in bengali, or in gujarati or in the south indian alpha- bets, sometimes even in the panjabi or urdi; and there are various combinations of these scripts. editions on european jines appear for the most part in the provincial or state capitals or in the university towns. new original works in sanskrit are not infrequent in the sphere of oriental philosophy, philol- ogy, science and religion; occasionally there appear new poems and dramas of considerable extent and literary merit; and there are also sanskrit periodicals, including even a daily newspaper. other classical languages are: (1) prakrit, usually that of the jains and published in the bombay province or in the hindi- or marwari-speaking areas; (2) the buddist pali, rare in india; (3) the tibetan, published at calcutta and darjeeling; (4) the pahlavi of the parsees, published in pahlavi or gujarati script in the bombay presidency; (5) the arabic, appearing chiefly in delhi, lucknow, hyderabad; (6) the persian, more occasional. many of the vernacular languages also have their old or classical periods, and prominently the dravidian group, tamil, telugu, kanarese and malayalam; re-editions of their classical works are very frequent, and for the most part they are published within the areas of the respective vernaculars. translations of sanskrit works are innumerable in nearly all the vernaculars, the bhuguvad-gitd for instance being repro- duced many times every year; and some degree of the same favour extends to some of the local classics, the hindi poems of tulasi-dasa, and the hindi bhakiama@lu. among modern hindu writers swami vivekdinanda, bankim chandra chatterjee, sir rabindranath tagore, romesh chunder dutt and haraprasad sastri have also a popularity in several languages; and popular novels, in particular the favourite chandrakdntd (from the ilindi), and its imitators, are frequently translated. portuguese publications appear at goa, french at pondicherry and chander- nagore; the roman catholic missions print some brochures in latin, and there is even an italian periodical issued from man- galore (la misstone di afangalore). alphabets —the literature of india is, therefore, highly polyglot, while individual publications are very often bilingual at least. the alphabetic aspect of the matter has also been partly indicated. in spite of the attention which has been given to the possibility of a common script for india, some advocating the roman, some the devanadgari (which has a hindi periodical devoted to its interest), there is no evidence of progress toward simplification; there is a certain amount of roman-urda, and roman is usually employed for the konkani form of marathi and for the rendering of previously unwritten languages. but in general each leading language holds to its traditional script. sometimes it has more than one; for the mahommedan writes his panjabi or hindi or malayalam or tamil (not, however, his “ musalmani-bengali ’’) in the urdii character, with any necessary modifications. the sikh may write his sindhi in the gurumuphi of the panjab. bilingual books are therefore unusually also bialphabetic (except as regards the above-mentioned case of the sanskrit, or similar cases with pahlavi and gujarati, or arabic texts with persian or urdi); and this adds to the multiform appearance of the indian literary output, already sufficiently variegated, even if we overlook such characters as the multani, modi, kaithi, savara, which indeed are rarely printed, or the numerous old writings appearing in philological works. the format of the book is not seldom that of the old indian pothi, sometimes (in bengal) even printed on palm leaves; while the panjab guru- muphiand the mahommedan arabic are much less often printed than lithographed from handwritten originals. subjects and forms to begin with the lowest stratum, we must note the existence in india of an extensive, really popular literature in verse. in indian literature all parts of india, but especially perhaps in the punjab, in the kanarese country and in the tamil area, there is a constant production of songs and ballads, provoked by any notable occasion, such as a prize fight, a flood or calamity, a crime, a tragedy, a personality or social event, an act of administration; these have a real, though probably in general a brief, life upon the lips of the people, who sing them over their work or in their social gatherings. of late years this form has been largely used for political propaganda, innumerable smal) collections of ‘national songs ”’ appearing in all the chicf languages. there are also many collections of songs for special occasions; garbii songs for women, marriage songs, songs for the holi (spring) festival and other celebrations, boat songs for aquatic sports in orissa and bengal and so forth. at certain times of the year the mahommedans put forth vast quantities of “ verses’ in honour of mahomet or dirges for hasan and husain. religion has a large share in this poetic activity: songs in honour of krishna (especially in hindustan, bengal and orissa, but also in gujarat and southern india), of caitanya (kirttans in bengal), of karttikeya, ganesa, dattatreya, vithoba (in the marathi area); songs for pilgrims to or at the various shrines (innumer- able in the telugu and tamil country); songs for temple rites; collections of jain hymns; and the many publications of chris- tian sects, which in some cases (roman catholic) even deign to follow indian models. not all this popular literature is in verse, since there are occasions when sacred storics in prose (hari-kathds and the like) are narrated in or near the temples. oral preservation of the classics.—an oral existence appertains also to a good part of the various classical writings of india. this is the case not only with sanskrit works such as the mahab- harata and ramdyana, some parts of the purdinas, and some stories such as those of savitri and harigchandra, but also to the classics of the several vernaculars. not to mention the substance of stories and legends, the texts of such poets as kabir and tulasi-dasa in the hindi area; vidyapati, govind das and many others in bengal; narsinh mehta, mira bar and premanand in gujarati; namdev and tukaram in the marathi country, lalla in kashmir; the siifi poets of sindh; the vaishnava and saiva saints and moralists of the tamil country, are very familiar on the lips of ordinary people in their respective areas, and, besides being used in education, are frequently re-edited. in the punjab some parts of the sikh granth are similarly used. the drama.—on the borderland between the oral and the literary we have the drama. in india it was indigenous in many forms, from the heroic down to the morality, miracle play, the farce, the shadow or puppet show. except in the extreme south of india, it would seem that the popular forms of representation have been more or less levelled out. the ordinary play, pro- duced chiefly in calcutta, bombay and madras, is similar to the european forms—melodrama, social sketch, burlesque, problem play (the old man and the young wife, the modern young man or woman and so forth), love story: it is generally interspersed with verses, and these are often separately published for popular use. the more literary drama, still sometimes in sanskrit, takes its subjects chiefly from old indian poctry and legend, and is not seldom an adaptation of a particular sanskrit work (the sakuntald, the mahdbhdruta and raemdedyana or episodes therein, and so forth). the choice is to some extent affected by local celebrity, and occasionally a political applica- tion may be suspected. _magazines.—the pabulum of the ordinary reader in india is furnished by the magazine, containing essays, biographies and descriptions, short stories and serials, notes and not rarely illustrations. the total output is enormous; for in addition to the diversity of languages we have to reckon with the division of the hindus into castes with their separate interests and claims. important castes prefer an organ (or competing organs) of their own, which, along with the ordinary magazine material, will ventilate any matters having a communal bearing. this litera- ture, therefore, presents no ordinary problem to the bibliog- raphers; somewhere in india it should be sedulously collected and preserved, on account of the special biographical and 449 sociological items which it contains. schools and _ colleges have their organs (usually, however, in english). the mission- ary agencies, including the salvation army, issue innumerable periodicals of all grades, both in english and in the vernacular. trades and the business world, professions (teaching, medicine, law, astrology, and so on), and grades of official service all con- tribute to the mass of vernacular organs. there are further a hindi punch, a windit graphic, a gujarati and marathi 77- bits, and shert story magazines; music and the stage are also represented by popular periodicals. special interests, such as the cause of women, social service, co-operation, labour, economics, business, arts and sciences, travel, boy-scouting are similarly equipped. the chief vernaculars have usually at least one literary periodical of a fairly high type. in some cases they have flourished during long periods: the sentami? of madras is in its 24th volume, the hindi saravafi in its 25th, the bengali bhdraii in its 49th, the gujarati samdlochak in its 30th, the marathi vividhajfdnavistara in its 56th. the urdi humayun also is of some standing. indian poetry—modern indian poetry, excepting transla- tions and adaptations of old sanskrit works and themes, is usually in the form of short lyrics issued in small collections. larger productions are for the most part collected works of single authors, or anthologies or the outcome of literary eistedd- fods. in the hindi area the ballad of old style attains a greater length, as do tamil kavyas on classical models. the poetry is generally erotic, ethical, philosophical or religious; but the satirical and controversial, and also, as we have seen, the political, claim a place. the verse forms are usually the traditional ones: only bengali, it appears, manifests original power in this direction. fiction.—viction on european lines is making rapid headway in india, and it is supplanting the old romantic tales, at least so far as prose is concerned. the punjab may still reprint its itir and ranjha, raja rasdlu, etc., the sindh its suss? and punnin, the urda language its laitiand mujnitn, and hindi the tales of bharturt and gepichand. the novel is popular both in the form of the short story and of more substantial narratives; and it reflects all the varieties of subjects which have a vogue in english, historical, social, romantic, adventurous (including the detective novel). a new feature is the translation of well- known (including english) novels into several languages and the immense vogue of such popular stories as that of the hindi chandrakantd. | religious literature.—indian religious literature, in so far as it is not lyrical, philosophical, argumentative or philological, consists mainly of manuals of ritual for daily life (dinacaryd) or for particular occasions (marriage, burial, times and seasons, pilgrimages, vows), and of the stories therewith associated; for instance, the story of the tulasi plant and that of satya-nariy- ana are constantly reproduced. benares takes a prominent part in such publications. since each section, from the vedic sekhds downwards, must have its separate rituals, it results that the number of such publications is very great. especially in southern india the innumerable local shrines have their little manuals, each setting forth the sacred legend and the rites to be observed. in the case of the orthodox and older sects, which have sacred texts in sanskrit, this literature is often bilingual (at least), reproducing or copiously citing the originals. we pass to a consideration of the activity in the reproduction of old canonical texts, with or without commentaries, for the purpose not of ritual but of study and edification. this accounts for a great mass of republication: in the punjab, for instance, there is a steady stream of thick volumes of selections from the adi-granth. there are some valuable series of such canon- ical texts; the jains have several and the madhva doctrine of south india and the sect of the maharajas in bombay have thus made accessible their chief writings. important sects have usually one or more periodical organs, which, amid other matter, publish and comment upon their authoritative books. many religious texts are, of course, not the property of any particular sect, and are therefore variously reproduced; and from 450 these we can hardly separate those which are of a philosophical rather than of a religious character: such are the vedanta writings, the madras periodical weddnta-dipikai, and other philosophical journals; of wider scope, the siddhdnta-di pikai and the marathi yaffvajidna-vistara. there are english period- icals belonging to one or the other of the above two groups: such are the veddnta-kesari of madras, the ahmadi review of religions and the theosophist (which also has vernacular allies). modern philosophy is represented by the calcutta philosophi- cal society, and by a now extinct indian philosophical review published during several years in baroda. philology.—philology of a more genetal character is no longer in india restricted to one or two classical languages, sanskrit, prakrit, tamil, pahlavi, persian, arabic. there are societies which devote themselves to the publication of old texts in the existing vernaculars. the bangiya sahitya parishat, with its pattrikd and tts series of separate old bengali texts, has a very honourable record. the tamil sangam of madura (which issues the sextamil) is likewise distinguished. there are now other sahitya parishats in the province of bengal, and for telugu also there is the andhra sahitya parishat. for hindi there are the nagari-pracharini sabha and’ certain mandalas; for the panjab the khalsa tract society; in gujarat, where societies for publication seem to flourish, the oldest is the gujarat vernacular society, while there is also a sahitya parishat, and a sahitya-vardhana society; in marathi an important series of editions of old poetry was published under the title kdpyu-sam- gruha. in literary history there are very important and exten- sive works by rai saheb dineschandra sen (bengali); sir g. grierson and the misra brothers (hindi); g. m. tripathi and k. m. jhavert (gujarati); prof. w. b. patwardhan (mara- thi); and viresalingam pantulu (telugu). as to the general philological activity of india, it is hardly possible to draw any clear line between indigenous scholarship and that affected by european methods: the main aim and pro- cedure of scholarship are the same everywhere, and whether a commentary is in sanskrit or bengali or english seems to make little essential difference. only comparative philology is new to india. this philological activity, wherewith is associated the investigation of archaeology and pre-british history, and from which we may exclude the astounding output of educational work up to the level of university text-books, is connected chicfly with organisations of some kind. the govt. of india itself maintains an archacological survey, which publishes annual reports in the several provinces and at headquarters, and splendid quarto and folio monographs on special matters, as well as a periodical relating to epigraphy (see archaeology: india). this example is followed by indian states, mysore, travancore, hyderabad, kashmir. several provincial govern- ments have published catalogues of sanskrit mss. (bengal, the united provinces, bombay, madras, the central provinces); states, small and great, kashmir, nepal, baroda, mysore, travancore, alwar, bhaunagar, have taken their part. im- portant series of sanskrit or arabic texts, too, are officially edited in bombay, mysore, travancore, kashmir, hyderabad, baroda. after the governments we may mention the universities, colleges and libraries as active in the publication of texts and researches (the universities of calcutta, madras, lahore, the benares sanskrit college, the maharajahs’ college, vizianagram, the bankipur public library). important journals are issued by societies (the asiatic society of bengal, which has also published under the title bibliotheca india a vast collection of sanskrit, arabic, persian and tibetan texts; the bombay branch of the royal asiatic society, the mythic society of bangalore, the bihar and orissa research society, the hyderabad archaco- logical society, the bhandarkar oriental institute); and some, like the sanskrit research, the south indian research and the jain purdiaitva, are occasionally started independently or by religious bodies. the books issued by authors, editors, or individual publishers are, however, more numerous and on the whole the indian publication of philological, historical and archaeological matter relating to pre-british india quite and family biographies. indians, north american dwarfs in bulk all that is done outside. much is highly merito- rious, und some of it is fully equal to the best production of europe. the monumental linguistic survey of india, edited by sir g. grierson for the govt. of india, is now (1926) almost completed (see philology). ffistory.—for educational purposes and general reading, many short histories of india, of england and of other countries are produced both in english and in the vernaculars. but original research and independent judgment will be found chiefly in the few first-hand histories of particular states and dynasties; and with a few exceptions (such as the maratha researches of rai bahadur, d. b. parasnis and the volumes of maratha records published by the maratha historical society of poona; the volumes of professor sarkar concerning aurangzeb, the biography of jahangir and the journal of indian histery, published by the allahabad university school of indian history, the works on south india by professor kumaraswamy aivangar, subrahmanyam aujar and a few others) in the works of english- men. the valuable monographs produced in europe or india by indian scholars relate for the most part to ancient times, and are less historical than philological. many volumes of records and calendars in english have been published by local govern- ments; the gazetteers also are replete with historical informa- tion not absorbed in formal histories; and there are several socie- ties, the bengal historical society, the panjab historical society and the united provinces historical society, whose journals are compose! of original matter. biography.—biography, including autobiography, 1s now pop- ular in india, taking chiefly the form of short memoirs, which in the case of princes and of important religious leaders such as debendra nath tagore and dayananda sarasvati, may attain a considerable length; so also in the case of historical personages, sivaji, jahangir and others. a very favourite form, of which there are old examples, is the serial biography, contain- ing lives of saints, lives of famous women, hicrarchical, dynastic valuable work of this kind has been done in regard to the tamil and telugu saints and poets, and the poets of bengal and gujarat. small volumes of “ prison reminiscences’ have been published by political offenders, and the number of short “lives”’ of popular heroes, such as mr. tilak, mr. gokhale and mr. gandhi, is beyond counting. the old form of biography in verse is still favoured in relation to saintly and historical characters: naturally, it has aims other than information and research. many indians, from princes downwards, have written accounts of their travels, whether in england, on the continent of europe, in america or in other countries, including the far east. but india itself furnishes rich material and occasions for travellers’ experiences, especially in connection with its shrines and pilgrimages, so that such titles as bherata-bhramana quite naturally recur. (f.w. tu.) indians, north american (sce 14.452).—the indians are no longer warlike nor to any extent resistant of the white man’s methods for their civilisation. i. in the united states the united states assumes that health, education and industry are essential to the indian’s self-support and citizenship. accord- ingly, the federal policy is to hasten his advancement and pro- tect his personal and property rights. by act of june 2 1924 all indians within u.s. territory not already citizens were made so. under the administration of the bureau of indian affairs there are provided health supervisors, school and agency physicians, ficld matrons, nurses and travelling dentists, whose duties defi- nitely pertain to the physical welfare of the indians, and hos- pitalisation is widely maintained against all‘forms of disease. education—¥ or education, the federal govt. conducts 140 day schools, 59 reservation and 18 non-reservation boarding- schools, having an attendance of over 25,000 pupils. ‘the course of study prescribed combines scholastic with such industrial training as is well adapted to indian needs and temperament. the aim is to prepare girls to become good housewives and mothers, and to fit boys for practical farming or to give them indo-china, french such knowledge and practice in mechanical industries as will lead to skilled workmanship. the day-schools carry six grades, and the boarding-schools six, nine or 12 grades. the object of the latter is to embrace six elementary grades, a junior high course of three grades, and a senior high course of three addi- tional grades. from the more advanced schools students may acquire full training in such chosen trade or eccupation as may qualify them to engage in remunerative pursuits upon their graduation. [n all federal schools prominence is given to hy- giene, to moral conduct, to religious culture in any christian denomination and to the practice of thrift. state public schools have become accessible generally to indian children, and in these ‘schools there are over 34,000 enrolled. over 7,000 are received in mission and private schools. approximately 87% of the indian children of the united states are enrolled in some school. there has been a steady increase in the number who speak, read anid write english. to promote reservation industries there are maintained dem- onstration and expcrimentation farms, and several hundred farmers, stockmen and assistants are employed in giving prac- tical instruction in modern methods of agriculture and the up- breeding and handling of live stock. loans have been made to energetic indians from tribal or public funds as initial capital, and these measures have been generally successful. special attention has been given to the reclamation of arid and semi-arid indian lands, resulting thus far in a total area of lands under constructed works approximating 636,000 ac., with an ulti- mate area approximating 1,370,000 acres. the annual crop values derived from these irrigated lands are equal to all pnor cost. tribal herds of sheep and cattle have been maintained on a number of reservations with financial profit, but chiefly to encourage individual ownership and enterprise. alaska.—the affairs of the alaskan natives are supervised by the u.s. bureau of education. eighty-five schools are conducted by six superintendents, nine physicians, 27 nurses and 157 teachers. five hospitals are maintained. the work ts carried on in 85 villages scattered along the coast and on the great rivers. imperfect trans- portation and climatic conditions render the service very difficult, but the progress is substantial. despite the heavy mortality from disease, the population has slowly increased to approximately 27,000. the bureau of education has established three industrial schools, situated at eklutna, 28 m. north of anchorage, on the alaska rail- road, at kanakanak, on bristol bay and at white mountain, on fish river, 25 m. from golovin, on norton sound. instruction is given in carpentry, in boat-building, mechanical and marine engincer- ing, for boys; and for the girls: home-making, nursing and sanita- tion. when the alaska school service was established, about 1885, the aborigines of alaska were in primitive conditions, which have gradually disappeared. in many of the villages, the old huts have been replaced by neat well-furnished houses. many indians are employed by the great canneries of southern alaska. they own and operate fleets of power-boats, which are of service in transport- ing fish from the fishing grounds to the canneries. some find employ- ment in the mines, while others are pilots, trappers, storekeepcrs, loggers or ivory carvers. in northwestern alaska the reindcer industry is the basic industry, introduced to furnish a vocation that guarantees food, clothing and transportation. herds were found in 1926 near all of the principal native settlements of western alaska and at various other points. so rapidly have the herds increased that the total number of reindeer in alaska was in 1925 estimated at 350,000, of which about 255,000 areowned by the natives. gencral progress—under the policies outlined, the north american indians have made unusual progress during the years 1910-26. their population is greater than at any time in the preceding half-century. they depend less upon “ medicine men ”? and more upon medical science and sanitation. as com- pared with earlier periods, they are giving more attention to permanent homes; are less nomadic and superstitious. the women are better housekeepers, and infant mortality is decreas- ing. the day of paint and feathers and blanket garb has almost passed away. the younger school-trained element is creating a new leadership, manifested in changing habits, customs, indus- trial pursuits and social life. marriage by tribal custom is yield- ing to legal rites, and crime is diminishing. substantial advance- ment is noticeable in agricultural operations and stock raising, in the use of modern machinery and methods and in large gains in individual funds. 451 the acceptance by the indians of american principles of gov- ernment and civilisation was in some sense disclosed by the world war. in the united states the number of indians in military service was more than 10,000, three-fourths of which represented voluntary enlistment. in canada the number ex- ceeded 4,000, all of whom entered voluntarily. the percentage of indian male population of military age in the world war was probably equal to that of the whites thus engaged, and their proportion of volunteers even greater. they were distributed almost entirely in white organisations, and were highly com- mended by their officers. indians ineligible for war duty were active in red cross and other relief work and responded to emergency demands for productive labour. (c. h. bu.) comparative information about the indians in the united states, exclusive of alaska population and citizenship ioi! 1925 population . ; ; 322,715 349,595 indians receiving allotments of land 164,215 245,521 indian citizens of the united states 179,830 349,595 educational and vital conditions iqii 1925 indian children eligible for school 63,411 77,597 indian children in federal schools . 23,647 25,706 indian children in state public schools 11,000 34,452 indian children in mission and private schools ; : ; 4,750 7,280 total indian children in all schools 39,397 67,438 capacity of all schools for indians . 43,015 64,910 hospitals and sanatoria maintained 50 84 capacity of hospitals and sanatoria 1,268 2,573 indian patients treated , 8,408 29.6975 indians given medical examination | 42,645 83,306 if. in canada the indians in canada numbered in 1923 about 109,000 ancl are now slowly increasing. they are regarded as minors under the law and are administered by the department of indian affairs under the indian act, whose aim is to promote the ad- vancement of the indians in the arts of civilisation. if, and when, enfranchised they lose the advantages of protection by the department and are merged in the gencral population. agents, 114 in number, have been appointed to encourage the indians to settle in the reserves set apart for them which amount to 4,911,259 ac., valued at $52,941,629. the capital of the indian trust fund on march 31 1923 amounted to $11,516,213. the attendance at the 340 schools provided for them was 66:5%% of the pupils enrolled—6,931 boys and 6,792 girls. the total income of indians for 1y23 from all sources was estimated at $0,040,349. indo-china, french (sce 14.490), french colony in asia, consisting of the colony of cochin china (under a governor, with 20 provinces, each under an administrator); the four pro- tectorates of tongking (23 provinces), annam (16 provinces), cambodia (13 provinces), laos (10 provinces), each with a resident supericur: and the territory of kwangchow bay, leased from china for 99 years, under an administrateur en chef. its area is 299,621 sq. m. and the population (1924) 19,624,000, of which 26,137 were europeans (24,882 french) and 14,522,c00 annamese. political history and administratton.—indo-china contrib- uted two fighting and 17 labour battalions during the war, 48,q00 other war workers and much war material. it contributed largely (europeans and natives alike) to the war loans. political troubles during the war were trifling, in spite of enemy agitation. the governor-general during the war was m. ernest roume. m. alexandre varenne, a socialist deputy, was appointed in nov. 1925. his arrival coincided with the accession of a new emperor in annam. relations between the emperor and the french au- thorities were settled by the convention of nov. 6 1925. the resident superieur of annam has been granted permanent au- thority by the emperor to consult the representatives of the people and to discuss with them any important reform or ques- tions which may arise. 452 the powers of the governor-general have been reinforced by a decree of sept. 2 1920. his local decrees (arr@/es) have real legis- lative force. he can dissolve or suspend the conseil colonial. he fixes taxes and contributions (except customs duties) leviable in the colony as a whole, or locally, with the advice of local authorities and vote of local chambers. the conseil superieny (see 14.491) has been superseded since oct. 24 1911, by a council of government with very similar duties and composition, and thus still almost entirely official; but it now includes delegues (elected by french votes) for tongking, annam and cambodia; native representation is increased from four to five. in dec. 1924, the governor-general, martin, announced a sweeping *eorganisation of the whole system. the council will bear the name “ congress of the indo-chinese union ” and con- sist of 44 members (27 representing the french, 17 the native element) elected by the local elective assemblies of cochin china, tongking and north annam, annam and cambodia and laos. it will have extended financial powers. ‘the old council and its committee will continue under new names and with reduced membership; the new congress will send delegates to both. m. varenne will probably bring the system into force. the colonial council in cochin china has been reorganised, its powers extend- ed, and its electoral and native elements strengthened. natives now have five-twelfths of the representation. the native fran- chise has been radically reorganised; it now includes all male native french subjects with a clean judicial bill who possess either a property qualification (payment of a land tax of 21 piastres, or a corresponding clealer’s licence) or a capacity quali- fication gained by possession of educational diplomas, exercise of certain public functions, or “ services rendered to france.” this franchise gives the vote to very many small peasant pro- prietors; abolishes the headman oligarchies; and amounts to a far-reaching social and political revolution in the villages. in the protectorates the councils have been democratised on similar lines and natives given an increased share in self-govern- ment. this is, it is true, limited mainly to budgetary and fiscal matters; but the change has worked smoothly; the natives have often given sound advice on technical questions. they are keenly interested in self-government, education, etc. there are also native provincial councils and native representation in the municipalities of the large towns. the system will be extended under m. varenne. education and culiure.—the educational movement is paral- lel to the political, but as the province has over 2,000,000 children of school-going age much remains to be done. in 1924-5 pri- mary and secondary french schools had an attendance of 2,525 (about half natives); the 3,395 franco-native official schools, an attendance of 213,977; the private schools (native and mission- ary) one of 99,790, the expense on education being 6,000,000 piastres (1924). the 1917 public instruction code laid down the principle of the teaching of french, even in elementary schools, but there are reservations, defined in the urree of sept. 18 1924. french is taught with the native tongue during the first three years of primary instruction, and is the obligatory teaching medium of the last two, which are, however, attended by only 23% of the native pupils. the “ university of indo- china ” at hanoi is a high school with many branches piving practical and theoretical training; it aims at turning out com- petent native assistants for the different french administrators, and training lawyers, planters, traders and manufacturers. most of the students are annamese. the ecole francaise d’ extreme orient at hanoi, under the patronage of the jnstitut de france, conducts valuable research work in native art, history and lan- guage. it has a fine library and museums in hanoi, tourane, saigon and phnom penh, and has done epoch-making work in its lnventaire of cambodian and cham monuments, its excava- tion of the ruins of angkor, etc. (sce its two vols., l’ecole fran- cuise @iixtreme orient depuis son origine jusgu’a 1920 (1922) and its semi-annual bulletin). budget—the general budget, under 24,000,000 piastres in iqoi, was 64,602,000 piastres in 1925, almost all drawn from in- direct taxation. local budgets (drawn from land tax, etc.) indo-china, french were 48,978,000 piastres. each spent about 30% of receipts on public works. reimbursements to the french budget for mil- tary expenditure reached 10,000,000 fr. in 1925. the debt is only 400,000,000 fr., absorbing 2:8°%, of the total revenue. defences —the divisional general commanding troops in indo- china (hanoi) has under him three brigadier-generals (tong- king two, cochin china). troops consist of two regiments french colonial infantry (tongking, cochin china); two bat- talions of the foreign legion; two regiments artillery; two detachments french gendarmes; two flying squadrons, which also do excellent work in mapping and fiscal service. there are four native regiments of tirailleurs in tongking, one in cochin china. there are five “ military territories ” on the chinese frontier and in laos. the medical service is relatively important, and helps in the general sanitary organisation. the navy is under the command of a capituine de vaisseau (saigon). the local squadron has been reduced almost to nothing since the war. there is question of handing the saigon arsenal over to a private enterprise. commerce, agriculture, indusiry.—although there is still a plethora of french officials (about 4,600), especially in the lower ranks of the customs and excise and similar services, there are over 3,000 french non-offcials (males), traders, manufacturers and planters. in 1922 there were from 250—300,000,000 fr. invested.in private french enterprises. rice remains the staple product; 4,750,c00 ac. in the mekong delta were under rice in 1920. there were 62,500 ac. of rubber plantations and other tropical planis were cultivated successfully. the anthracite mines of hongay and dongtrieu produce 1,000,000 tons annu- ally. the production of zinc (40,000 tons) and phosphates (20,000 tons) is important. in 1925, 33,833 hands were engaged in mining (329 europeans). ‘the presence of coal has given birth to a rapidly expanding industry m1 the red river delta, where there are large cement works, brick, tile and ceramic works, three naval vards (beside the saigon arsenal), two important i'rench river steamer companies, three large cotton spinning works and minor industries. home industry (tace-making, etc.), employs many native women. ‘the piastre, worth 2-50 fr. before the war, was in 1926 worth 15 fr.; but on a piastre basis, exports have increased by 77% since 1900, imports by 14% only. since the end of the war exports are some 164,000,000 piastres annu- ally, imports 132,000,000, rice being the main article exported (maximum, 2,325,000 tons in 1921). imports to france from indo-china in 1925 were 612,000,000 fr., exports 760,000,000. commaunications.—there are now 2,075 km. of railways. an important line, 126 km. long, is planned which will run from tanap to thakhek and link up central laos with central an- nam. tourist traffic is now possible and encouraged. over 20,- 000,000 piastres were spent during the years r91g—25 on dredging, irrigation, etc., and 50,000,000 piastres on roads, of which there are now over 30,000 km. (11,000 metalled, 9,000 made possible for motors in the dry season). bistiograriy [.—official and semi-official publications: an- nuatre general de l'indachine (ilanoi annual); rapports au conseil de gouvernement (annual); bulletin isconomique de indochine (every two months with monthly statistical annexes); bulletin de l'ecole francaise d’f-xtreme-orrent (bi-annual). among the publications of the school must be noted: laventarre archeolagique de p indochine. i. monuments du cambodge, 3. vol. with atlas by lunet de la jonquiere (paris, leroux 1902-12); 2. monuments chams de 'annam, 2 vol. by tf. parmenticr (7bid., i909-18); brbliotheca indasinica, by hl. cordier, 4 vol. (paris, leroux 1912-5), an ad- mirable bibliography of books and papers on the whole indochinese peninsula; afemoires du service geologique de pindochine (hanoi, imprimerie d'extreme-orient); reeve tndochinoise, 1925, xxvuth year (thid.); henri brenier, mssar d’atlas statistique de l'indochine francatse (wanoi, 1914), 88 charts, 38 maps, with commentaries; service geographigue de indochine, map scales: 1/1,000,000; 1,500,000; 1/100,000; 1/25.000 (deltas); bulletin des amis du vieux fine (articles on annamere history, archaeology and art); j. de (;alembert, les .idministrations et les services publiques indochinots (hanoit,192.4); henri lecomte, membre de l'institut, flore generale de ? indochine (varis, in course of publication); les bois d'indochine (in preparation 1926), il.—non-official: cl. madrolle, guide de l’indochine, 2 vol. (new ed., paris, 192.4); h. russier and h. brenier, l’indochine frangaise (paris, a. colin, 1910); c. b. maybon and h. russier, notions d’annam (haiphong. 1916); lt.-colonel abadie, industrial assurance—industrial psychology les races du haut tonkin (paris, 1924); henri maitre, les jungles mot (paris, 1912); j. commaille, guide aux ruines d’ angkor (paris, 1912); marquis ‘de barthelemy, mon vieil annam (recits de chasse) (paris, 1925); marcel bernamose, les arts decoratifs au ton- kin (paris, 1922); pau! collard, cambod ge et cambodgiens (paris, 1925); georges groslier, recherches sur les cambodgiens (paris, 1921); angkor (paris, 1924). j. br.*) industrial assurance: see insurance, social. industrial education.—in the united states special training for industry in regularly organised courses is of recent origin. it was common before the world war and before re- strictive legislation checked the influx of immigrants from europe for american industries to secure most of their skilled workers from the old world. the pressure of industrial competition led manufacturers to see that america must do something to train workers, and the labour situation during and since the war led toa rapid expansion of industrial education. the war also led to a complete redistribution of the men and women who were engaged in industry and greatly stimulated agencies devoted to the training of adults. the federal govt. attempted during the period of demobilisation to provide for the industrial readjustment. especially was the effort made to care for disabled and partially disabled soldiers by training them in forms of work suited to their physical and mental abilities. the first serious effort in the united states to provide indus- trial education in public schools was made by the state of mas- sachusetts in 1905. a commission was appointed by the gov- ernor under the authority of the legislature to make a report on the matter of industrial legislation. this commission was fol- lowed by a second, and the final outcome in 1913 was a code of laws providing for state-aided and compulsory vocational edu- cation. in 1911 wisconsin adopted a law creating for the state and for local districts, school boards in control of vocational education separate from those in charge of the common schools. this radical step has not been imitated in other states. ' the federal board for vocational education—in 1917 the congress of the united states was persuaded by a group of in- dustrial managers and by a small group of educators, chiefly those interested in the massachusetts and wisconsin expceri- ments, to set up a federal board known as the federal board for vocational education, which was the disbursing agent for a large federal appropriation to be distributed to the states on a dollar-for-dollar arrangement for the purpose of encouraging industrial courses, especially in high schools. this board is au- thorised to supervise courses in agriculture, commercial subjects, home economics and industrial or trade courses. the latter are now provided in public schools either in all-day trade schools, in all-day courses in technical high schools, in part-time courses in continuation schools, in part-time courses on the co-operative plan or in night schools, and in so-called extension classes or opportunity schools, where workers come for training when not oc- cupied in wage earning. much of the industrial training outside of the all-day schools is arranged so as to be available for adults. statistics —the number of centres to which federal support has been given in successive years and the registration in indus- trial courses in these centres are shown in the following tables:— trade and industrial schools —--—— trade ex- | gencral evening tension , continuation all-day i918 300 341 us 168 1920 435 119 422 199 1922 20 150 506 237 1924 7 238 582 279 1925 816 225 556 297 number of pupils enrolled | . trade general evening extension | continuation all-day 1918 46,333 53,005 a 18,596 1920 48,354 17,159 98,082 21,224 1922 66,477 33,106 167,911 31,390 1924 84,973 35.475 256,133 33,262 1925 86,540 30,400 265,335 39,666 | 453 relation to general education.—the tendency at the time the federal board for vocational education was organised was to make a sharp distinction between general education and aca- demic education. ‘this tendency was strengthened by the exam- ple of germany, which was regarded before the war as the most successful nation in developing industrial education. the tend- ency in 1926 was to unite trade training and general education rather than separate them. many high schools have made in- dustrial courses a part of their regular programme. on the other hand, trade schools have found that it is necessary to include gencral courses if young people are to be properly trained for life in a democracy. see also commercial education. (c. 31. j.) industrial psychology.—industrial psychology may be defined as the study of the conduct of men and women in their capacity as wage earners. it aims at describing and explaining all those activities by means of which a person adjusts himself to his economic environment; hence it must take into account the fundamental elements of man’s constitution, his innate tendencies and their expression in thought, feeling and action both on the conscious and unconscious level, as well as his acquired aptitudes. as yet, only a tentative beginning has been made, so that we are far from even an approximation to scientific generalisation. history of tiie science the development of industrial psychology has been largely determined by its history. prior to 1914, psychologists concerned themselves but little with industrial problems. a few writers occasionally saw a possible industrial application of some psycho- logical generalisation; and in 1913 miinsterberg! made a more ambitious attempt. industrial development had been governed by the claims of machinery, rather than of man. ‘the enormous improvement in machinery during the roth century, the studies made in the natural sciences, the growing knowledge of the mechanisin of the body, all tended to focus general interest on man’s likeness toa machine. the phrase “ the human machine,” which is rightly applied to part of his structure, became synony- mous with man himself rather by implication than by design. the outbreak of the world war, with its urgent demands for increased production in all departments of activity, brought home to society the futility of considering the worker merely as a machine. industrial operations, as usually conducted, had been implic- itly based on a crude mathematics. if 6 units of work could be done in one hour, then 6 x 8 would be done in 8 hours, 6 x 12 in 12 hours. the physiological necessity for sleep prevented the com- plete working out of this principle. up to about 6 or 7 hours, according to the nature of the work, there seemed nothing ob- viously wrong with the calculation; when however, the problem was one of 12 hours, the discrepancy between the facts and the calculation challenged investigation. though it was not then recognised, that stage marked an epoch in the history both of psychology and of industry. the focus of interest was changed from the machine to the worker of the machine, and the assistance of psychology, hitherto looked upon as a somewhat recondite study, was invoked. the work curve-—previous work of a more or less theoretical character into problems of fatigue suggested the lines of investi- gation. hence the earliest work in industrial psychology was concerned with fatigue. as the time was one of urgency, the problem had to be dealt with practically, and the only measure to hand was the one which had prompted the inquiry, viz., the work curve, obtained by computing and graphing the hourly output records of numbers of workers. the reproach is some- times made against industrial psychology that it is primarily interested in output. the truth is that output happens to be a convenient measure. psychology’s real interest hes in what is measured. hours of work—thus the earliest systematic inquiries of industrial psychology concerned the problem of the 12-hour day in munition factories, and used as data the records of large 111. mitinsterberg, psychology and industrial efficiency (1913). 454 numbers of people working over long periods. comparisons were made between groups of people working a 12-hour day and other comparable groups working a t1o-hour day.! in many processes the results of the latter groups showed such an in- crease in hourly output as more than counterbalanced the shorter time available for production, so that the total production was actually greater than when the hours of work were longer. similarly lost time and sickness were found to diminish with the shorter working day. when hours are shortened, a long period elapses before adaptation to the new conditions ts fully obtained; on the other hand, when hours are lengthened, there is some- times an immediate reduction in hourly output. since the war, researches along these lines have been pursued in such different occupations as: charging of blast furnaces, silk weaving, shell making, metal-polishing, tinplate manu- facture and in the processes of collar machining, folding and shirt ironing in the laundry trade. the curves of the output of the average worker, when graphed, usually assume the same general shape, viz., a rise at the beginning of the spell, a period of relative stability, and a fall at the end. the interpretation of these empirical facts cannot yet be given. slight variations occur according to the arrangement of the hours of work, but the type remains characteristic of many industrial processes. muscio, experimenting on women medical students doing mental tests, obtained similar curves. rest pauses——an important innovation stressed by the in- dustrial psychologist has been the introduction of short rests, in the middle of a working period, of about 10 or 15 min. duration. these regular breaks are technically known as rest pauses. it is sometimes argued that frequent irregular rests are invariably taken by the workers, either voluntarily or because the supply of work fails, and that regular rest pauses are therefore not re- quired. where, however, direct experiment has been possible, it has shown that the organised rest pause is the better working arrangement. the observations of ii. m. vernon for the health of munition workers’ committee proved the advantage of breaking up working spells, and since then it has been verified in the boot industry, in metal-polishing, in celluloid-polishing, in shirt ironing, in sweet-packing, in handkerchief-folding and in stamp- ing lids. the introduction of a rest about the sale of the spell of work i improves the output as a rule by about 5%, and in some processes it allects advantagcously the period preceding the rest. not only is the work improved, but the regular rest is much appreciated by the worker. the probability is that the improve- ment is largely due to changes in feeling; most people can face with equanimity and possibly enthusiasm the prospect of two hours’ work at the end of which will come a period of free time, but to face four or five hours of unbroken labour is depressing. the subject of rest pauses has not yet been exhaustively studied, and particular cases need particular study; still the above statements seem to be valid in general. exactly when a rest pause should occur must depend on the nature of the work, while the amount of actual increase in output will vary with the relation of the human factor to the machine factor in the par- ticular process. physical environment.—among other influences which have been shown similarly to affect the worker and have been effec- tively measured by means of the output curve are improvements in lighting, heating, ventilation and seating. (see factory and workshor law; factory design; office management.) motion and time study at an early stage the young science of industrial psychology had to encounter the previous application of quasi-scientific methods to industry, initiated in america by taylor and gil- breth. their gencral object was to study the nature and rate of the movements made by a worker in order to eliminate the un- necessary ones. this is technically known as motion and time study. unfortunately this study had resulted in imposing on all 1 health of munition workers’ committee, (a) intertm report, cd. 8511 (1917); (2) final report, cd. 9065 (1918). industrial psychology the so-called “ one best way,” obtained by analysing the move- ments of the quickest workers. so unnatural a procedure awak- ened much criticism and no little resentment. it is not irrelevant to note that the movement originated with engineers, not with psychologists. properly conducted, motion and time study are but special applications to industrial processes of the laws of habit formation. young learners pick up, by watching proficients, many actions of industry; with practice they evolve a commendable copy but uncritically they may adopt some unnecessary movements, which, while apparently not interfering with the work, may be- come fixed; the result is that the worker develops muscular habits harmful to himself, or fails to attain a speed commensurate with his real ability. just as the skater, swimmer or golfer im- proves by expert teaching, itself the resultant of careful study, so does the industrial worker. in such varying trades as silk weaving, metal-polishing, chocolate covering, it has been found that by systematising movements and by training novices in the relevant motions, a saving of energy results, which is an ad- vantage to all concerned. faulty methods of learning are not only a hindrance during the learning period, but there is also an invariable tendency for the worker to regress to them under certain conditions, even when they are apparently overcome. the aim of taylor and gilbreth, in standardising the time and method taken to perform a task, was primarily to reduce the cost of production, and they also had in mind the welfare of the worker and higher wages. from the worker’s point of view however, the drawback of their system was that it produced a fecling of being always keyed-up. from the psycho-physiological point of view it was based on the fallacy that the shortest and spcediest movements were necessarily the least tiring and that the best stvle of movement could be obtained from combining a number of best movements adopted by different workers. if the study of industrial processes in relation to the worker is to be scientific, it must consider the whole of the conditions, not a part; it must regard the worker as a human being, not as the per- former of a hmited set of movements. leadership and monotony important though the material environment undoubtedly is, no workers can do their best unless the general mental environ- ment is right. not even the very best material conditions will result mechanically in good work, and sometimes even poor material conditions can be nullified by good mental conditions. by this is understood the conditions governing the group as a whole, dependent primarily on the efficiency or otherwise of its leadership. industrial life is often criticised for failing to supply that effective stimulus of working for a common end, which is more obviously evident in the army. actually there are more factories where there is this sense of working for a common end as well as for individual wages, than those not familiar with the inside working of factories are aware of. if, as mcdougall asserts, “ the personalities of its leaders more effectively than any other factor engender national unity and bring it to a high pitch,” it 1s no less true that a factory owes its corporate unity to the personality of its leader and his deputies. the time may come when it will be possible to test for leadership as it now is for intelligence; at the moment the prob- lem has only been formulated. the qualities of leadership are required by all those in charge of others, and there is no correla- tion between ability to«lo a job and ability to superintend others doing it. to the psychologist there are certain types, almost neurotic, whose symptoms find expression chiefly in their rela- tions with others. the person who reacts always to the emotion aroused in himself by a situation and not to the situation itself, the inevitable “ nagger ”’ who can never govern easily because he is always at war with himself, the “ obsessional ’’4 whose ob- session can be readily touched up by the work—these represent 2the medical problems of flying, medical research council report no. 53 (1920). 3w. mcdougall, the group mind, p. 135 (1920). 4m. culpin, the nervous patient, p. 92 (1924). industrial relations a few whose emotional development makes life much harder for some of their subordinates and unbearable for others. if their other qualities, ¢.g., their business acumen, are so out- standing as to justify their position, then they need as emotional interpreter someone of different temperament to neutralise their more pernicious effects. a good leader should possess vitality, sympathy, justice and humour, as well as knowledge of the work. the emotional, and as a corollary, the physical effect on subordinates of different types of leaders is patent throughout industry. where the com- mands of one are cheerfully obeyed, those of another arouse truculent antagonism or sullen acquiescence. can anyone doubt the effect on the health, happiness and efficiency of the workers? many authorities are unwittingly the cause of the sick leave they deplore among subordinates. monotony.—in addition to the effect of the leadership, one has to accept the fact that in modern industry, with its sub- division of labour, a large number of people are employed in repeating the same limited set of movements for hours, days, months and years. this “ repetition of movement ” is often erroncously called monotony. literally “‘ monotonous ” means “of one tone;” it suggests absence of change and refers rightly to the general mental atmosphere and not to the movements of the worker. repetitive movements must either be studied as such, in which case they belong to the psychology of habit forma- tion, or else put in their complete setting, including, at least, the repetition work, the varying amount done as the hours go on, the opinions of fellow workers and authorities about that work, physiological changes, emotional changes, and the collective life of the factory. the total reaction at any given moment will be the reaction to a composite situation which constantly changes. the worker on one process often stigmatises some other pro- cess as monotonous, when to the observer there is nothing to choose between them. there are compensations too in many processes if one studies the worker as a human being and not merely as the performer of a repetition process; e.g., some workers experience a sense of power in operating a large or a delicate machine. it is not suggested that repetition work is good in itself; but merely to describe the repetition work as monotonous and to imply that such description embraces the whole psycho- logical situation, is misleading. vocational guidance and selection observation of workers shows that in particular posts some are much more successful both subjectively and objectively than others. hence arises the question of vocational guidance, which must be distinguished from vocational selection, a simpler problem. the latter problem sets out to select a worker to fit the job, the former to select for a given person (usually an adolescent)that job most suited to his capacities. this theorcti- cally presupposes a knowledge of the person, a knowledge of all possible occupations, and a power of relating one to the other. those who have done most work in this field are convinced that the most useful measure of a person is his general intelligence. - mental ratio— by suitable tests 1t is possible to gauge with a high degree of accuracy the intelligence of any child, and to ex- press it in a quantitative form, known as the mental ratio. this remains fairly uniform throughout the years of growth, and inborn intelligence does not develop to an appreciable extent beyond the age of puberty. it is the amount and kind of knowl- edge and interests that separate the adult from the child, not the intelligence with which he deals with that knowledge and those interests. to put a child of a high level of intelligence to a job requiring little, is wasteful, while the reverse process is futile; moreover, the one provokes discontent, the other worry. temperament and character.—in other directions, viz., the meas- urement of temperamental and character qualities, less advance has been made. in this field, observation and interpretation are still the only methods available. there are some occupations where people of a particular temperament are more likely to become inefficient and break down than in others.! this tem- lm. culpin, the nervous patient, p. 175 et seq. (1924). 455 perament is characterised by a disproportionate development of fear in some form. whether this is due to its innate strength or to an environmental repression, or both, cannot be adjudged yet. the sufferer shows over-anxicty concerning things he cannot al- ter, is unduly sensitive to the opinions of authorities, etc. some- times the symptoms appear in a more objective form, masking their actual subjectivity, so that the focus of anxiety appears outside the sufferer, who, with more than normal frequency complains of machine trouble, unsuitable keys (in telegraphy), etc. such people, in the interests of themselves, their fellow- workers and the work, ought to be diverted from occupations where their mental make-up cannot fail to be expressed in the work. if they enter such occupations as telegraphy or dispensing or even coal-mining they will almost certainly break down the breakdown will be attributed to overwork, although actually the over-work may have rather subjective than objective reality. if there is an occupational disease recognised as such, the problem is still further complicated.’ when the qualities of the applicant for a job have been assessed and the requirements of various trades are known, it is possible to advise a child as to what he may most advantageously take up. a vast field is however still untouched, most of the studies made so far relate to those aspects of industry which are primarily means to an end, not ends tn themselves, and even in this limited sphere there is much to be done. little is known as yet, for example, about the organiser and his organ- isation. it is obvious that the organisation of a big business is no mere rule-of-thumb working out of principles gained by even a scientific analysis of other places; it has some of the qualities of a work of art, and the attitude of mind of an original organiser is akin to that of the artist. no real appreciation of the field of industry is possible without a recognition of this. bipltrograpny.—j. amar, le moteur humain ct les bases scientt- figues du travail professionnel (paris, 1914); organisation physiologigue du travail (paris, 1916); reports of the industrial fatigue research board (1919, etc.): publications of the serwtce afedical du travaal a ari 1920); jour. of the nat. inst. of indus. psychology (1923); hl. c. link, employment pyschology (1919); l. m. terman, azeas- pene of intelligence (1919); j. goldmark and m. hopkins, com- parison of an fight-hour plant and a ten-hour plant (washington, 1920); c. burt, mental and scholastic tests (1922); p. florence, economics of fatigue and unrest (1924): c. s. myers, seite psy- chology in great britain (1926). (m. s.) industrial relations (see arbitration and concilia- tion, 2.331).—-the term ‘industrial relations”’ is used to denote the relations between all those who are engaged in industry. the history of industrial relationships up to the outbreak of the world war is a history primarily of conflict. the workpeople had only achieved something like equality of bargaining power by dint of unremitting struggle, first for the right of association, then for the recognition by the employers of their organisations as their authorised mouthpieces. strikes and lock-outs, when they occurred, were increasingly stubborn as the fighting resources of the trade unions multiplied, and increasingly devastating in the economic losses which they entailed to both parties as their scope became magnified. in order to prevent the outbreak of these deadly contests, the state was compelled to set up machinery for conciliation and arbitra- tion, and statesmen were forced to pay increasing attention to industrial questions in drafting their political programmes. but tn the heat of this long-drawn-out battle between the two opposing forces the essential community of purpose which should have united them was almost completely forgotten by both sides. that both derived their living from industry and that both would perish if it withered, was a thought which seldom occurred either to capital or labour as a whole, the one intent upon maintain- ing the inalienable right of the capitalist to undivided owner- ship and responsibility, the other on demanding some form of ? the serious nature of this is well brought out in the occupational disease known as miners’ nystagmus. cf. (1) special report series, medical research council, nos. 65, 80. reports of the miners’ nystagmus committee, london (1922-3). (2) w. ~ eddison, " psycho-neurotic aspects of miners’ nystagmus,”’ brit. jour, med. psychology, vol, pt. 2 (1923). (3) w. inman. critical notice. brit, jour. med. ” psychology, vol. 3, pt. 3, pt. 4 (cambridge, 1923). 456 socialisation, a term with many and fluid meanings but generally interpreted as implying the ownership and control of industry by the state. it is true that both parties counted in their ranks men who held that a new order, substituting co-operation for conflict, was the only road to individual or national prosperity. their voices were seldom heard, however, above the din rising from the two contending camps, each firmly entrenched in its doctrinal positions and defying assault. the war introduced an abnormal period in the relations be- tween employer and workman in every industrial country of importance, because all of them were belligerent. the para- mount necessities of the state and the control which it exercised over the production of almost every article except those of purest luxury suspended the free play of economic forces. though disputes and occasionally strikes occurred, usually for higher wages to meet swelling prices, they were quickly settled by government intervention instead of by the normal processes of industrial warfare. nevertheless, the disturbance of all accepted values which the war created, the realisation of the national dependence on the industrial worker and the partial oblitera- tion of class distinctions by the common struggle brought about a new attitude towards the whole question of industrial relations. it is not too much to‘say that with the armistice industrial relations entered upon a new phase. as yet it is still in its very early stages. to suggest the lines of its ultimate development would be premature, but there are certain novel features which have emerged and which may be taken as marking a definite departure from pre-war conceptions. they may be illustrated from the experience of the three principal industrial countries, great britain, germany and the united states, where under different forms and conditions similar tendencies may be traced. in contrast to them there is the russian experiment where with the abolition of private capital the problem of industrial rela- tions might be supposed to have been eliminated. nevertheless the distinction between management and workers has gradually re-emerged and with it the problem once more begins to revive, as may be seen from the article russia. i. the whitley councils in great britain the whitley report.—in march 1917 a committee, presided over by mr. j. h. whitley, now speaker of the house of com- mons, and usually known by his name, presented its first report to the minister of reconstruction on the relations between employers and employed. it proposed the establishment of joint industrial councils consisting of an equal number of the employers and workers in all well organised industries. ‘two points may at once be noticed as indicating that the authors of the report, who included several prominent employers and trade- union officials, had abandoned the view that the relation between capital and labour must necessarily be one of fundamental antagonism. in the first place, they proceeded on the assump- tion that trade unionism was an integral part of the industrial machinery and that any industrial reconstruction must be based on its frank recognition. though it is true that this principle had been admitted before the war wherever collective bargaining had been firmly establishecl, it has to be remembered that even in igti a national railway strike took place to secure its recog- nition by the companies and that in many of the lesser indus- tries it was still far from being universally honoured. secondly, the committee emphasised the need for “ the largest possible measure of co-operation between employers and em- ployed.” they declared that, in order to improve industrial relations, it was essential not merely to offer workpeople better conditions and a higher standard of comfort, but also *“ to enlist their active and continuous co-operation in the pro- motion of industry.” the notion of co-operation was thus re- introduced into industrial history for the first time since the factory system came into existence. no doubt isolated attempts had previously been made to revive it in individual works by means of profit-sharing schemes, works committees and similar devices, but it had never been authoritatively laid down as a principle that should govern the whole field of industrial relations. industrial relations joint industrial councils —in consonance with these general objectives, the whitley committee proposed three classes of function for the joint industrial councils. in the first place. they were to provide the means for settling wages and working conditions. secondly, they were to consider questions concern- ing the development of their industries as a whole, such as technical education, the initiation and utilisation of industrial research and inventions, the improvement of processes and ma- chinery. thirdly, they were to discuss certain other matters which involved the partial association of the workpcople in the general conduct of industry by utilising their practical know]- edge, securing to them ‘‘a greater share in and responsibility for the determination and observance of the conditions under which their work is carried on,” “ ensuring the greatest possible security of earnings and employment,” and discussing ‘* organ- isation and appropriate questions relating to management.” moreover, in order to carry the spirit of co-operation from one end of the industry to the other, it was recommended that the councils should devolve some of their duties on district councils and works committees. | that this was a far-reaching programme involving a new approach to the problem of industrial relations hardly needs emphasis. ‘that it should not yet have been fully realised is hardly a matter for surprise, especially when the grave economic crisis which weighed heavily upon industry after the war is borne in mind. like other new institutions, the joint industrial councils have been roundly condemned as useless, because in a few years they have failed to perform a miracle by changing the whole industrial atmosphere. but transformations as profound as those which the complete realisation of the whitley scheme would mean are only accomplished slowly. they demand a long process of education both of emplovers and workers. what is important to notice is not the shortcomings but the achieve- ments of the councils. seventy-three councils were brought into existence with the active assistance of the ministry of labour. at the end of 1923 58 were still in operation. tifteen had fallen by the wayside, usually because they were premature on account of an insufii- cient degree of organisation in their trades. the comprehensive report issued by the ministry in 1923 shows that the survivors had already accomplished a large amount of excellent work. it is true that the greater part of it was devoted to settling hours, wages and disputes, but when it is realised that many of the industries concerned had never before possessed any machinery for these purposes, their repeated success in solving thorny questions without contlict is in itself an immense testimony to their value. many councils, however, have gone further and already performed work of a more constructive character. remarkable schemes have been set on foot in several trades for improving education and regulating the conditions of appren- ticeship. much has been done to improve safety and health in collaboration with the factory inspectors and the industrial fatigue research board. at least 12 councils have gone very carefully into commercial questions, such as foreign competi- tion, the improving of transport facilities and the provision of raw materials. finally, the pottery, tramway and wire-drawing councils have set an important example by investigating the costs, wages and finances of their industries. it is only by exam- ining the detail of the work done that the progress which it rep- resents and the influence which it has had on the relations be- tween the employers and the workpeople concerned can be fairly estimated. enough has been said, however, to justify the opinion that the whitley scheme is operating steadily and beneficially. methods in the five great industries—one of the principal criticisms levelled against the scheme is that it has not been thought fit for adoption by the largest industries—mines, cotton, engineering, iron and steel and shipbuilding. in these industries machinery for bargaining and for dealing with disputes had jong been in existence, which they did not wish to alter into conformity with the whitley model. it may, however, be noted in passing that, except in the iron and steel industry, serious stoppages have occurred in all the others since the armistice. industrial | it may yet be found that some machinery for co-operation on a broader basis than now exists is necessary to ensure peace and prosperity in these industries. finally, special mention must be made of the important inno- vation made in the relations between the railwaymen and the companies by the railway act of 1921. it was originally pro- posed to provide for the inclusion of two labour representatives on the board of management, but this suggestion was dropped in favour of a scheme setting up a central and a national board to deal with wage claims and disputes, and railway joint coun- cils on each of the four great lines to deal with the local applica- tion of national agreements, suggestions as to operating, working and kindred subjects, and other matters of mutual interest such as ‘co-operation with a view to securing increased business, greater efliciency and economy.” under these councils are sec- tional councils, while in every station or depet where 75 men are employed a jocal departmental committee is established, whose general objects are to provide contact between management and employees and to increase the latter’s interest in their work by giving them an opportunity of discussing matters affecting not only their own conditions but also the efiiciency and organisa- tion of the working of the railway. in other words, the whitley principle has been adapted to the railways and has certainly contributed to their smoother working. conclusions —this brief survey will have made it clear that in great britain a distinct change is observable in industrial relations since the war. a rival notion to that of the diametrical opposition between capital and labour has been introduced in the shape of co-operation for the common benefit of both. this has involved not only the unqualified recognition of the trade unions as part of the machinery of industry, but also the admis- sion of the right of the workman to some participation in its policy and responsibilities. lastly, except in the case of the mines and the railways, the demand for the direct nationalisa- tion of industry is perhaps less confident than it was before the experiences of the war and the russian revolution, but the idea of syndicatising industries still on commercial lines with state supervision has acquired a good deal of prominence. il. the german system of works councils the development of german industrial relations since the armistice has taken place in a very different setting. whereas in great britain the war produced a disturbing interlude which left the general organisation of society unchanged in its outward forms, if modified in its spirit, in germany the close of hostilities brought about a radical transformation. the german revolu- tion not mercly substituted a republic for a monarchy, but it altered the whole social equilibrium. for the first years of the new germany the social democratic party was the dynamic force in the government, and it was during that period that ihe constitution of weimar was framed. ‘that remarkable docu- ment introduced profound changes in the sphere of industrial relations as in other spheres of german life. after laying down the principle that the “labour force” (arbeitskraft) falls under the special protection of the federal govt. and enumerating various measures to ensure that protection, the constitution provided in article 165 for the establishment of two institutions which are beginning to play an important part in german indus- trial life—the federal economic council (ketchswirtschaftsrat) and the works councils (befriebsrdte). operation of the system.—works councils (q.v.) have not been tested during a normal period, and it is still premature to pro- nounce any definite opinion on their value and possibilities. it may nevertheless be stated with considerable confidence that the works councils have established themselves as a permanent feature of the german industrial system, whatever modifications they may be destined to undergo. to say this does not mean that the employers are fully reconciled to them or that the workers are fully conscious of their possibilities. the former still show the greatest reluctance to admit the councils to anv real participation in the problems of production. they have frequently placed obstacles in their way and have generally tried relations 457 to restrict their functions to that of intermediaries between workers and management. as a result, the number of cases in which works councils can be stated to have had a beneficial effect on production is small, though on the other hand the employers’ fears that they would have a subversive and perni- cious intluence have not been realised, save where the communist element has succeeded in gaining control. the workers, on their side, have often not proved themselves capable as yet of using the new machinery effectively. their lack of technical know]- edge has hampered them, while in smaller works a considerable amount of indifference is still to be found. at the same time, they have established their right to receive important informa- tion, which the trade-union leaders regard as a means of gracu- ally educating works councillors in their duties. on the social side the results of the works councils have been more pronounced. they have played a considerable part in the enforcement of the eight-hour day by exercising a supervision on behalf of the trade unions, which has prevented abuses and secured closer observance of the collective agreements. but perhaps the most remarkable results achieved by the councils from the workers’ standpoint have been in connection with dismissals. by investigating innumerable cases in which im- proper grounds of discharge have been alleged and by taking them before the conciliation boards, the works councils have gradually built up a jurisprudence which affords a real guarantee to the worker against arbitrary action on the part of his em- ployer. if the councils had attained no other results, their action in this field alone would have justified their creation from the workers’ point of view. on the whole, it may be said that, although their value and effectiveness vary greatly in accordance with the spirit which both sides have brought to bear on them, the works councils have justified themselves and are likely to acquire further authority as time goes on, ill. the german federal economic council functions of the council—any estimate of the influence of the federal economic council on german industrial relations is subject to the same qualifications as in the case of the works councils. as an institution it is still in its infancy; in fact, its form is still provisiona] and remains to be finally determined by a bill under consideration in 1926. hitherto it has consisted of 326 members, but experience has shown this number to be too large and the bill reduces it to 126, of whom 41 are to be nominated by the employers’ organisations, covering industry, agriculture, commerce, banking and transport, 41 by the trade unions of various kinds, 14 are to represent private corporations such as the municipalities, co-operative associations and insur- ance companies, and 30 are to be appointed by the i*ederal govt., including two representatives of the press. the func- tions to be allotted to this permanent council are analogous to those which the provisional council has been exercising during the past six years. in the first place, all government bills of an economic or social character have to be submitted to it for advice and its views must be presented to the reichstag, whether favourable to the government’s proposals or not. the council may also depute members to explain its conclusions while the bill is under discussion in parliament. the council has a further power of considerable importance, namely, that of conducting ‘inquiries into questions of fact, in the economic and social field” (uniersuchung tatsdchlicher verhaltnisse auf wirtschafts- und sozial-politischem gebiet), and for this purpose the council is to be armed with compulsory power to obtain information and to hear evidence on oath. similar institutions tn other countries.—it will be seen that the federal economic council is not merely or even primarily concerned with industrial relations, but that it is called upon te advise upon all economic questions and to exercise functions of a semi-political character. in fact, it represents the modern tendency, which may be found in the formation of a conseil national economique in france and in the new fascist consiglio superiore dell’? economia nusionale in italy, to submit economic questions to the consideration of expert professional bodies 458 instead of leaving them to be exclusively decided in the light of the political circumstances of the moment, which exert so large an influence on the deliberations of parliaments and often pro- duce results that are hardly consonant with the best interests of the country. from the point of view of industrial relations, however, such bodies are of considerable significance, as they mark once again the post-war tendency to admit representa- tives of the workers to direct consultation on the wider problems of industry, instead of leaving them as hitherto to be dealt with only by governments and employers. enough has been said of the new bodies which the german constitution has called into being to show that in germany, as in great britain, this tend- ency has won a large measure of recognition and the status of the worker is undergoing a gradual development in the direction of participation in the responsibilities of management. iv. tendencies in the united states to turn from europe to the united states is to discover indus- trial relations based on quite other conditions and determined by circumstances which find no parallel in the old world. the industrial evolution of a new country with vast natural resources and incalculable possibilities of expansion must necessarily differ widely from that of small, highly developed areas such as great britain and germany. the united states was a predominantly agricultural country until very recent times, and the phenomenal growth of its industry in the last two generations has not even yet been so great as to make it predominantly industrial rather than agricultural. there is still a far greater measure of fluidity in american than in european life. the workman of to-day may still be an employer to-morrow and a millionaire before he dies. a man who fails in the town can still return to the country, or who fails in one job can pass to another with the certainty of finding employment. in a word, the towering occupational and class barriers which hem in the european worker’s progress through life only exist as yet in a very minor degree in the united states. the consequence has been a diffcrent attitude towards the whole subject of industrial relations. the outlook both of employers and workers remains essentially individualistic. while until recently the former has been uncompromising in the mainte- nance of his undivided sovereignty in his own plant, the latter have shown little interest in the orthodox doctrine of class war- fare, only a moderate inclination to trade unionism and a posi- tive repugnance to many forms of state interference. the late mr. samuel gompers throughout his carcer fought vehemently against any endorsement of state schemes of insurance by the american federation of labor, and demands for industrial legislation which have been pressed for years by the trade unionists of europe have been vigorously opposed by the trade unionists of america. besides this individualistic tradition, which is characteris- tically american, there is another factor which has directed industrial relations into unfamiliar channels. the ordinary growth of the population was quite insufticient to supply the vast demand for labour created by the rapid expansion of amer- ican industry. the result was a tremendous acceleration of the stream of immigration from about 1890 onwards, until in the years preceding the war it had attained an annual figure of over a million. a large proportion of these new american labourers were drawn from southern and eastern europe, instead of from the northern countries which had previously furnished the main body of immigrants. they had little or no industrial experience, they were usually ignorant of the meaning of trade unionism, and even if they attempted to combine for trade purposes, they were unable to comprehend the speech either of their own ofh- cials or of their fellow members. as a result, the employers enjoyed a power in the united states which their european colleagues had long since forgotten. trade unionism was weak and extremely difficult to promote in the face of the natural obstacles already mentioned, reinforced by the relentless and uncompromising hostility of the employers. nevertheless, in cer- tain industries, notably the garment trade, one of the worst paid and most difficult to organise, it made astonishing progress, industrial relations and even in other industries such as the steel industry, or in coal districts like west virginia, where organisation was unable to obtain a solid foothold, the workers began to band together for fighting purposes, often under the aegis of the loose-knit extremist body known as the “ industrial workers of the world.” industrial warfare—under these conditions industrial war- fare was carried on by both sides with a violence and ruthless- ness never approached in europe. in the face of the enormous power of amcrican capitalism, which was often unsparingly used to crush any incipient combination for protecting their interests, the workers were driven by a fecling of desperation not merely to resistance but to open revolt. strikes were not just tests of endurance and organisation, but not infrequently produced armed conflict and considerable bloodshed. in the decade pre- ceding the war and during the war itself industrial relations in america were apparently growing steadily worse, and it was generally concluded by european observers that their develop- ment was following the normal course already familiar in europe, that as the abyss between capital and labour widened, organi- sation would grow stronger on either side until each was per- fectly entrenched against the other. despite certain peculiar features, there was no essential difference in the problem as it presented itself in the new world. america was a gencration behind europe in its trade unionism, but was _ passing through the same recognisable stages and would arrive at an essentially similar conclusion. the damming of the immigration river first by the war and then by “‘ quota ” legislation would only hasten the process by solidifying the working masses in the united states and removing one of the principal obstacles to the growth of trade-union organisation. american proposals —though it would perhaps be rash to assert that this view has already been falsified by experience events seem to point to a different evolution. since the armi- - stice there has been more discussion of industrial relations in the united states than perhaps in any other country. ‘the american public scems to have awakened to its immense importance for the whole future of the country. when president wilson called his industrial conference in 1919 to elaborate proposals for better relations, it aroused far more interest among the general public than did a similar conference convened by mr. lloyd george in england in the same year. although it reached no very positive conclusions, it probably served its purpose by acquainting the american people with the elements of the industrial problem. since that time their education has been steadily continued by the press of all grades. the output of books, magazine and newspaper articles on the subject has been immense. big em- plovers like henry ford, j. d. rockefeller and edward filene, distinguished men of learning such as president eliot of har- vard, politicians, journalists, church congresses and numerous private bodies have contributed actively to the discussion, while a great deal of industrial investigation has been done both by individual research workers and by institutions such as the russell sage foundation. the result has been to create an atmosphere more favourable to the peaceful improvement of industrial relations than exists in any european country. with- out by any means pretending that the old prejudices or antago- nisms as between capital and labour have been eliminated, it may be said that they have been already softened by the free play and approval given to liberal and progressive ideas, and restrained by the feeling of responsibility which the national interest displayed has engendered. what, then, are the tendencies which are beginning to show themselves as the result of all this american discussion? in the first place, there is a marked insistence on the application of democratic principles to industry. america is a country which prides itself above all on its democracy, and once the question is stated americans find it as difficult to approve autocratic methods in industry as they do in politics. moreover, they are beginning to believe that in a democratic country complete industrial autocracy is not really possible, or that, in mr. filene’s words, “‘ industrial democracy is inevitable, because political industrial relations power has been given to the masses.” in fact, the widespread interest evoked in the problem of industrial relations in the united states is largely due to the belief that unless it can be solved by industrial methods within industry, it will become a political problem to be solved by political methods outside industry. for many americans, then, the solution of the indus- trial problem appears fundamental to the maintenance of democ- racy. the general view now gaining ground among them may be summed up in a dictum of the bureau of industrial research. “ one of the great tests of democracy in the years to come will be the ability of american employers and wage-workers to find a basis of democratic co-operation in the government of indus- try. unless industry can be constitutionalised on » democratic basis, there is serious danger of class conilict culminating in some form of revolution.” experiments in certain industries—in order to “ democra- lise’ industry numberless “ plans ”’ are now on trial. in the garment trade a regular system of co-operation has been estab- lished by the employers and the amalgamated clothing workers of america, starting with messrs. hart, schaffner and marx, one of the largest firms in chicago, and thence spreading through the industry. on the railways an interesting expcriment has been initiated on the baltimore and ohio railroad which has since been adopted by other great american lines and by the canadian national railway. joint committees have been set up rather similar to those which exist on the british railways, the main objects of which are the promotion of efficiency, the elimination of waste and the stabilisation of employment. all the available evidence testifies to their success, both from the employers’ and the workers’ standpoint. a large number of co-operative schemes may be found in other industries, varying widely in type but all based on the idea of securing the whole- hearted collaboration of the workpeople by enlisting their direct interest in the running of the establishment. in some cases constitutions have been set up on the american model with a senate and a house of representatives, in others the profit-sharing.element is introduced in some shape or form. by no means all of these schemes have been instituted in agree- ment with the trade unions; in fact, it would probably be true to say that the majority were promoted by the employer with the object of preserving the “ open shop ” and keeping unionism out. but whatever their origins, these works committees have undoubtedly done much to improve industrial relations. the statistics published by the national industrial conference board, an important employcrs’ organisation, show that in 1924 there were 814 establishments possessing works committecs where 1,177,000 workpeople were employed, as against 225 employing 391,000 in 1919. when compared with the whole of american industry, this does not represent a very large propor- tion and as in the case of some of the british whitley councils, some works councils have failed to survive in the united states. to maintain, therefore, that the “‘ democratic”? movement in industry is universal or overwhelming would be misleading. there is still a large section of employers who remain wedded to old-fashioned methods and who are opposed even to collective bargaining. there is no doubt, however, that the new method is making steady progress, and what is perhaps most significant is the changing attitude of labour towards it. wages and production.—as has already been pointed out, the individualist tendency and the vast influx of immigrants have rendered trade-union organisation far more difficult in america than in europe. in addition, the american working man is more intent on earning good wages than on any other objective. ilis standard of living is considerably higher than that of any european worker and his principal aim is to elevate it still further. he is therefore disposed to assist in increasing produc- tion, if by doing so he is assured of increasing his own income. he has no objection to adopting “ capitalistic’ methods, to owning bonds or to taking shares in the enterprise which employs him, if he sees in them the means of augmenting his material prosperity. asa result of this attitude one finds that the situa- tion in the united states differs from that in europe. ce 459 in the first place, there has been a great increase of output per head since the war, due to the improvement of machinery and the more economical use of the forces of production, while on the workers’ side there has been a reduction of hours and a rise in real wages. the american workman, so far from offering resistance to mechanical progress, has frequently promoted it, and some trade unions even employ their own experts on scien- tific management, to which until recently they were violently opposed. secondly, the purchase of stocks by emplovees has developed in a remarkable way. one american economist calculates that, whereas shareholders with an income between $1,000 and $5,000 only received $38,000,000 or 1-8 °, of the total dividends reported in 1916, they received in 1921 ‘no less than $56 2,000,000 or 22°47 %%. to illustrate this point, it may be mentioned that out of the 60,000 employees of armour & co. 40,000 are stockholders. in the philadelphia rapid transit co. 11,000 employees held over $10,000,000 worth of stock in 1925, more than double the value of their holdings in the previous year. similar instances could be multiplied to show that the american worker is becoming a holder of capital. workers’ investments —thirdly, labour has initiated its own banking movement. the first labour bank was founded at washington in 1920; at the end of 1924 there were 33 already in existence, with resources estimated at about $150,000,000. the leading part in this movement was taken by the brotherhood of locomotive engineers, one of the strongest american trade unions, under the leadership of mr. warren s. stone. their objects, as he states them, are simply to offer the working man safe custody for his money and sound advice for its investment. but it is calculated that the american workers are in a position to save from $6,000,c00,000 to $7,000,000,000 annually, and mr. stone asserted that “ if they would save and carefully invest their savings, in 10 years they could be one of the dominating financial powers of the world.” this suggests possibilities in labour banking which are at least still far from being realised. the experiment is vet in its childhood, but whatever its final form it must exert a considerable influence on the psychological attitude of american labour towards capitalist enterprise. co-operation rather than waurfare—mr, stone defined three phases in the trade-union movement. the first two—organisa- tion and the struggle for collective bargaining—are familiar in all industrial countries. ‘‘ the third cycle or phase,” he says, ‘lies in constructive development towards a system of co-opera- tion rather than war; and the most striking evidence of this phase is the labour bank.” though we have seen some evidence of a similar tendency in great britain and germany, it js only in america that the labour movement seems to be consciously and openly adopting a co-operative policy. in doing so they are not abandoning the goal of securing an even larger share in the control of industry, but their method of approach is entirely different. instead of preaching the destruction of capitalism, they are aiming at its peaceful penetration. prof. carver, of harvard, goes so far as to claim that “ the only economic revo- lution now under way is going on in the united states. it is a revolution that is to wipe out the distinction between labourers and capitalists by making labourers their own capitalists.” this is probably an overstatement of the case, but it is certain that the policy of co-operation with capital and of intensifying production is looked upon with favour by the american federa- tion of labor. the last report of their executive council, after defining collective bargaining as the first function of trade union- ism, states that ‘ there is a still more important function that the union can render—that of participating in finding better methods of production and greater production economics.” it recommends that the baltimore and ohio scheme of union- management co-operation should be closely studied and the advice of experts on shop management systematically sought. the executives even recommend that their members should take part in works committees in establishments where the trade union is not recognised, on the ground that they promote soli- darity among the workers and may thus assist trade union 460 organisation. mutual confidence between employcr and em- ployed are essential in order that the latter may be assured a fair return for the increased efficiency which he helps to secure, but on this condition co-operation to promote industrial pros- perity is put forward as the policy to which organised labour should give a fair trial. - it would be hazardous to conclude, however, that industrial relationships in america are definitely set in the path of concili- ation and co-operation. “the phenomena which have just been briefly reviewed are not universal in character and have occurred during a period of overwhelming prosperity. how far they may be its cause or its consequence is an undecided question. some observers think that the enthusiasm of labour for high produc- tion would be killed by a period of trade depression; others that it depends for its maintenance upon the uninterrupted progress of mechanical invention, which by multiplying production with- out increasing prices has given the american worker a steadily rising standard of iene all that can be safely said at the moment is that the united states is experimenting boldly with a new relationship between employer and worker and that the success already achieved is sufficient to make its further develop- ment a matter of obvious interest and importance. ¥< conclusion this bird’s-eye view of the development of industrial relations seems to suggest that they are now entering a critical, perhaps a decisive, phase of their history. just as the end of the war ushered in a new era in international politics, so it may be des- tined to mark a new point of departure in the politics of industry. it is certain that, like all other human institutions, they cannot remain stationary. fither they must develop further on the lines of conflict rendered constantly more menacing to the com- munity, as the strength and resources of the organisations of both sides increase and become growingly capable of exerting “pressure on its vital organs, or alternatively contlict must give place to co-cperation based on the recognition of the essential partnership of labour and capital and on their common interest to stimulate production, if they are to survive in an age of aggra- vated competition. whereas before the war the signs of this latter tendency were barely discernible, clear evidence of its growth has been shown to exist to-day in great britain, ger- many and the united states. a similar movement may be found in other industrial countries such as czechoslovakia, austria and norway, where compulsory works councils are in operation, or in france, where there are voluntary councils in many factories. but it is much too soon to suggest which of the two tendencies will prevail. the decision between them will only be slowly worked out over the coming decades. the ultimate answer will determine for good or for evil the future course of our industrial civilization. bibliography.—j. leitch, fan to man (1919); s. and b. webb, history of trade unionism, revised ed. extended to 1920 (1920); m. berthelot, orks councils in germany, studies and keports, scr. b. no. 13 (international labour office, 1924); this book includes a full bibliography on the subject; ef. a. filene, the way out (1924); b. m. selekman, sharing management with the workers (russell sage foundation, 1924): b. m. selekman, employees’ representation in steel works (russell sage foundation, 1924); bb. m. selekman and m. van kleeck, employees’ representation in coal mines (russell sage foundation, 1924); prof. t. n. carver, the present economic revolution in the united states (boston, 1925): b. stern, the works councils movement in germany (u.s. dept. of labor, 1925); m. van kleeck, zen years of the rockefeller plan, e. mayo, the basis of industrial psychology (-———); reports of the commitiee on relations between fimplovers and employed (i.m. stationery office, cmd. 8606, cmd. 9002, and cmd. 9153, 1917-8); works committees, report of an enquiry made by the ministry of labour (h.m. station- ery office, cmd. 9001, 1918); report on the establishment and prog- ress of joint industrial councils, 1917-22 (h.m. stationery office, 1923); ministry of t.abour, report for the years 1923 and 1024 (h.m. stationery office, 1925): report of the executive council of the american tederation of labor to the 45th annual convention, atlantic crt» (1925). industrial research: see research, industrial. industrial schools.—in great britain children may be sent to industrial schools on such charges as found begging, found industrial research, welfare and medicine wandering and not having any home, found destitute and having parents undergoing imprisonment, found in the care of a parent or guardian of criminal or drunken habits, frequenting the com- pany of a reputed thief, residing in a disorderly house and for more serious offences, such as theft, larceny, housebreaking. industrial schools tend to approximate more and more closely to the ideal of residential elementary schools, situated in pleasant surroundings in rural districts, for the attendance of children suffering from parental neglect, or subjected to an environment likely to cause delinquency or criminal habits. the schools are inspected by the home office and the board of education, and as far as possible “ institutional ” life is eliminated. as much freedom is allowed as is consistent with the maintenance of order and good conduct, and the clothing supplied is similar to that worn by ordinary school children. a rule, consists of general educational work and vocational training in equal proportions. sports and games are encouraged. the trades and occupations taught to boys are tailoring, shoemaking, carpentry, farming, gardening ancl instrumental music; a few of the institutions are training ships. girls are trained in all branches of domestic work. the after-carecrs of the great majority of industrial school children are satisfactory, and many of the children obtain lucra- tive and congenial employment. with the decline in truancy, truant schools have been discontinued, and truants are usually committed, in london and elsewhere, to industrial schools until they reach the age of 16. boards git: —many education authorities have adopted schemes providing that children under cight years of age who are committed to industrial schools shall, whenever conditions are suitable, be boarded-out with foster parents. by this ar- rangement the children receive the advantages of home life, gen- erally in rural surroundings, and can attend the local elementary schools. in 1925 nearly 300 london children were boarded-out with foster parents. cordial and often enduring relations are formed between the children and their foster parents. statistics —vthe number of persons dealt with in juvenile courts has deereased during recent years. in 1913, proceedings were taken against 37,520 children. during the war the number reached the high-water mark of 51,323 in 1917. ‘there has since been a gradual decrease; in to24 the number was 20,624. the miujority of the “1924” children were dealt with as follows:— fined , ; . 9,190 bound over 2,410 ]disimissecl 6,560 ordered to be w hipped 607 placed on probation . 5,812 sent to reformatorics 529 charge withdrawn 3,779 sent toindustrial schools 526 the decrease in the number of charges mav be attributed to improved social conditions, increased and more efficient organisa- tion of children’s care work, and the development of the na- tional system of elementary education. there has also been a large decrease in the number of committals to industrial or re- formatory schools in proportion to the number of children charged, largely due to the greater use now made by the courts of the powers conferred by the probation of offenders act, 1907. magistrates hesitate to remove a child from its home unless they are satisfied beyond doubt that such a course is in the best interest of the child. (see cuitp lanour and welfare.) (g.h.ga.) industrial welfare and medicine.—human beings possess intelligence, and their health depends on psychological as well as on physiological environment. mental and physical activity are necessary to health. from the industrial point of view both require to be maintained in order to ensure efliciency, which spells for an employer a contented personnel and for the employed physical health and a ‘‘ worth while” fe. apprecia- tion of this point of view has in recent years been expressed through different activities aimed at maintaining mental con- tentment and physical health, at preventing sickness and mortal- ity, and at restoring the sick to health; these lines of activity are not mutually.exclusive. they may for convenience be con sidered under the headings of industrial welfare, industrial fatigue and industrial medicine. industrial welfare and medicine i. industrial welfare this entails not merely compliance with statutory require- ments as to the provision of specified accommodation, but the task of getting each worker to take an intelligent interest in his own health and efhciency, in that of his fellows and in that of the establishment to which he belongs. the movement, which was only embryonic before the world war, received great impetus in great britain from the recommendation of the health of muni- tion workers’ committee that welfare work should be adopted for munition workers, and from the series of memoranda the committee issued explaining how the work should proceed. progress in warttme—a department was created in the ministry of munitions to develop the scheme which at first was particularly pursued for women, girls and boys. welfare supet- visors were appointed to supervise (2) needs within the factory, and (d) needs outside the factory. the work within the factory covered the selection of workers for engagement; supervision of general behaviour; of progress and apprenticeship; of transfer and disposal of workers; of general cleanliness, ventilation and temperature; of canteens; of ambulance, rest-rooms and _first- aid; of cloak-rooms and sanitary conveniences and of overalls. outside the factory it covered housing accommodation, transit facilities, sick visiting, recreation and education. the keeping and studying of personal records of earnings, sickness and acci- dents was organised. welfare committees composed of workers were found invaluable to the activities of the superintendents. the scheme was first developed for national factories, but the stimulus to private firms of financial assistance from excess profits duty helped greatly to wider extension of the policy. while activity on these lines, which came to an abrupt termi- nation on the cessation of hostilities, was still in progress, the tfome office, in 1916, consolidated much of the ground won by obtaining powers under the police, factories, etc. (miscellane- ous provisions) act, 1916, enabling the secretary of state by order to require occupiers of factories to make reasonable pro- visions relating to “ arrangements fer preparing or heating and taking meals; the supply of drinking water; the supply of pro- tective clothing; ambulance and first-aid arrangements; the supply and use of seats in workrooms; facilities for washing; accommodation for clothing; arrangements for supervision of workers.”’ under these powers 14 orders have already been made concerned with the special needs of different industries. at the same time a series of valuable pamphlets have been issued to set forth how the requirements of the orders can be complied with. action on these lines continues; but already some matters have become of general application, thus drinking wafer must now be supplied in all factories, while the provision of first-aid has be- come generally compulsory under the workmen’s compensation act, 1023. extension of voluntary welfare.—meanwhile activities which may be called “ voluntary ” welfare have extended, notwith- standing the tendency during trade depression to hold back from new ventures. at least 1,000 firms to-day have welfare workers, as compared with about 30 in 1913. housing efforts, recreation grounds, institutes, educational schemes, nurses and sick visiting, canteens and dental clinics at factories, all provide examples of extension of factory welfare without legal compulsion. in these ways modern industry is recognising that well-directed welfare is an economic proposition and makes for contentment. the mining industyy.—reference has so far been confined to the welfare movement in reference to factory employment; but action has not been confined entirely to this field. in england in 1872 the metalliferous mines regulation act called for the provision of accommodation for enabling persons employed in metalliferous mines to dry conveniently and change their clothes. in roro the mines accidents (rescue and aid) act gave power to make orders relating to: (a) the supply and maintenance of ap- pliances for use in rescue work, and the formation and training of rescue brigades; (b) the supply and maintenance of ambulance appliances and the training of men in ambulance work. the coal mines act of totr contained, too, an important clause providing for accommodation and facilities for taking 461 baths and drying clothes where the majority of workmen em- ployed in a mine desire such. unfortunately this clause was a dead letter except at some half-dozen collieries. but under the mining industry act, 1920, welfare work for miners received a great impetus. this act provides a fund, derived from a levy of id. a ton on the output of each mine every year, to be applied for purposes connected with social well-being, recreation and con- ditions of living of workers, and with mining education and research, and with such purposes as the board of trade may ap- prove; but the provision of dwellings is expressly excluded from such purposes. the fund amounts to about £1,000,000 a year; its allocation is directed by an independent central committee on which both miners and colliery owners are represented. four-fifths of the contributions coming from each coal-field must be spent within that field: the remaining one-fifth of the fund is devoted to wel- fare matters of mutual interest to the whole industry, such as the promotion of research into safety and health, and the pro- vision of higher education for miners and their families, to each of which purposes the central committee has set aside approxi- mately £500,000 out of the first five years’ contributions to the fund. expenditure from the fund is now year by year keeping pace with contributions. the act of 1920 was due to expire in 1925, but the success achieved by the activities thus instigated has led to prolongation of the life of the levy to the fund for a further five years. the total credits of the fund on dec. 31 1925 amounted to £4.740,339; and apart from the £100,000 already mentioned, al- locations had been made for district purposes as follows:— total total deities: number | number | money peeoa nk of of allo- | allocated schemes | cations reereation (chiefly recreation ground and institutes) b44 1.455 |2,027,564 health (convalescent homes, pithead baths, ambulance atic nursing services, etc.) 126 198 958,771 junior education ; 18 25 26,362 expenses of district committees 96 25,464 total 988 1,774 | 3,038,161 the research is directed by a salety-in-mines research board. acting in collaboration with a health advisory committee; higher education is effected by assistance given to local education authorities and universities. 3 the central committee consults with district committees con- cerning the amount and purposes of grants in each district. interest attaches to the items shown on the table just given. they display the activities of the fund as progressing (with the one exception of a few allocations for pithead baths) on needs oulstde working hours; while progress in factory welfare made under statutory orders 1s extending with regard to needs within working hours. the contrast is sharp. ei a compartson.—in the case of factories voluntary effort is forwarding outside welfare schemes; but in the mines no similar efforts are taking place with regard to such needed inside welfare as the provision of drinking water, improved lighting, pithead baths or kitchens, the procedure followed in these two lines of advance is also in contrast. factory welfare proceeds through statutory orders, compliance with which can be enforced; while mining welfare consists of activities, originated and pursued by the mining community, but financed through a statutory levy. thus the activities pursued for munition workers have been diverted into two separate streams. still all welfare activities, in addition to their wide socia] aspect, undoubtedly exert a powerful] influence in promoting industrial health. il. industrial fatigue the maintenance of health in industry, especially with regard to women and young persons, has always been a driving force in 462 our code of legislation controlling factories and mines, but its close study is practically a new science, known technically as the study of industrial fatigue. in great britain the study is to-day pursued on general principles by the industrial fatigue re- search board, an integral part of the medical research council. this board came into existence in 1918, owing to appreciation of a national need for intensive investigation to which attention was directed during the war by the activities of the health of munition workers’ committee. problems of interest to par- ticular establishments are tackled by the national institute of industrial psychology (see inpustrral psycholocy). much practical knowledge as to human activity, embodied in over 30 reports issued by the board, and in the journal of the institute, has been placed on a scientific basis. certain points may be succinctly stated: work is necessary to health, and health is needed for efficient work; even steady work ts better than spasmodic efforts; an optimum temperature, which should vary about a mean, exists for each process and is associated with best output, least sickness and fewest accidents; ventilation is to be read in the stimulating effect 8f air movement, rather than in change of air; rest periods during long spells of work, particularly if posture is changed, may increase output and lessen monotony; monotony in repetitive work, in tempera- ture, in ventilation, in long spells of activity without pauses, and even in food supply, is disadvantageous; good factory can- teens improve health and output; change of personnel, 7.e., labour turnover, reduces production and increases lost time due to sickness and accident; suitable overalls create pride in work and in person; vocational training adds joy to work; vo- cational selection on engagement increases output and reduces labour turnover; certain workers exhibit a predisposition to sus- tain accidents and should be employed only where accident-risk is at 2 minimum; the tendency to sustain accidents is associate:l with a tendency to fall sick. the introduction into industrial organisation of such knowl- edge promises rapidly to revolutionise industrial management, and to prove the health-value to the community of well-con- ducted occupations. more knowledge as to the laws of human activity remains to be acquired; but by adopting what is already known, industry will prove to be our most powerful influence for maintaining public health. iii. industrial medicine industrial medicine is concerned with the prevention of sick- ness and the restoration to health of the disabled. prevention calls first for determination of causes, and is based on information gathered from various sources. thus, the occurrence of industrial accidents must be notified by employers to inspectors of factories and of mines. modern research into data so collected has en- abled important protective measures to be adopted, and has also established the tremendous importance of personal, as con- trasted with mechanical, factors; they account for 80% of in- dustrial accidents. further, just as in the case of sickness, the newly employed and those who are not-quite-well are clisposed to sustain accidents, while some workers exhibit a definite pre- disposition to get hurt. action should, therefore, aim at interest- ing workers in accident prevention through the safety-first move- ment (see safety first), at reducing labour turnover, at main- taining health, and at eliminating the susceptible. under the heading of accidents are here included sudden gassings, ¢e.g., from carbon monoxide, nitrous fumes and arseniuretted hydrogen, as well as caisson disease. occupational diseases.—information as to the occurrence of certain occupational diseases, e.g., anthrax, toxic jaundice, chrome and epitheliomatous ulcerations, and poisoning from lead, mercury and arsenic, is obtained from notification sent by practitioners to the chief inspector of factories. lead poisoning is the leading instance; it has been used, on account of its specific effect upon women, as a stalking horse for legislative advance against industrial poisons; its causation, displayed by study of notified cases, has now been narrowed down to inhalation of dust and fumes containing lead. measures adopted to prevent the industrial welfare and medicine generation of dust or to keep it under control, have proved so successful that lead poisoning in factory industries has lost most of its terrors; only where measures have not been, or can- not be, adopted, as in the house-painting industry, is it still a serious occupational menace; but constant alertness is needed to perfect the protection of those employed as new processes come into vogue, e. g., the use of the oxyacetylene flame to cut through stecl plates coated with lead paint when breaking up old ships. compensation claims for diseases named in the schedule to the workmen’s compensation act, 1906, give information con- cerning the occurrence of other diseases, of which certain trou- bles which particularly concern coal-miners are the most im- portant, 7.e., nystagmus, and miners’ beat knee, beat hand and beat elbow. here recent investigation into causation is ahead of prevention; thus, the distressing trouble, nystagmus, of which the manifest symptom is involuntary oscillation of the eyeball, is associated with work for long periods in imperfectly lighted galleries of coal-mines; the worse the illumination, the greater the prevalence of the disease. owing, however, to the danger of explosions from mine-gases, the problem of improving the lighting underground is not a simple one (see coal; mining). cataract—in contrast stands another compensatible eve trouble, cataract, which occurs among glass blowers and fur- nacemen exposed to glowing heat. ilere means for prevention are known; they consist in wearing spectacles, the glass of which has been specially devised for cutting off heat rays’ but diffi- culty arises in getting the workers to use them. phihisis—yurther knowledge is drawn from occupational mortality records. they reveal any undue prevalence among a group or groups of workers of some particular cause of death; phthisis is the most notable example (see tuberculosis). re- cent statistical investigation has shown that when this cause of death (a) is the only one in excess, its undue prevalence is due to the spread of infection among persons whose daily work brings them close together, e.g., in tailoring, printing and making boots and shoes; (5) is associated with excessive death-rates from other lung diseases, and occurs later in life than usual, as happens among sandstone masons, gold-miners, tin-miners, grinders of metal, some pottery workers and others, its excessive prevalence is duc to inhaling fine dust of silica, which sets up a condition in the lungs known as silicosis, a condition which takes some years to develop and predisposes its victims to tuberculous infection; and (c) is associated with excessive death-rates from all other causes of death, and occurs rather earlier in life than usual, as occurs among publicans and inn-servants, its undue prevalence is caused by excessive indulgence in alcohol. knowledge of causation in each case points the way to pre- vention: (a) commodious, well ventilated and lighted premises, associated with medical examination to eliminate the tubercu- lous, will rid tailoring, printing and shoe-making from the scourge of phthisis. (6) reduction to a minimum of risk from breathing silica dust must abolish silicosis; the problem now belongs to the technical engineer and is being solved in certain industries. compensation is granted for silicosis on the south african gold mines, on the broken hill mines of australia, in ottawa, canada, and in great britain in the refractories industry under the powers of the workmen’s compensation (silicosis) act, 1918, which may be extended to other industries. the financial burden of com- pensation is promoting active attention to dust prevention and control. (c) limitation of alcohol consumption, such as has been taking place in this country in recent years, and could be extend- cd, has already reacted not only upon the occurrence of phthisis in industry, but also of ill health from other causes, including accidents. cancer-—another disease to which mortality records have directed attention is occupational cancer (see cancer). workers who handle pitch, a distillation product of gas-tar, and others who mix pitch with coal-dust in the manufacture of briquettes, sutfer from warts which appear on the exposed parts of the skin, and also on the scrotum. these warts show a special tend- ency to become epitheliomatous with the formation of “ pitch ” cancer, shale-oil workers coming in contact with crude parafhn, industry, war control of a product obtained by distillation, similarly suffer from warts and “ paraffin ”’ cancer; but workers manipulating refined paraf- fin do not suffer. chimney-sweeps have long been noted for their high death-rate from scrotal cancer which originates from exposure to soot, a distillation product of coal. quite recently an equally high mortality from scrotal cancer has been revealed among mule-spinners in the cotton trade due to contact with lubricating oils, possibly obtained from shale. cancer of the lips and buccal cavity is nearly confined to males who by smoking expose these parts to the distillation products of tobacco. the evidence here summarised suggests that certain products ob- tained by distilling vegetable substances can sensitise the skin to cancer, i.e., to the filter-passing virus now known to be the specific agent concerned. evidence from the dye industry suggests that the products in question may possibly be benzene compounds. workers in this industry exposed to certain amino-benzene compounds, par- ticularly benzidine and naphthylamine (compounds which, when they gain access to the body, are excreted by the kidneys), have been found to develop malignant tumours of the bladder. the new growths which occur on the skin in the tar cases, and in the bladder in the dye-workers, have certain features in common: at first there is a simple hyperplasia; the exact moment when malignancy supervenes is a matter of doubt; and metastasis is the exception. possibly we have in these benzene compounds instances of substances which, by modifving tissue growth, possess the power of preparing the way for the cancer virus. more recently still lung cancer is reported among arsenic and cobalt miners in saxony, possibly due to radium emanations from inhaled dust. to radium emanations is also described necrosis of the jaw, a most painful disease, among workers apply- ing luminous paint. effects of treatment.—treatment during the early stages of illness and injuries sustained in occupation is not peculiar to industrial medicine, even though recent advances in ortho- paedic surgery have been of great benefit to those manually employed. but in a few cases treatment is special to the disease, e.g., the onset of caisson disease can be met by immediately resubmitting the victim to the high pressure atmosphere from which he has just too rapidly emerged; or, again, persons over- come by carbon monoxide gas can be best brought round by the new method of administering a mixture of oxygen and carbon dioxide through artificial respiration; while burns caused by acids or alkalis, which must be specially neutralised before ordinary treatment is applied, may be added to the list. convalescence.—the convalescent stage on the contrary may be profoundly expedited by occupation, particularly where re- covery is slow and tedious. the industrial convalescent tends either to return to work too soon before he is ready for full em- ployment, when he may quickly break down again, or, by saving himself, develop bad habits; or to delay—particularly if he is receiving compensation—until he has lost skill, developed some permanent stiffness, or become neurasthenic. he needs, at an early stage, amusement to divert his thoughts; next, occupa- tional therapy, in which work is performed for wages during limited hours, in order to occupy his mind and assist in restoring lost or weakened function, e.g., a hand stiff after a wound; or lastly, vocational training for new work when he cannot return to his previous occupation. occupational therapy.—at each stage industry can play its part, but with regard to occupational therapy and training it is the only available agency. ‘‘ after-care ’” in workshops, and special settlements for those discharged from tuberculosis sanatoria is pointing the way, which is equally valuable for ortho- paedic, mental and other cases. the need for occupational therapy and vocational training is rapidly coming to the front both in great britain and america; and industry is being called upon in its own interests in order to regain skilled workers, in the interest of the patients, and of the community on which they must otherwise be a charge, to play its part in restoring to useful- ness those who have broken down in its service and must either regain their strength anew or start life afresh. 463 iv. welfare and medical services the need for welfare supervisors in factories is now well recognised; and, even though trade depression in recent years has held in check the creation of such posts, they continue to increase in number. the duties attached to the post must deter- mine the staff required, but the following scale is some guide:— welfare supervisors for women and girls: up to 300 workers, one welfare supervisor; a further 300 workers, one assistant super- visors a further 450 workers, a second assistant supervisor; a further 600 workers, a third assistant supervisor. total 1,650 women and girls, one senior welfare supervisor and three assistants. after this number one assistant should be added for every 600 workers. welfare supervisors or apprentice masters for boys: up to 100 boys, one welfare supervisor; a further 200 boys, one assistant supervisor: a further 350 boys, a second assistant supervisor; a further 500 boys, a third assistant supervisor. medical service—medical service in factories commenced with the appointment of certifying surgeons under the factory act of 1844, but it has not advanced with the importance of the work. a proposal was embodied, however, in the last factory bill, which may appear in the next consolidating factory act, to modify these posts in such a way as may be expected to im- prove the service. already a few firms are employing whole-time medical men, and others part-time, to render service far in ad- vance of anything now contemplated by legislation; they find the return from such service far outweighs the cost. ‘the duties which must determine the size of the medical staff, often include examination of new comers, treatment of injuries and sickness originating on the premises, re-examination after a period of absence, ambulance iectures and organisation of first-aid treat- ment, health inspections of every part of the premises. such duties for a personnel of 2,500 at an engineering factory are found to provide ample work for one whole-time medical ofiicer. it is significant that no firm that has once established a medical serv- ice, has been known to abolish it; the tendency is rather to extend it. closely allied comes dental service at factories, which is steadily increasing on account of the better health and time keeping which the service gives. the varied activities outlined above, viewed as a whole, pre- sent an interesting and rapidly growing influence for good. the roth century saw attentions directed to perfecting the power- driven machine and the industrial process, while the health and comfort of the worker were comparatively neglected. the seeds of deep-seated clisaffection, a manifestation of ill-being, were thereby sown. to-day advances in processes and in machinery continue, but the need is being grasped for attention to the . human machine. in industrial health lies the solution of many problems. bibliography.—(1) welfare:—reports of health of munition workers’ committee, 1915-8, cd. 9065 (1918); annual reports of chief inspector of factories; a. m. anderson, “ welfare in our factories and workshops,” jour. indus. it yg., vol. 2 (1920); annual reports of miners’ welfare pund; industrial welfare jour. (2) industrial fatigue—j. goldmark, fatigue and efficiency (1912); industrial efficiency and fatigue, wealth of munition workers’ com- mittce, interim report, cd. 8511 (1917); e. l. collis and m. greenwood, the health of the industrial worker (1921); 11. m. ver- non, industrial fatigue and fffictency (1921); p. 5. florence, eco- nomics of fatigue and unrest (1924); reports of industrial fatigue research board; jour. nat. inst. indust. psychology. (3) industrial medicine.—j. t. arlidge, diseases and mortality of occupations (1892); t. oliver, diseases of occupation (1908); e. l. collis, zn- dusirial pneumonoconioses (1919); h. e. mock, industriat medicine and surgery (1919); e. w. hope, w. ilanna and c, o. stallybrass, industrial tivgiene and medicine (1923); g. m. kober and e. r. hayhurst, industrial health (1924); e. l. collis, phthisis and in- dustrialism (1925); a. hamilton, industrial potsons in the united states (1925); e. l. kennaway, “ anatomical distribution of occu- pational cancers,” jour. indust. hyg., vol. 7 (1925). dia a industry, war control of.—government control of industry has appeared sporadically in every important war of modern times, under the form of commandeering of supplies and means of transportation and production. it has also occasionally assumed the form of price-fixing. but, except in the rare cases of cities under siege, governmental control never assumed the form of a general system, dominating the whole economical life 464 of a belligerent nation, before the world war of 1914-8. in that war the general control of industry was inaugurated promptly by germany, after a considerable delay by france and england, and, after many half-way measures that proved ineffective, by the united states in the last year of the war. in the case of every belligerent nation the extension of control was a gradual process, which had by no means reached its logical limits when hostilities came to an end. the conditions that forced contro! of industry upon the several warring nations were:— 1. universal conscription, with its tehdenty to disorganise all in- dustries, essential and unessential alike, by the withdrawal of the most energetic labourers and “ key-men ain the technical and ad- ministrative staffs; 2. the vast consumption of material and equipment under the technical conditions of modern warfare; 3. the insatiate demand for financial resources for maintaining and supplying the huge armies in the field and the services in- cidental to them; 4. the maintenance of the health and spirit of the working civil population through the provision of the necessities of life at practi- cable prices. while the conversion of national industry to the uses of war was nowhere complete, it is a conservative estimate that in all the chief belligerent states from three-fourths to four-fifths of all industry was by the time of the armistice converted to the meeting of war requirements, direct or indirect. i. germany, france and the united states germany.—the first systematic action toward industrial control was taken by germany. upon the declaration of war by england it became at once evident that overseas supplies of raw materials, on which german industry had become largely de- pendent, would be cut off. the conservation of supplies on hand and their appropriation to essential uses was imperative. within a fortnight, at the instance of walter rathenau, the government, in co-operation with the cartels, had completed a rapid survey of the material resources of the nation and had worked out a policy, based partly on the requisition of materials and plant, but mainly on voluntary agreements, which offered a reasonable assurance of the continuous supply of military necessities on the scale then contemplated as adequate— erroneously, as the development of the war proved. through the reichsbank and the system of financial institutions de- pendent on it the necessary credit was supplied without stint to all industrial enterprises regarded as essential for war. the ‘mobilisation plans provided from the outset for the exemption of “ key-men,” technical and administrative, and the suppression of unessential industries provided labourers to take the place of those who had been called to the colours. on dec. 2 1916, the control of industrial resources was strengthened by a law institut- ing an industrial conscription of labour, applying to all males between 16 and 60. auxiliary measures stiffened government control over industrial enterprises. but to the end of the war the essential basis of industrial control was the quasi-voluntary agreement between the government and the independent business man or group of business men, with a reserve power of compulsion in the government’s hands resting on the control of materials, credit and labour. this power of compulsion served to secure supplies, but did not restrict prices so strictly as to pre- clude large war profits, with attendant manifestations of popular discontent that grew more serious as the war dragged on. france.—in france the outbreak of the war was followed by a mobilisation of men for military service which took the experts and “ key-men ”’ out of industry along with those who could be easily replaced. in consequence economic life was seriously dis- located. unemployment reached extraordinary proportions. after the mobilisation in aug. 1914, the principal industries em- ployed on the average only 60% of their normal personnel, and as late as jan. rors, 20% of the industrial working population was unemployed. french industry, being highly individualistic in spirit, was far slower than that of germany to adjust itself to war needs and war control. gradually, however, a machinery of control was set industry, war control of up, of which the most effective part was the disposition of man- power. committees of economic action composed of business men and engineers were organised in the several departments, to co-operate with the military and administrative authorities in supplying labour to agriculture and the essential industries. price control, so far as the munitions and supplies for the army were concerned, was effected through contracts, with sufficient reserve power over labour, raw materials, transporta- tion and credit on the side of the government to ensure reason- able terms. the prices of products for the use of the civil popu- lation were subject to an informal and inadequate control through the departmental committce of laymen co-operating with the administrative authorities. in neither case was the control rigid enough to check a rise in prices, which produced much discontent among the workers, whose wages did not rise in equal proportion. united states—the situation in america, upon her entry into the war, was in many respects peculiar. the allies had al- ready attained to a practical maximum of their industrial war effort, and the demands of war were still rapidly expanding. in this effort american industry had already come to play a con- spicuous part. allied war industry was drawing heavily on america for steel, copper, cotton and a large class of wholly or partly finished war materials. a powerful chain of war indus- tries had been built up in america; labour and materials were rapidly advancing in price, and profits rose on a huge scale. the american govt. was forced to meet the problem of supplying the american armies with the materials of war with- out cutting off the supplies needed by the allies. control was essential not only to national but to international ends. whereas in the early part of the war each belligerent had aimed primarily at effecting the most practicable distributions of resources be- tween its own military and essential civil uses, the united states from the outset was confronted with the problem of mak- ing the best practicable distribution among the military, allied and essential civil uses. american control was bound to envisage the entire system of needs of the allied and associated powers. more fundamentally, the united states represented the last reserve of men, munitions and money. there was no possibility of making good deficits in production from any neutral source, except, of course, that certain raw materials like the nitrates of chile had to be drawn from neutral territories. in the circum- — stances the need for thorough-going control of industry was peculiarly vital. the difficulties to be overcome in instituting control were, however, all but insurmountable. no close relation between government and industry had been developed, as in germany; neither was the american administrative system adapted to prompt co-ordination. at the outbreak of the war the army and navy, each enjoying the power of commandecring, were in a position to enter the market for supplies, in competition with the allied purchasing agencies, and there was no authority any- where competent to allocate limited supplies in the order of im- portance of needs or to keep prices within bounds. a council of national defence, consisting of the secretaries of war, the navy, the interior, agriculture, commerce and labour, with an advisory council and a widely ramifying organisation of com- mittees, of executives and experts, had been created prior to the declaration of war. out of this grew a multiplicity of organs of control, a war industries board, a railway control, a control of ocean tonnage, a food administration, a fuel administration and a war trade board. but there was no central co-ordinating principle except the war powers of the president, which in the nature of the case could be exercised only sporadically. co-ordinated control of industry came into existence on march 4 1918, when the president, by a letter, reorganised the war industries board and specified its duties, constituting it in effect the administrative organ with power to apply the pres- ident’s war powers over industry. mr. bernard m. baruch was named by the president chairman of the board, with direct re- sponsibility for its functioning, the other members of the board to act in an advisory capacity. industry, war control of as finally reorganised the board controlled the exercise of the power of requisitioning. the army and navy, the railroad administration, the food and the fucl administrations, the war trade board, the shipping board, the war finance corpora- tion, the allied purchasing commission and other agencies dealing with industry, were required under the president’s orders to co-operate with the war industries board. thus it became possible to secure effective co-ordination in the whole held of industry. the board was in a position to control exports and imports, the movement of traffic over the railways and coast- wise shipping; it was able to ration out materials, fuel, power, credit facilities to every business establishment in the country, to place a check upon every construction enterprise, public or private, except on proof of absolute necessity, to standardise production in the interest of economy, and in short to do every- thing necessary to ensure that the resources of the nation at war should be applied most effectively to the national needs, both of the people as a whole and of the military forces. in america direct authority to fix prices was never granted by law nor established by executive order. the war industries board had, however, sufficient power to control prices in effect, and in case of need it actually controlled them. no specific theory of fair prices lay behind the beard’s control, but a concep- tion of efficient economic organisation for war. the standard toward which price-fixing was working in its last phase was one which would have permitted peace-time profits and wages but nothing more. the problem of price-fixing in the united states was greatly increased because prices had already reached a very high level before america entered the war. labour—war control of industry in its highest phase of <de- velopment amounted in eflect to nationalisation of economic resources, labour, capital, material things. men could not work at what they liked best or put their capital to the most lucrative uses or sell their materials and goods to the highest bidder. ‘they were called on to subordinate their private interests to the na- tional needs. the conception of public service became general- iscd, as it were, and although with the end of hostilities private motives were again given free play, the conception of service retained a large measure of its vitality, exerting a considerable influence upon action. labour, conceived of as “‘ man-power,’’ won recognition early in the history of war control as the most vital of the national re- sources. the proper provisioning of labour, care for the health of the labourer and his family, maintenance of proper housing standards and the like, assumed the rank of military necessities. here too the influences set in motion in war carried over into times of peace. in no country did public opinion settle back into its old indifference to the requirements of labour. it would be hardly an exaggeration to say that the ideal of a living standard of wages attained a new influence through the experi- ence of war control. permanent economic results —one of the most striking results of war-time control was the revelation of the extent of economic waste in the conventional scheme of production. by co-ordina- tion, concentration of effort upon essentials and by curbing of excessive variety in forms through standardisation, 1t became possible for the united states, while maintaining 4,000,000 men under arms, to supply the civil needs of its population with no appreciable lowering of peace-time standards. while recognising that such extreme application to practical needs would in the long run be deadening to industry, most leaders of industry came out of the war convinced of the necessity of eliminating much waste that had gone unnoticed in the pre-war period. war control of industry promptly fixed in the minds of those who participated in its decisions a conception of international economic interdependence. control of the resources within a nation led straight to the necessity of controlling exports and im- ports, and this in turn led to an understanding of the necd of permanent economic relations under which all nations might have equal access to the raw materials of the world. this re- mains a problem, the solution of which will tend to lessen the chances of war. 465 another result of the war-time control was the more systematic survey of the potential resources, and their development where at all practicable. as a consequence, many resources are being developed in peace that formerly had been neglected. war con- trol, with its compulsion to the use of substitutes, gave a greater freedom and elasticity to production, making a higher degree of efficiency possible in peace time. incidentally to the control of industry, financial institutions, money and credit were every- where subjected to control, with the result that new and more efficient methods of handling specie reserves and managing the flow of credit were devised and added to the normal equipment of peace times. some countries, finding themselves cut off because of the war from their usual sources of manufactured articles, soon learned to make these things for themselves, with the result that when peace returned the old manufacturing countries found that a part of their former markets for manufactured articles had been permanently lost. and so with raw materials; new sources of supply and substitutes were found. thus, international trade is a longer time finding its normal ebb and flow. for the most part the achievements of war control were made possible only by the solidarity of feeling and concentration upon national purposes engendered by extreme national necessity. no conclusions as to national control in peace time can be de- duced from them. what may be deduced from the experience of the world war is that war under modern conditions demands drastic control of industry. war cannot now be conducted incidentally with business as usual. (b. m. b.) ii. control in great britain during the first two years after the outbreak of the war com- paratively few changes of importance were made in the british industrial and commercial system. in general, reliance was placed on the pre-war method of stimulating supplies to meet government requirements by means of high prices. the slogan ‘ business as usual,’’ which began as a useful injunction to people to keep their heads, exercised later a harmful influence in retarding the necessary transformation of industry and its subjection to an organised control without which the war could not have been won. the chief factors which finally overcame the resistance, not only of the business community, but also of the government itself, to any drastic interference with industry were: (1) the rise in prices, which threatened to increase the cost of the war to an intolerable extent; (2) the competition of the civilian demand with vital requirements for war purposes; (3) the attitude of labour—the necessary corollary to “business as usual” is “‘strikes as usual’’; (4) above all, the need for econo- mising tonnage after the inception of the unlimited submarine campaign in feb. 1917. fixing of prices —unlike germany, which began with the control of raw materials and was later driven to a (very inade- quate) control of manufacturing processes, in great britain control started with the fixing of the prices of finished products and was then extended inevitably through each stage of pro- duction until it reached the raw material. cost accountancy played an exceedingly important part in the british system of control. for each process of manufacture conversion costs were established, based on careful investigation, which allowed a reasonable profit to the normal firm. the restriction of profits on government contracts increased the attractiveness of the civilian trade in which prices were not regulated, and, besides prejudicing military supplies, gave rise to great inequalities in the treatment of different firms. this led to powers being given under the defence of the realm acts to the government to re- quisition the output of any firm—which in turn immediately brought to the front the question of raw material prices. it was realised that a stable basis must be obtained on which to build up the series of conversion costs. tence the government was forced to purchase or control the supplies of the principal raw materials of industry so as to be able to allocate them to manu- facturers at fixed prices. one of the greatest of these operations was the government purchase in 1916 and following years of the 466 whole of the british and australasian wool clips (see woot). by the end of the world war over 90% of the total imports into great britain were brought under the control of the war office, the ministry of food, the ministry of munitions, the board of trade and the admiralty. in the munition industries the price of iron and steel was fixed in 1916, and the continual increases in the costs of production due to rising wages were met by subsidies to the producers. no private business was allowed to use any of the necessary raw materials without a certificate or licence from the ministry of munitions. the engineering industry was reorganised on a very comprehensive scale, and government factories were set up in great numbers. the experience obtained in these factories as to exact costs of production was very valuable in enabling prices of contracts given to the great armament and other outside firms to be reduced during the course of the war in spite of increases in wages. the labour problem, which was especially great in the engineering industries, was met, on the one hand by the suspen- sion (for the duration of the war) of trade-union restrictions on women’s labour, output, etc., and by a great restriction of the right to strike; and on the other hand, by the power given to the government to declare any establishment to be a “ controlled establishment ’’ under the munitions of war acts, and as such liable to have its whole output requisitioned at prices fixed by the government, and to pay to the treasury 80% of its “ war profits ” (sce munitions of war). in the face of great difficulties the system of price fixing based on costings was successfully applied to agriculture, and advantage was taken of the control of prices to stimulate in particular the direct human foodstuffs—wheat and milk— and to make their production relatively more profitable than meat and butter. thus the mistakes made, especially in germany and austria, of fixing maximum prices which on the one hand tended to dis- courage agriculture and production, and on the other led to the over-stimulation of meat and animal fats, were avoided. decentralisation.—an essential feature of the british system of war-time control was decentralisation and the greatest possible measure of local autonomy. in some cases, branches of the departments themselves were decentralised, e.g., the depart- ment of wool textile production had its headquarters in brad- ford, and in the munitions and most other industries important local offices were set up in different parts of the country. where- ever possible the existing organisation of each trade was utilised and drawn into the scheme of control. while broad lines of policy were laid down by officials of the civil service (not necessa- rily permanent officials), their detailed application and local operation in each trade were largely left to representative bodies of the trade, working in co-operation with the departments con- cerned. in two important industries autonomous bodies were set up with executive powers. the board of control of the woollen industry, sitting in bradford, was composed in equal proportions of representatives of the war department, the industrial and commercial interests, and labour, and to this body, on which the departmental representatives were ina minority, was transferred complete control over the whole civilian side of the industry (within the limits of the wool allocated by the military supply department for civilian consumption) together with other im- portant functions. in the cotton industry, the cotton control board sitting in manchester was constituted the legislative organ for regulating the industry. this board also was composed of industrial and labour representatives with two nominees of the board of trade. very great importance was also attached to the establishment in the different branches of each trade of advisory committees of business men who gave their services voluntarily and did much valuable work in the practical operation of schemes of control. in the ministry of food an agricultural council representing producers and a consumers’ council were sct up, to which orders were submitted before they were issued, thus ensuring the willing co-operation of all concerned. all industry under conirel.—until feb. 1917, in many in- dustries, government control was still somewhat perfunctory, infantry but from then onwards the increasing intensity of the war and the submarine blockade led to a great tightening up of the whole system. the great decrease of tonnage, together with the inter- allied pooling of supplies, imposed a tremendous pressure on british industry which could only be met by concentrating the whole resources of the countrv on essential services, and on those alone (see control, inter-allied). the government made use of its control over raw materials to interfere drastically with the course of trade, and above all to restrict the freedom of in- dustry working for civilian consumption. this it accomplished partly by rationing the supply of raw materials to non-military producers, or (in the case of food) to the home consumer, and partly by its man-power policy. in some industries, e.g., boots, clothing, the state secured the adoption of schemes for the pro- duction of standardised articles, the profit at each stage of pro- duction and sale being limited on the same lines as military supplies. the popular discontent over the excessively high prices for such products was thus in some measure alleviated. by the end of the war, virtually no important branch of industry had been left without some form of regulation or con- trol. the system of government control in england, which for comprehensiveness and efficiency of operation was unequalled in any other belligerent country, would have had even more fa- vourable results if it had been possible to apply it earlier in the war, and if it had been supported by a system of war finance which avoided inflation, with all its evil consequences. (cw gs") brptrocrapuy.—a. c. pigou, the political economy of war (london, 1921); j. a. salter, allied shipping control (oxford, 1921); if. ld. henderson, the cotton control board (london, 1922); k. m. if. lloyd, expertments in state control: at the war office and the ministry of food (london, 1924).