HORSE-RACING

during the world war horse- racing and the breeding of thoroughbreds were beset with un- precedented difficulties. the latter was quietly carried on in spite of the scarcity of forage. as for the former some owners of racchorses went out of business altogether, but many carried on with the restricted racing permitted by the government. racing before the war in roto the colts that gained classic distinction were neil gow (two thousand guineas), lemberg (the derby) and swynford (st. leger). when both colts were really well there was little or nothing between lord roseberry’s neil gow, a son of marco, and mr. a. w. cox’s lemberg by cyllene. though lemberg was beaten by a few inches by neil gow for the guin- eas, revenge came in the derby. lemberg won; neil gow, who had developed curb trouble a day or two before the race, was unplaced. yet, when neil gow was right again, the pair ran a memorable race for the eclipse stakes and a dead heat resulted. swynford came on the scene rather late in the season. lord derby’s big colt, a son of john o’gaunt, matured late, and was never heard of until he won the liverpool summer cup under a low weight. there was a big gap to be bridged between that achievement and the winning of the st. leger, but swynford was a colt right out of the ordinary. he devel- oped with amazing sureness and rapidity, and, ridden by trank wootton, then a boy jockey of rare skill and understanding, he won; though maher, who had the mount on lemberg, was much blamed at the time for riding with poor judgment, which, it was alleged, robbed the derby winner of the honours. lemberg was cyllene’s third derby winner. his fourth, tagalie, came only two seasons later. the two earlier ones had been cicero (1905) and minoru (1909). both lemberg and swynford were destined to achieve fame at the stud. it is in- teresting to recall that in 1910 the highest priced yearling among the sledmcre lot made only 1,900 guineas. in 1920 lord glanely gave 14,500 guineas for blue ensign from the same stud. in 1911 the derby winner, sunstar, bred and owned by mr. j. b. jocl, was above the average. this brown son of sundridge and doris won both the two thousand guineas and the derby in addition to the newmarket stakes. he could not be trained again through breaking down in the derby, which he won by three lengths. this explains his absence from the field for the st. leger, which that year was won by prince palatine, a bay son of persimmon. there was nothing in sunstar’s two-year-old career to suggest such distinguished classic honours, though he was a smart colt. his dam, doris, was an insignificant little mare by loved one that could win only a paltry selling race. horse-racing mated with sundridge, who was no more than a brilliant sprinter when in training, doris produced the high class sunstar, whose real worth was disclosed when he came through a great trial in private for the two thousand guineas. he proved to be an astonishing foal getter, and included in his progeny were some of the highest class horses of their day, e.g., buchan (twice the winner of the eclipse stakes), craig an eran (winner of the two thousand guineas in 1921), galloper light (winner of the grand prix), sunny jane (winner of the new oaks), somme kiss, blink, skyrocket and zambo. it was the owner of sunstar, who, in the following year, gave £40,000 for prince palatine after that horse had won the ascot gold cup in addition to taking st. leger honours in roti. prince palatine was bought primarily for stud purposes, but he was not a suc- cess, and after a few seasons was sold to france, and later, was jocated in america. the year 1912 was not a good year for three-year-olds. there was no outstanding horse unless it was tracery, who was late in maturing, and on that account was onlv “ half”? a horse when on the occasion of his debut, he was able to run third for the derby to the grey filly tagalie and jaeger. it said something for the poverty of the colts when sweeper ii., owned by mr. duryea, who bred the colt in france from american parents, won the two thousand guineas. sweeper ii. was trained in great britain and ridden by maher. it was believed that he could win the derby, but he proved to be sadly deficient in stamina. it was in the one thousand guineas, the classic race for fillies, that tagalie forced herself on public notice. the rather mean-looking daughter of cyllene could stay, as well as go fast, and the combination of virtues enabled her to win the derby. greys were sufficiently rare on our racecourses at that time to attract special notice. then she was a filly, and though signorinetta had won the derby as well as the oaks only four years before, the instances of fillies winning the derby were still very few indeed. when tracery won the st. leger he was a different horse. instead of being jacking in strength and development gencrally he was now “made up,” though still leaving further scope for improvement as a four-year-old. he won the st. leger by five iengths and among his victims far down the course was the grey derby winner. tracery was destined to become noted as a sire. he did well in great britain and was sold to the argentine breeder, sehor unzue, for the unprecedented sum of £53,000. he left behind him a derby winner in papyrus (1923), and sub- sequent to that event he was repatriated for a big sum, but did not live for more than one covering season. the derby of 1913 was a drama of thrills. there was the hot favourite, craganour, belonging to mr. bower ismay, who had paid between 3,000 and 4,000 guineas for the son of desmond and veneration ii. as a yearling. craganour was a high class two- year-old, and grew into a medium-sized colt, of a light bay colour. onlookers said he won the two thousand guineas; the judge said he did not beat mr. walter raphael’s louvois, who had a clear margin to spare. craganour made no mistake about winning the newmarket stakes, and came to epsom an outstanding favourite for the derby. he was ridden by the american, reiff, who for some years had been riding in france. the unknown aboyeur, in the colours of mr. a. p. cunliffe, led the favourite into the straight. they raced close together, and just as the favourite had appeared to get the better of a somewhat rough argument the outsider left the rails and bored and probably bumped craganour. they passed the winning post with craganour’s head in front. the stewards held an inquiry, the outcome of which was that they disqualified craganour and awarded the race to aboyeur. craganour within afew days was sold by his owner for £30,c00 to mr. martinez de hoz for stud purposes in the argentine, where he proved to bea valuable stallion. mention may be made of the st.leger success of night hawk, an unconsidered outsider, bred and owned by colonel hall walker, afterwards lord wavertree. this again was a non-vintage year. the tetrarch.—in 1913 a horse appeared that was destined 365 to make remarkable history, both on the racecourse and at the stud, that wonder, the tetrarch, the weirdly marked grey with big irregular white splotches, something after the manner of the nursery rocking horse. he was a well developed colt by roi herode, a french-bred stallion that had been located at the straffan station stud in ireland, and, mated with vahren, pro- duced the tetrarch, who as a yearling found his wav into the sale ting and at 1,300 guineas passed into the possession of major dermot mccalmont. he ran seven times as a two-vear-old and was never beaten. he was a prodigy, and it is a pity that through injuring a leg while galloping, he could not be trained as a three-vear-old. as a sire he became an immediate success. his progeny showed themselves to be possessed of remarkable speed, and the outcome was that there was immense competition for his stock in the sale rings, while breeders keenly sought his services for their mares. he did not sire a derby winner, but he is represented in the records by no fewer than three winners of the st. leger in caligula (1920), polemarch (1921) and sal- mon trout (1924). the classic winners of 1914 were kennymore (two thousand guineas), princess dorrie (one thousand guineas and oaks), durbar ii. (derby) and black jester (st. leger). thev did not possess much distinction; in fact the derby winner, who be- longed to mr. duryea and was brought from france, was probably the worst derby winner of the century. princess dorrie was a daughter of the st. leger winner black jester (who went to the argentine), but though such a fine stake win- ner, she did little of note as a matron at the stud. black jester was a son of polymelus, one of the greatest sires of the period under review, for in several years he headed the list of winning sires. black jester only «did fairly well at the stud, though he had many moderate winners to score for him. racing during the \wwar.—it was not long before the effects of the war on racing were noted. agitation against racing of any kind so far influenced the government that representations were made by the cabinet to the jockey club, the outcome of which was the cancellation, in 1915, of horse racing at all places except newmarket. this took effect on the eve of what should have been the derby meeting at epsom. thereafter for that year racing was restricted to newmarket, and so that those concerned should not be hit too hard the jockey club instituted a series of extra meetings. it was at one of these that special races took place for the three-year-old colts and fillies, an arrangement lasting till 1918. there was a new derby and a new oaks. it is extraordinary that while rock sand in 1903 was the last horse to win the triple crown, the two thousand guineas, derby and st. leger, yet three horses in four years were each capable of winning the two thousand guineas and the sub- stitute races for the derby and st. leger known as the new derby and the september stakes. the explanation does not wholly lie in the fact that pommern (1915), gay crusader (1917) and gainsborough (1918) were above the average of derby winners. in peace times horses must visit epsom and doncaster in search of classic honours as well as newmarket. the mere variation of ground and the possibility of flukes, such as the splendid fairness of newmarket must reduce to a minimum, have doubtless been contributing to the strange fact that rock sand in 1903 was the last horse to win all three classic races. pommern, who was by polymelus from merry agnes, was bred by his owner, mr. s. b. joel, and from the manner of winning his races was a worthy holder of the highest honours on the turf. not improbably the best three-year-old of 1916 was hurry on, an unusually big and powerful chestnut colt by marcovil from tout de suite, bought for less than 1,000 guineas by lord woolavington as a yearling and never beaten during his three-year-old season. it was the only year of racing he had, and before it was over he hax disposed of all brought against him, including clarissimus, who had won the two thousand guineas for lord falmouth. fifinella, a filly by polymelus from silver fowl, bred and owned by sir edward hulton, was unquestion- ably the classic heroine of the year, for in the same week she won 266 both the new derby and the new oaks. she was no doubt a brilliant filly. it is a pity that such a horse as gay crusader, by bayardo from gay laura, should not have lived in times when he could have been tested at epsom and doncaster. all we know is that he was an exceptional colt as a three-year-old, carrying all before him and causing his great trainer, alec taylor, to regard him as the best horse he has ever trained, not excepting bayardo himself. gay crusader was the first foal of his dam, and was a light ileshed horse with plenty of size and simply perfect action. he was equally brilliant, according to his trainer, at five furlongs or two miles, and it was a great regret to him that he could not train him as a four-year-old. from the same stable came gainsborough to win the guineas and the two substituted classics at newmarket in 1918. he was a son of bayardo from rosedrop, who ranks as the winner of the oaks in 1910. he was of a different type and possessed of more substance. both he and gay crusader, have made their mark as sires, and gainsborough has the distinction of siring solario, the st. leger winner of 1925. racine after the war after the war racing at once entered upon a period of great prosperity. attendances increased by many thousands at all racecourses, and the prices of bloodstock soared to astonish- ing heights. it was in rorg after winning the derby with grand parade, a son of orby, and a number of big races at ascot, that lord gianely spent money lavishly on young bloodstock. when he gave 11,500 guineas for a yearling by swynford from blue tit, bred at sledmere, he established a new record for a yearling, hitherto held by sceptre, who had cost 10,000 guin- eas. in 1920 lord glanely gave 14,500 guineas for a yearling by the tetrarch from blue tit. prices remained high to the end of 1925, which was associated with the wonderful dispersal sale of sir edward hulton’s bloodstock. among classic winners grand parade was rather less than the average height of racehorses, and this has been true of more than one other derby winner since the war, e.g., papyrus and manna, while humorist was not by any means a big horse. on the other hand captain cuttle (1922) and spion kop (1920) were un- doubtedly big horses, especially captain cuttle, who was a son of iurry on. grand parade was just an average derby winner, neither more nor less. spion kop was a son of spearmint, who won the derby as far back as 1906. with his four white legs spion kop, who belonged to major giles loder, was a con- spicuous horse. he certainly won in fine style, though, like sansovino, the hero in 1924 in lord derby’s colours, he was not destined to do much afterwards. this has been a feature of the post-war derby winners. grand parade went to ascot, where he had great difficulty in beating a single opponent. he went forthwith to the stud. spion kop was kept in training until he was four years old, but he was a disappointment. then came the ill-fated humorist in 1921. donoghue, who rode captain cuttle, papyrus and manna to victory, in addition to pommern and gay crusader, rode one of his most brilliant races on him, and within a month the horse died. he was found in his box dead from internal haemorrhage. llumorist had been sired by polymelus, and was the foal of jest, a de- lightful little mare that had won both the one thousand guineas and the oaks for her owner and breeder, mr. j. b. joel. captain cuttle by a very easy victory stamped himself as a high-class colt, but he did not stand much further training, though he won afterwards. papyrus, as a yearling, cost mr. ben irish, a farmer, who had won an ascot gold cup with periosteum, 3,300 guineas. ile was a derby winner well up to the average, a medium-sized dark brown son of tracery, with marked quality and a beautiful temperament. after finishing second to lord derby’s filly, tranquil, for the st. leger, he was sent to new york to run a match against america’s champion, zev. with only a month in that country, on strange going, and after a trip across the atlantic, the derby winner had little or no chance, and he was beaten. papyrus was unlucky horse-racing as a four-year-old, for when giving away much weight he was second for the eclipse stakes and for the jockey club stakes. at least he did train on better than the others. sansovino won the derby in heavy going in 1924, and when the weather was about as bad as it could be. he was twice asked to race at ascot, and though he won the first time he seemed to go all to pieces afterwards. ife won once as a four-year-old and then went to the stud, alter breaking down during the race for the jockey club cup. the three-year-olds of 1925 were above the average. manna, a charming colt by phalaris that cost 6,000 odd guineas as a yearling, won both the two thousand guineas and the derby for mr. h. e. morriss. he broke down at the start of the st. leger won by solario, and that was the last of him on a racecourse. it is true, therefore, that the post- war classic winners have not trained on as they should have dane. the last derby winner to win an ascot gold cup was persimmon, and that was in 1897. in 1926 the derby was won by coronach owned by lord woolavington. the bloopstock market it was after the war that the aga khan took up ownership and then breeding in great britain on a large scale. his in- vestments, chieily in yearlings, for two or three years must have run well into six fgures, and he had many horses in training and one of the finest studs in ireland. he won the two thousand guineas (diophon) and the st. leger (salmon trout). he was second for the derby to manna with zionist, a colt that was good enough to win the irish derby. with mumtaz mahal, a daughter of the tetrarch, for which he paid 9,700 guineas as a yearling, he had a remarkably fast two-year-old. by his enter- prises he had much to do with the flourishing state of the blood- stock market. at doncaster in 1925 sir victor sassoon gave 12,000 guineas for a yearling filly by tetratema from confey, and the aga khan paid 10,500 guineas fora filly by gay crusader from tete-di-tete, both being greys. at sir fdward hulton’s wonderful sale a total of 288,380 guineas was realised. the highest price was 17,000 guincas paid on behalf of an american buyer for the oaks winner, straitlace, a daughter of son-in-law. other mares made respectively 12,000 and 12,500 guineas, a two-year-old filly, silvretta, 13,000, and a two-year-old colt, legatee, that had never seen a racecourse, 9,100 guineas. in 1926 racing in england was flourishing, with apparently more wealthy owners than ever, even though the old race of patrician owners would appear to have died out. the breeding industry is in a healthy state, with all the countries of the world coming to great britain for replenishment. the story of racing and breeding in england during the period under review would not be complete without some reference to the demonstration made in england by french-bred horses, and to the steadily ascending values of the high-class british thoroughbred in what is unquestionably a world-wide market. the latter may be said to embrace every country in the world in which racing takes place, and which must periodically come to england for the replenishment of its studs and stables. in particular, reference is made to north and south america. first, however, as to the successes of the french horses in england, even though lor the most part the blood of well- known strains emanating from england can be found in their pedigrees. racing in foreign countries france.—yrance, even more than england, neglected racing and breeding during the war. the result was that for about three years after the war, matters were at a low ebb in france. several successful raids were made on the grand prix de paris when it came to be re-established. this race is open to all, un- like the french classic races, which are strictly confined to horses bred in france, whereas the english classic races are open to the world. the first english post-war grand prix winner was mr. anthony de rothschild’s galloper light, a son of sunstar, and undoubtedly a high-class horse. next came the undistinguished- looking black horse, comrade, owned by m. de st. alary, but horse-racing bred in ireland and trained in england. his was a most romantic case if only for the reason that he was actually bought for only 25 guineas in the sale ring as a yearling by mr. p. p. gilpin, who trained him. such a low-priced horse was not entered in the english classic races, but luckily he was put in the grand prix to triumph in it. then a third year did england triumph in france’s big race at longchamps. the hero this time was lem- onora, a chestnut son of lemberg, that had been purchased as a yearling for several thousand guineas on behalf of lord manton. lemonora won the newmarket stakes and was placed third in the derby won by humorist. two or three weeks later he was in france, and there won the grand prix. the position was destined to alter most abruptly. england had not won the grand prix since up to 1925, perhaps because no first-class horse has endeavoured to do so. on the other hand the french have failed in england’s classic races, but they achieved a signal success in 1924 when their fine stayers, massine and filbert de savoie (the latter a grand prix winner), finished first and second respectively for the ascot gold cup. in the same year the fastest horse in france up to a mile, epinard, came over to win the stewards cup of six furlongs at goodwood. this the brilliant horse did under a big weight for a three-year- old. later in the year he was beaten only by a neck for the cambridgeshire when his weight was the very big one for a three-year-old of 9 stone 2 pounds. it was in 1924, too, that sir galahad iii., a french classic winner, was exploited at lincoln and won the lincolnshire handicap. a year later another french classic winner in tapin was similarly successful in the same race, but history will always tell that the most notable achievement of horses sent from trance was when forseti won the cesarewitch and masked marvel the cambridgeshire of 1925. both these horses were owned by the same man, mr. a. k. macomber, who for some years past has maintained elaborate breeding and racing establishments in trance. argentina.—argentine breeders, as has been already stated, purchased tracery for £53,000 and craganour for {30,000. they have bought frecly since, but the really big business since the war has been with the united states, in which country there has been rapid development of breeding and racing. the boom was doubtless encouraged by the visits of the english derby winner papyrus, and of eninard, but their breeders have not been afraid to pay large sums for some notable horses. high-class sires that have gone there include stefan the great (by the tetrarch), royal canopy (by roi herode), bright knight (by gay crusader) and st. germans (by swynford). it is said that £20,000 was paid for st. germans. the others also cost sums runni z well into five figures. high-priced year- lings and mares have found their way there, including straitlace, as stated, for 17,000 guineas, and sunny jane, a new oaks winner in england during the war. india.—india has not bought so freely since the war as just before, but the reason is economic and is not concerned with any falling off in appreciation. she has simply been outbid by other countries. south africa, australia, egypt and the far east are regular customers. to germany went caligula, a winner of the st. leger since the war. austria and hungary are countries that are rapidly regaining ground, their breeders having pur- chased for large sums the sires light hand, by sunstar (de- clared by lord astor to be the best colt he has ever bred) and tamar, by tracery, second in the derby and also bred by lord astor. italy is well in the market, while france is at all times a buyer. these facts explain why the value of the british thor- oughbred in a gencral sense has never been so high in history as since the war. moreover, this is true after making due allowance for the depreciation in money values and the fluctuations in the exchanges. bibliography.—l. r. saint ruth, judex’s analysts of racing results (1921); s. donoghue, just my story (1923); famous iforses of the british turf, an annual illustrated review (1924, etc.); tom brown, jr., derbies past and present (1925); w. day, the racehorse in training (1925); a. scott, turf memories of sixty years (1925). see also ruff’s guide ito the turf. (as. go 367 racing in the united states united states-—there is the greatest possible difference be- tween the surroundings of racing in europe and in the united states. “ time” is the great factor in the states, instead of varying weights, in determining the speed and endurance of a horse, and training methods are totally distinct. there is no one representative body governing racing, but the states of new york, maryland, illinois and kentucky have each its own body, so that punishments and penalties are limited to the individual area; this is not good for the sport. jockeys, after passing their apprenticeship, are totally beyond control, except when ricing; and, owing to a foolish emasculation of the scale of weights, most of the good riders of the united states are obliged to mi- grate to europe almost as soon as they become really competent. the card of any day—exclusive of fixed weight stake events— will average 20 lb. below the scale for each horse started, irre- spective of age or distance. until the jockey passes from his apprenticeship and is eligible to a contract to ride, good care is taken of him. in a number of associations or jockey clubs there are churches, nightschools, gymnasiums and hospitals; for the horses there are ambulances to remove injured animals from the course, and hospitals. as for racing proper, the westchester racing assn., near the city of new york, is probably the most beautiful and the most per- fectly equipped course in the world. its grandstand covers and scats 30,000, and its lawns and tree-studded, flower-bedded pad- docks cover several acres. the famous ‘f ten thousand pounder ” races of europe were balanced in u.s. racing, in 1925, by the £11,700 futurity, the {11,500 coffroth derby, the {10,700 pimlico futurity, the {10,600 preakness, the £10,600 kentucky derby, with a great probability of the belmont and the hopeful stakes far exceeding these figures in 1926. all of these amounts have been built since the crucial year of 1911, when charles s. hughes (ater secretary of statc) was governor of the state of new york and was responsible for the passage into law of the agnew-hart bill, and for the drastic enforcement which caused the arrest of more than 300 well-known people only to have them discharged later for lack of evidence, and which frightened the six important associations in the state into ceasing racing for two years and caused the exportation of animals of the best blood in the coun- try to the value of about £400,000. racing would probably have been killed utterly in the state but for the courageous amateur sportsmen of the united hunts racing assn., who laughed the law to scorn, declined to be intimidated, asked for arrest and went on racing. two years later the important associations found courage to open their gates, and, by the underwriting of expenses by certain prominent lovers of the sport, racing was resumed at a minimum scale, and under the same, unamended law which closed the courses has prospered like the proverbial green bav tree. in 1925 17 states accounted for 1,656 days of sport with 11,579 races decided; the stakes alone represented a value of £460,000 as against £132,700 in 1910; and the yearling sales in 1925 had a total value of £373,360, with an average of #640, as against the rgro record of a gross value of £36,000 and an average of £65. in 1925 a new record price for a yearling was reached, this being the £10,000 paid for the colt by man o'war, out of tuscan red by william rufus. during 1925 £2,515,450 was distributed in stakes and purses, as against £600,000 in ig10. as to the really great horses appearing since 1910, personal opinions vary widely, all depending on the quality of competi- tion met. the interesting high-lights on the question are that luke mcluke proved that the famous domino strain could go a distance if properly prepared; hourless, by negofol, was a great performer in 1917; and in 1920 came man o'war (whose one scandalous defeat must not be reckoned against him). he de- feated every rival, and this son of fair play out of mahuba, by rock sand, proved a remarkable sire, for all of his dozen or so progeny have won good races. regarding the visits of foreign horses, papyrus never had a chance, as he was shod for a fast course and raced in mud, but his conqueror, zev, has been 368 useless since the contest. epinard, the french horse, was unlucky, and should have won at least one of his three races. neither race proved anything or threw any light upon the excellences of u.s. horses bred mainly from english blood, as against the brit- ish home-bred product. (wes ps) horthy de nagybanya, nicholas (1868- __), hungarian admiral and regent, was born june 18 1868 at kendleres, in the family mansion in the county of szolnok (eastern hungary). his family belonged to the landed gentry, and from 1635 ranked amongst the nobility. after studying at the naval academy at fiume he entered the navy of the dual monarchy. after con- siderable sea service he was appointed a.d.c. to the emperor francis joseph, and served in the naval department of the war ministry in vienna. at the outbreak of the world war he was appointed to command the cruiser “‘ novara.” after italy joined the allies horthy distinguished himself in the naval raids on porto corsini and san giovanni di medua, and particularly at otranto, where on may 14 1917, with the cruisers ‘‘ novara,” ‘ saida ” and “ helgoland,” he broke through the ship cerdon blockading the straits of otranto. horthvy, although severelv wounded, remained on deck and continued the fight until he succeeded in returning safely with his ships to his home port, despite the enemy's heavy fire. tle was awarded the military cross of maria theresa. near the end of the war horthy was appointed commander-in-chief of the austro-hungarian flect. after the collapse of the monarchy and when revolution broke out in hungary admiral horthy returned to the home of his ancestors and began to organise the counter-revolutionary forces in southeastern hungary. thanks to his popularity as a war hero, admiral horthy added considerably to the influence of the informal counter-revolutionary government of count julius karolyi, which in hungarian territory occupied by french troops endeavoured to form a nucleus for all partisans of law and order. when it became obvious that the fall of bolshevism was imminent, the second “ szeged government ” appointed horthy to be commander-in-chief of the national army, which, after the flight of the people’s commissioners (aug. 1919), entered transdanubta and succeeded in restoring order in territories where law and discipline had been upset by the red terror of bela kun. when the rumanians finally withdrew their troops from the centre of hungary the new national army, with horthy at its head, entered budapest on nov. 16 1919 amidst the cheers of the population. | the restoration of order was no light job, and it was done with no light hand by a sailor who regarded the spirit of discipline in his ship as more important than the praise of kings or the blame of politicians. horthy has been frequently attacked for failing to restrain retaliatory outrages of those who suffered under the red terror, and who themselves created what has generally been termed the white terror. it must be remembered, how- ever, that all the normal forces for maintaining order had pre- viously been dispersed, and that without such forces it was practically impossible to control what was a natural reaction, however regrettable. when in feb. 1920 the national assembly of hungary was elected, admiral horthy, still commander-in- chief of the army, was practically the only possible candidate for the regency. consequently he was elected to this office on march 1 1920. as regent or governor, as the office is variably termed, ad- miral horthy had the bitter duty of ratifying the treaty of trianon, which his second government, that of count paul teleki, carried through in nov. 1920. the gravest responsibili- ties, however, which the regent was called upon to meet were the two attempts of the late king charles to regain the throne of hungary. the regent of hungary was then in a desperate conflict between an allegiance sworn as admiral and privy coun- cillor to his king and the oath taken as regent to the hungarian national assembly. first, in april 1921, he refused to obey the summons to hand over the government to king charles when the latter came to hungary unarmed. on that occasion the hungarian govt. succeeded by peaceful means in getting the king to leave the country... at his second venture, in oct. horthy de nagy banya—hospitals 1921, king charles came with troops against the capital. the regent and count bethlen’s government had no alternative but to fight him, as the allied powers and the states surrounding hungary were definitely opposed to the restoration of a habsburg monarchy. it was a poignant task for the regent to disarm and hand over to the former enemy powers the anointed bearer of st. stephen’s crown. as the disturbances inevitable after revolution, bolshe- vism and monarchical ‘ putsches ” died down, and the life of the country became more normal, the personality and actions of the regent ceased to have such critical importance. repre- sentative government, exercised through the national assembly, resumed its ordinary sway, and admiral horthy performed his duties with constitutional correctness, supporting the efforts of count bethlen’s government towards the economic recon- struction of the country. he had to lead his country through difficulties which few men in history have had to face, and it is small wonder that in doing it he had to take drastic measures and has made many enemies. it is doubtful, however, if hun- gary could have found a regent more energetic in times of peril or equally constitutional in times of peace. horthy may be described as a typical sailor, frank and simple and direct in manner, with no suspicion of diplomacy, and devoted to sport, but in official life a strict observer of the ceremonies which ap- pertain to the head of a state that is still a monarchy. (w. go.*) hospitals (sce 13.791) (1912-25).—at the beginning of the period under review two special points should be noted in con- nection with the general development of hospitals :— 1. the development of operating and clinical methods led to an increasing specialisation in the departments of general medicine and surgery in hospitals. 2. from the architectural point of view, simplicity and com- fort were being increasingly sought, and buildings and hospital premises were being to an increasing extent adapted to the necessities of sanitation and hygiene. general features.——-attempts to create large hospitals outside urban centres and in favourable climatic conditions have been to a large extent successful. in the case of old hospitals, where it was difficult to make rapid changes, the various services have been installed in special buildings and annexes, divided one from another, each dealing with a special subject, e.g., surgery, clinical work, ophthalmic work, otolaryngology, children’s diseases, gynaecology, epidemics, etc. whereas in anglo-saxon hospitals the principle of placing hospitals under independent manage- ment maintained by voluntary aid has been adhered to, in continental countries there has been : increasing tendency to centralise hospitals by placing them i 1der municipal, local or national authority. the former methou tends to encourage individual initiative and the desire to make each hospital as perfect as possible. the latter allows of the most practical and economical cistribution of the various services between the departments concerned. statistics.—hospitals were more frequented in 1912 than in previous years. this fact must be attributed not to the increase in the tendency to disease, but to the addition of a large number of buildings and wards which allowed of a larger number of patients being received. the dissemination of the principles of hygiene has familiarised the public with medical methods and has caused a marked increase in the number of patients under treatment. various statistics show the movements of patients in hospitals during the years preceding the war. in rg13, 106 hospitals in london (general hospitals, children’s clinics, gynaecological hospitals, anti-tubercular hospitals, etc.), with 9,171 beds, dealt with 134,749 patients, and were attended by 1,329,507 persons. in 1912, the paris department of public relief (?admtnis- tration generale de vassistance publique) admitted to its general hospitals (andral, beaujon, boucicaut, broussais, charite, cochin, hetel-dieu, laennec, lariboisiere, necker, pitie st. antoine, st. louis and tenon) 147,828 patients, and 46,601 patients to the special hospitals (st. louis, maternite, broca, hospitals etc.). germany, in 1912, had 0,054 hospitals with 535,579 beds. this figure includes general hospitals, military and naval hospitals, lunatic asylums, sanatoria, maternity homes, special clinics, children’s hospitals, homes for the blind, etc. in 1912, the medical institutes of vienna dealt in all with 82,939 patients. in the united states there was a noticeable increase in the number of hospitals and clinics, and there was a considerable development of the specialisation of medical and surgical de- partments. war conditions—the world war of f914 compelled hospitals to adapt themselves rapidly to new requirements, e.g., assistance for the wounded, ambulance work, mobile hospitals in the army zones, medical staff, additional nurses, etc. existing hospitals were transformed to mect the new requirements. in addition, a large number of extra establishments were improvised. military and naval hospitals are directly dependent on the military medical service and are divided as follows:— (a) permanent military hospitals, already existing in time of peace, as specially adapted for the reception of sick and wounded sol- liers; (6) civil hospitals were placed, together with their staff, under the direction of the military authoritics;: ; (c) ilospitals were installed in public or private buildings, such as hotels, schools, private houses, etc., to receive and deal with the flow of wounded from the front; (d) hospitals in the zone of military operations were carried on in permanent premises or under canvas, even underground, nursing posts and relief posts dealing with first aid to the wounded before their evacuation to the rear. (e) as described in the article medical service (army), ambu- lances of every type were employed. acroplanes, trains, barges and liners, specially converted and cquipped, were used for the transport of sick and wounded to base and home hospitals. (f} special hospitals for orthopaedic, for tuberculous, neurasthenic, paralysed and gassed cases were organised. electro-therapeutical, hydro-therapeutic, helio-therapcutic massage and special sections were also developed. (g) convalescent homes were sect up and many private mansions were used for this purpose. (i) temporary hospitals were erected to receive influenza patients, and malaria camps were organised. neutral countries.—in non-belligerent countries there was no very considerable change in the organisation of hospitals between 1914-9. by the force of circumstances, the con- struction of new buildings was slowed up, technical methods remained more or less stationary, and the nursing staff tended to diminish, in view of the large number of volunteers serving in the belligerent countries. in 1917-8, statistics of the move- ment of disease and mortality remained more or less equal to those of 1914. anti-epidemic hospitals were organised in large numbers in poland, russia, hungary, rumania and the baltic countries. quarantine stattons—quarantine stations, which before the war were limited to maritime ports, were, after the war, set up on the borders of poland, czechoslovakia, rumania, hungary and the baltic states, for the supervision of travellers arriving from countries contaminated by exanthematic typhus and re- lapsing fever. three model stations, set up by the international red cross committee at narwa in estonia, riga in latvia, and inie in finland, dealt with the reception, supervision and disinfection of thousands of prisoners arriving from russia on the convoys of repatriated prisoners between 1919-22. special hospitals —the italian red cross has been most active in districts affected by malaria, and with this end in view has organised the anti-malaria sanatorium of massalubrense, together with a number of motor ambulances. in georgia, the tropical institute of tiflis 1s engaged in centralising the work of the various clinics and hospital stations. in 1913 12,500 malaria patients were treated in the hospitals of tiflis. in oriental countries may be mentioned the leper hospitals (the indies and siam), hospitals for the treatment of snake-bites (siamese red cross at bangkok), and the anti-epidemic and summer hospitals of the chinese red cross at shanghai. ifospitals have been supplemented by dispensaries, preventive homes, consulting offices, convalescent homes and mountain sanatoria and seaside hospitals. venereal disease and derma- 369 tological hospitals have considerably developed. cancer hospitals have been improved and perfected, especially as re- gards radio-therapeutic services, anatomo-pathological laborato- ries and radio-therapeutical, photo-therapeutical and radio- logical work. developments.—in 1924, the number of hospitals in london was 118 (as against 106 in 1913), the number of beds 13,460 (as against 11,840 in 1913), the number of patients treated 177,300 (as against 145,600 in 1913) and the number of consultations 6,677,000 (as against 5,020,c00 in 1913). among the principal hospitals included in these general figures, st. thomas’s hospital alone received 10,139 in-patients and gave 488,600 consultations; st. bartholomew’s hospital received 8,648 in-patients and had 344,226 out-patients, the london hospital 17,331 in-patients and 553,965 out-patients, guy’s hospital 9,405 in-patients and 487,452 out-patients. in paris, the number of sick persons re- ceived was 238,912 in 1923, of whom 153,794 were in the general hospitals, 43,403 in the special hospitals, 29,320 in the children’s hospitals, 2,071 in the mental hospitals and 10,315 in various homes and asylums. bibliography.—a dresshuch der kranken-, pflege-, und wohlfahrts- anstalten deutschlands (leipzig, 1912); st. thomas's hospital re- ports (london, 1912-25); king edward's hospital fund for london, statistical reporis 1013-24 (1914-25); reports by the joint war committee of the british red cross society and the order of st. john of jerusalem (london, 1915); special number, united states naval medical bulletin, report on medical and surgical developments of the war (washington, 1919); croce rossa italiana, il sanatorio di cuasso al monte et la colonia permanente dt fara sabina (1920-2); administration generale de l'assistance publique @ paris, general reports, 1912-23 (1924); the voluntary hospitals in great britain (1924); repertoire des oeuvres et des services d’assistance d'hygiene et de solidarite, published under the direction of m. c. de gronkel (1925). (e. m.*) united states—during the period from 1912, and more par- ticularly from 1914 to 1925, the development of hospitals in the united states has been unprecedented. this devclopment may be considered under the heads of (a) the present trend of hos- pitals as a social factor, (2) the present day construction, (e) specific examples and (d) statistics of 1925 and the increase dur- ing the period in question. hospitals as a social factor—while there is a continued development and refinement of the care of the sick in the hospital to-day, the conception of the function of this institution has materially broadened, with a rapidly increasing tendency to regard it as a community health centre from which to radiate all health activities, particular emphasis being placed upon the development of out-patient departments (this as a means ol teaching and practising preventive medicine and thereby obviat- ing the necessity of the hospital bed), district nursing and social service. in the larger cities medical centres are being developed, in which case the foregoing community functions are associated with the instruction of student bodies in various branches, including medicine, nursing, public-health work, social service, and, in many instances, dentistry. the tendency to develop isolated speciality hospitals is being replaced by provisions for the specialities as departments of the general hospital or by the affiliation of already existing speciality hospitals with existing general hospitals. the different types of schools teaching health work, with the various hospitajs, form these medical centre groups, in which are included convalescent. homes as an integral or co-ordinated part. present-day consiruction—while in the earlier period hos- pital development in the united states was largely patterned after the developments in europe, the present trend of large institutions is toward the “‘ skyscraper hospital ”-—~as st. luke’s hospital annex, in chicago, with 19 storics; the jefferson hospital, in philadelphia, with 17 stories; and the new pres- bytcrian hospital of the medical centre of new york city, new under construction, with 22 stories. this tendency is extending even into the country districts where the value ol land is not a factor—the university hospital at ann arbor, mich., with its nine stories, being an example. 370 economy and effectiveness of administration is claimed by the promoters of the multi-story hospital movement. the newest developments lay emphasis upon small wards with a maximum of 10 or 12 beds, numerous single rooms for patients of all types, and elaborate facilitics for private patients. in this type of con- struction it is quite common to find the kitchen, laundry and all essential services provided for in a single building along with the housing for the patients. this type of construction and admin- istration, which is distinctly american, is not at this writing being followed in the united states to the entire exclusion of the methods commonly pursued in europe. specific exam ples.—a typical example of the hospital move- ment in the large american citics is to be found in the medical centre in the city of new york, in which the columbia univer- sity college of physicians and surgeons, presbyterian iospital, sloane hospital for women, vanderbilt clinic, the babies’ hos- pital, neurological institute, state psychiatric institute and hospital, presbyterian school of nursing and certain other schools and hospitals are reconstructing their institutions on a single plot of ground, having jointly undertaken all the branches of medical teaching, research and care of the sick, their simul- tancous constructional programmes involving $20,000,000. increase in recent years.—at the close of the year 1925 a com- plete census of all the hospital facilitics in the united states, however owned and controlled and for whatever type of patient, showed that there were 8,695 hospitals—a figure somewhat in excess of 50% of the number of institutions of this character in the world. these hospitals provided a total of 836,576 beds, of which 34,511 were bassinets. this compares with 5,037 hospitals, with 532,481 beds, in 1914. of the total number specified, 341,- 480 beds are devoted to the care of mental and nervous diseases. while the development of the large institutions has made unusual progress, yet the growth of the small institutions in the smaller communities seems to have a special significance and to be indicative of the popularisation of the hospital in the public mind. while in 1920 44° of the 3,027 counties in the united states had community hospitals, the record of 1925 shows an increase to 56%; 52% of all the hospitals in the united states being of 40 beds or less. the close of the period finds recorded r,117 new buildings planned, with $309,000,000 involved in a year’s construction; the total value of hospital properties being variously estimated bet ween $4,000,000,000 and $5,000,cc0,000. in the year 1925 the 56 privately owned hospitals of all types in new york city receiving partial support from the united hospital fund reported 12,022 hospital beds, 230,988 cases, and 3,456,111 days of hospital care—this being independent of the state and municipal hospitals in new york city. all types of hospitals in new york city, excepting those for the insane, pro- vided 32,167 beds, treated 510,859 patients and gave 8,813,721 -days of hospital care; treated 1,028,347 cases in out-patient departments and had a total of 3,595,261 out-patient department visits. brsliography.—reports by counsel on medical education and hospitals of american medical association; corwin, the hospital situation in greater new york; private archives and surveys of joint administrative board, new york; surveys of architectural forum, new york; reports of united hospital fund. (coc. bs houghton, alanson bigelow (:863- ), american diplomat, was born at cambridge, mass., oct. 10 1863. he was educated at harvard (b.a. 1886), subsequently studying at gettingen, berlin and paris. he associated himself with the corning glass works n. y., in 1889, becoming successively vice-president and president, and, in 10918, chairman of the board of directors. he was elected a member of congress in ro1g and re-elected in 1921, resigning in 1922 on his appoint- ment by president harding as u.s. ambassador to germany, a position which he held until r925, when he was appointed ambassador to great britain in succession to f. b. kellogg. houghton, william stanley (1881-1913), british play- wright, was burn at manchester feb. 1881, and educated at man- chester grammar school. he became a cotton broker, but employed his leisure in dramatic criticism for the manchester houghton, a. b.—hours of labour guardian and in the writing of plays. the dear departed (1910) was produced by miss horniman at the gaiety theatre, manches- ter,in 1908 and afterwards in london. with hindle wakes (1912) he leapt into fame. it hada long run in london and later in the same year lhe younger generation (written and played in man- chester in rg10, 2nd ed. 1913) was successfully produced at the haymarket theatre, london, with trust the people (1913) the following year at the garrick and the perfect cure (1912) at the apollo. his early death in manchester, dec. 10 1913, cut short a career of much promise. 7 hours of labour (sce laabour legislation, 16.7).—the position in regard to hours of labour reached in the years imme- diately following the armistice of 1918 was further consolidated during the succeeding years and in some directions a movement was made towards a further reduction of the daily and weekly working hours, in practice as wellas by legislation. the european economic crisis, however, particularly that occasioned by the fall of the german mark, the abnormal unemployment in great britain, in switzerland and later in germany reacted on the national and international position in regard to working hours and tended to check the movement towards gencral reduction. the weight of the reparations burden upon germany weakened the campaign of the trade unions there towards shorter hours, and germany’s rivals felt the inilucnce of the longer hours (‘“‘ mehrarbeit ’’) which were instituted, with the consent of the german trade unions, in certain branches of industry in 1924. many workers during this period showed themselves ready to undertake overtime work whenever possible, or even to work a “second eight ’—1in another factory or workshop at the con- clusion of their normal day’s labour. this latter case was made, on grounds of social policy, a statutory offence in some countries, and was frequently used as an argument in favour of the short working day. these phenomena contradict the experience of the pre-war period; they are explained in certain countries with depreciating currency by the failure of wages to keep pace with rises in the cost of living, in others by the prevalence of unem- ployment, which has given the employer a powerful weapon against the worker whose chance of obtaining new employment, once thrown out of work, is very slight. in either case the force of the temptation upon the worker to earn as much as possible is obvious, and the trade unions have sometimes (notably in france and italy) had to abandon their traditional opposition towards overtime, or even moderate their insistence upon increased rates of pay for overtime work. in germany the trade unions ceded for a time their demand for overtime pay in regard to the ‘‘ mehr- arbeit ” hours, whilst retaining it for any further hours. in great britain, the overtime rates were almost universally main- tained owing to the strength of organised labour. i. the general industrial standard standard day and week.—but these weakenings of the general movement were everywhere recognised as exceptional and as due to temporary factors. public opinion in general as reilected in the various icgislatures supported the trade unions in their re- sistance to any demand for extension of hours, and the “ stand- ard ” working day or working week has successfully maintained itself. in great britain collective agreements showed no tendency towards an extension of hours; successive parliamentary attacks on the belgian 8-hour act of 1919 were easily repulsed; in the netherlands, though the 45-hour week established by law be- came 48 hours for certain branches of industry and commerce (and thus was brought to the international normal) exceptions to the latter were permitted only temporarily and to meet special emergencies. the ceding of the “ mehrarbeit ” in germany, whereby the workers in certain industries agreed to work addi- tional hours, usually four to six per week, without demanding an increased rate of pay for these hours, was their contribution to- wards improving the situation brought about by the necessity of reparations payments. it led directly to a corresponding extension of hours in the neighbouring and competing heavy iron industry of polish silesia (declared by the government to be temporary and dependent on the german situation), and hospital f] raparr:. peayi: poaq- eth ae yaaa paaie plate internes’ station j. office and occupation- a ae rw nurses’ station al therapy k ‘= n treatment room k. cystoscopic room x- | — & nurses’ work room ray -— —« 7 serving pantry l. scrub-l’p if m 7 v. utility room m. control aa : mg tm ‘medical: center: new york:n +s 4-bed ward n. doctors’ locker and . —@ 4 clinical and research dressing room 4 k pn = - presbyterian - hospital _laborat« ry p. viewing room e- - visitors’ waiting room q. dark room om © ° pian of ninth -story floor:]- and lecture room r. internes’ laboratory = office z wow p| -squier -urologic:clinic - <ne et - elevators mt ss caer aoe doctors 4. visitors a patients 5. service students 6. to operating rooms ew at es — = . ; ; r2 . s i | es -e h as 5 7 plifiic fifo lg tr , ast women's service { | — b — 36 _ hg 7a "single rooms [: ward san tn fd a feed sel ee ma ia. 2 le 4 rom b i aioe p a a | 2 an —j a ga fuc,g 2 r.o2- 2,4 ra) a la} ws o=-§ us a= fa9 a . —-=— 4 — a i © = t , : ssolarium solarium & solarium 3 ? >t. a a» <2 at 2s fic. 1. sketch perspective:—typical example of american “skyscraper hospital.” fic. 2. floor plan of the same. caused difficulties, without however actually bringing about an extension of hours, in czechoslovakia. the ‘* mehrarbeit ” was only temporary: a statement of the german minister of labour in march 1926 showed that less than 500,000 industrial workers out of a total of 12,000,000 workers covered by collective agreements worked normally more than the 48-hour week. the position in poland was amended part pussw with the improve- ment in germany. from aug. 1925 the extensions permitted, which allowed in certain branches of industry a ro instead of an 8-hour day, were gradually withdrawn, and the situation at the end of 1925 was nearly normal. the “ 8 and 48” rule maintained itself as a ‘‘ standard,” and in some quarters was even helc to have the demerit of many stand- ards, since movement towards it may be from below 48 as well as from above it. the netherlands 45-hour week became in effect a 48-hour week; the polish 46 was in the same danger. a working week of less than 48 hours is not uncommon. rigid application of the 8-hour day in combination with the “ english week-end ” leads to a 44-hour week, which became the legal in- dustrial limit in new south wales and queensland from jan. 1926. west australia, however, rejected a bill to this effect. in great britain working hours (except in regard to women and children, mine-workers and employees in certain ‘ sweated ” trades) are not regulated by law, but by collective agreements. very many such agreements provide for a week shorter than 48 hours. in the metal trades, wood-working and furniture, and the engineering and shipbuilding it is 47; in building generally 44; in textiles, whilst most agreements provide for 48, the frequent practice is to work 45 or 46. a proposal by the engineering em- ployers in july 1925 to extend the working week from 47 to 50 in view of foreign competition met with no success, and a similar proposal made for the same reason to extend the miners’ working day from seven to eizht hours was not supported by the com- mission which enquired into the conditions of the coal industry in 1926. attacks in 1924 and 1925 on the polish 46-hour week similarly failed, though their basis was the opportuneness of a return to the “ normal ”’ 48. it would seem fairly clear that the rule is to be maintained, and not merely as a standard, but as a maximum. it seems to be a stage definitely gained, from which further advances in social progress may be made as conditions permit. application of the “ 8 and 1s ” rule.—in fact the ‘8 and 48 ” rule is now very generally established for industry throughout europe, including soviet russia, either by law or by collective agreement. the details of its application vary. it is not univer- sally apphed to all factories and workshops; in sweden and swit- zerland itis not applied to very small establishments. nor is it equally rigidly enforced: factory inspection, which is very efli- cient in germany, the netherlands, belgium, great britain, czechoslovakia and the scandinavian countries, is much less efficient in france and italy and virtually non-existent in certain other countries. its application depends, too, upon the vigilance and consciousness of the trade unions. where they are strong, law or collective agreement is valid in practice; where weak, both employers and workers can often offend against either with com- parative impunity. nevertheless, such dependable statistics as are available show a high degree of uniformity in the average hours actually worked in corresponding industries in the various european countries; and, at least in the great industrial states, arguments concerning unfair competition based on alleged dif- ferences in hours—except in rare and unusual cases—should be very carefully examined before being accepted. the rule holds too in the british dominions generally, though again with differences of application, and has recently made much progress in the united states, where however it tends to take the form less of a fixed maximum than of a “ basic ” rule for the determination of wages. a decision (1925) of the railroad board, for example, provides that all hours worked over eight in the day shall be paid for at increased rates; thus the 8-hour day is accepted as the normal whilst the working of additional hours is not prohibited. this is in agreement with the inter- national convention of washington, which makes no attempt to hours of labour 371 restrict overtime internationally further than to insist on an over- time rate of 25% above the normal. in south america, wherever legislation on the subject exists, the “ 8 and 48” rule prevails. in the important industrial states of asia the working day and week are normally longer than in the countries hitherto mentioned. progress in the reduction of hours except in india has been slow. the reluctance of japan to reduce her working hours is probably the main factor in the situation. a second is the confused state of china, where factories working 12 and 14 hours a day exist side by side with others which have introduced and 8- or g-hour day. an attempt to reduce hours by gen- eral agreement in certain chinese cities, notably shanghai, met with partial success only. persia has not many industries sus- ceptible of regulation in this matter; in her carpet industry, which employs numbers of children, sometimes of tender years, hours are restricted to eight daily. in palestine, although legis- jation was lacking, the immigrant jewish population, which brought with it the industrial concepts of kurope, secured for itself by agreement with the employers the almost complete application of the “8 and 48” rule, which it endeavoured to extend to the arab workers. in 1925 turkey adopted legislation provid- ing for a 60-hour week—the first limit imposed by statute—to include the time necessary for prayer and for the cleaning of work-places and machines. miners work a 6-hour day. hours of labour in asia and africa.—recently increased attention has been paid to the question of the working hours of native races not yet accustomed to the regularity demanded by modern conditions and now forced upon them in the rapid devel- opment of many hitherto untouched areas. plantations, mines, road and railway construction and even factories are makirg enormous demands upon the native populations of, for example, central africa, and the transition to modern industrial conditions appears to be very difficult. many experts in colonial affairs hold that an 8-hour day for many of these natives is much too arduous; yet much longer hours are often exacted. the mortal- ity rates among native workers are disquieting; in recent years rates of 8 and 10% per annum have been recorded in africa, ard these in areas where supervision is better than the average. some attempts have been made to meet the situation; hours are limited to eight in certain african mining areas; the immigrant chinese workers in samoa (under mandate to new zealand) have an 8-hour day, andl it is becoming regular both in asia and in iifrica that, where workers are engaged under indenture or contract, the number of daily working hours (usually eight) shall be inscribed in the indenture. in the more important islands of the dutch east indies hours are regulated by law, or are pre- scribed in indenture. it is clear, however, that the problem of the utilisation of the labour of these peoples without injury to their physique and their numbers is far from being solved, and that the question of their working hours has not yet been sufficiently examined. exceptions to the “8 and 48” rule-—the “8 and 48” rule clearly cannot be and is not applied to all industrial occupations indifferently, and some have been excepted from its application both in national and international legislation. among the diffi- culties of application is the redoubtable scourge of the 12-hour day in certain continuous processes, and in some seasonal indus- tries. the two-shift system in continuous processes is replaced, in the international convention on hours, by that of three shifts: the 12-hour day and 84-hour week thus becoming the 8-hour day and 56-hour week. this change, which involves a large in- crease of staff, has been strongly resisted, and has not yet been inscribed in all national legislations; but the old system is disap- pearing, even in the united states, where the two-shift system and the 12-hour day were spccially prevalent. in some seasonal occupations, notably in the sugar beet industry in europe, the great difficulty of bringing more temporary workers and accom- modating them near their work for the 10 or 12 weeks of the ‘season ’’ has prevented the reform in some areas; in others where conditions are more favourable, it has been carried out in spite of the handicap in competition involved; the social advan- tages have triumphed over the economic disadvantage. 372 the distribution of work over the days of the week implied in the “8 and 48” rule may not always correspond, not only to the economic needs of a particular case, but to general changes of opinion on these matters. the english weck-end (short satur- day), for example, has become much more general over the continent of europe; it is the rule in the british dominiors and in the united states and spreading elsewhere. it is not conso- nant with a strict application of the 8-hour day and the 48-hour week, and has led sometimes to the institution of a 44-hour week, sometimes to the working of more than eight hours on some days to compensate for the shortened saturday. a relatively new development—the five-day working week— shows signs of becoming popular. in certain industries it has long been the practice, in great britain, france and other coun- trics, to complete the working week in five days, since the over- head expenses made it uneconomic to work a short saturday of four or five hours. in great britain, especially since the war, with the consent of employers and workers, the practice extended, notably in boot and shoe factories and chocolate works where it is almost the normal, and it appears to be favourably received even where the economic argument is not perhaps so powerful as in the industries (e.g., dyeing) to which it was first apphed. the social attractions of the five-day week begin to outweigh the disadvantages involved of a 9- or 10-hour working day. tl. in commerce, at sea and in agriculturie hours of labour in commerce.—in commerce, legislation on hours of labour gencrally belongs to the post-war period. the increasing development of the large departmental store has changed fundaimen- tally the position in the shop-keeping world and has forced the regula- tion of working hours, either by legislation or by collective agreement. in great britain both methods have been used, but the shops act of 1912 affects only the labour of young persons under 18 and pro- vides for a maximum working week of 72 hours (including rest periods). collective agreements and gencral practice have largely superseded the provisions of the act. i’ew employees of large urban establishments now work 72 hours in the weck, some only 43. the agitation of the organisations of shop-assistants for reduction has been generally successful. the obstacles to progress are the numer- ous small establishments which are frequently managed by their owncrs and have few or no pail workers in the ordinary sense; it is considered unjust to compel establishments which have employees to close whilst leaving open the small shops of the owner-workers. there is also the difficulty of changing the shopping habits of the general population. certain british regulations on closing hours adopted during the war period have not given gencral satisfaction. nevertheless, many european countries have introduced legislation: austria (1919), czechoslovakia (1918), finland (1917), france (1919), germany (1923), italy (1923), poland (1919), portugal (1919) and russia (1922) have each adopted acts which fix the normal working weck in commercial establishments at 48 hours. in the netherlands, the jaw of 1922 imposes 10 hours per day and 55 per week as maxima. in the other cases the 48-hour week seems to be rather the principle than the practice. the legislation itself provides for numerous excep- tions and in a very much more elastic manner than is general in industry. in germany the hours may be lengthened by collective agreement between workers and employers, or by the judgment of an arbitra- tion court, and the 48-hour week in commercial establishments is probably rather the exception than the rule. in czechoslovakia, the law is seldom strictly applied. the french act of 1919 permitted the application by decree of the 8-hour day and 48-hour week not only to industry but also to workers in shops and offices. a number of decrees have been issued, affecting for example employees in banks and public offices, and shop-assistants. most of these decrees are regional in their application: it has been found easier to regulate hours in the larger towns. the decrees affecting industry (now cover- ing all but very minor branches) cover the commercial workers at- tached to the industry (clerks and employecs in the offices) also. in italy a similar system of regulation is in effect in the larger towns, a vast amount of local legislation, by-laws, etc., govern this matter, shop-keepers themselves very often fixing closing hours through their associations. very little of this form of regulation however is definitely based on the notion of restricting working hours for employees; other factors enter into account. hiours of labour at sea.—the seafarers’ hours are still more difficult to regulate and relatively little national legislation on the question exists. the different categories of workers employed on a modern vessel, and the difference in the effort demanded of them is one cause of difficulty; another is found in the risk attached to the sea-service and the necessity of abandoning all regulation in time of stress. yet a third arises, curiously enough, in the seaman’s problem of what to do with himself on board ship when he is neither at work nor hours of labour asleep. this latter is gradually being overcome by the more satis- factory conditions now insisted upon by many states in regard to living accommodation on board. the vast majority of seamen, including the british, have obtained regulation of hours by means of collective agreements, but in many cases the legislatures have intervened. the most interesting, ancl probably the most successful interventions, are the acts of finland (1924), norway (1919) and sweden (1919). these divide the per- sonnel of a vessel according to the nature of its work: the engine-room staff is required to do not more than 16 hours work in two consecutive days, whilst the ordinary seaman works not more than 24 hours tn | the same period. other arrangements are made for small vessels, for cases where the crew is not divided into watches, for coastal traders and for work whilst in port. these acts seem to have been fairly satisfactory in application, though the scamen concerned demand a reduction of the hours prescribed. a french decree of 1925 extend- ing the application of the 1919 general act to the sea service provides alternative methods, either an 8-hour day may be worked, or a 48- hour week, irregularly divided as regards the daily limit or an averaging of hours over a month, the 8-hour average being con- served. these hours are subject to exceptions to meet sea emer- gencies, greece in 1023 extended her general labour icgislation by clecree to cover seca workers, but it does not appear that her hours legislation, which is somewhat special and not applied as yet to all land industries, has been adopted at sea. in portugal working hours are regulated by a decree of 1923; whilst in port the 48-hour week is maintained, at sea the hours for the deck staff and for stewards and pursers are 84, and for the engine-room 56. a spanish decree of 1919 lays down as maxima a to-hour day for officers, 12 for ordinary seamen, and 8 for the engine-room crew. in yugoslavia a decree of 1924 provides a 10-hour day and 60-hour week. uruguay has applied the 48-hour week and argentina has under consideration the question of the regulation of hours at sea by iegislation. den- mark is revising her maritime legislation upon the lines of the finnish, norwegian and swedish acts. the french decree above mentioned makes an important new de- parture in defining “ hours of effective work,’’ an act of 1919 on which this and earlier decrees were based had stipulated the 8-hour day, but in practice and by a decree of 192 it had been construcd that 12 hours of presence were held to constitute cight hours of effective work, in 1925 the council of state found this to be abusive and defined ‘‘ hours of effective work " as ‘‘ the time during which the crew are, in consequence of an order given, at the disposition of the captain and away from their ordinary living quarters.” this very important and far-reaching decision will have its effects on other national legislation and agreements, including probably the pro- jected legislation under consideration in germany and the nether- lands. in both these cases the proposed reforms are stated to be based upon the principle of the 8-hour day. in great britain the matter is dealt with solely by collective agreements, which are exceedingly complicated and not universally applicable. they are not so much intended to limit the hours of jabour directly as to secure that overtime rates are pal after a daily “normal” has been reached, and thus to penalise employers who exact the longer day. emergency cases (of which the master of the vessel is sole judge, and which may be cases of salvage, fog, fire, stranding or other circumstances atfecting the safcoty of the vessc!) are not usually affected by these overtime pay arrangements. in general, the agreements provide for overtime rates when the working day in port exceeds eight hours, with special arrangements for saturday (five or six hours) and sunday (ordinary necessary routine work up to four hours), and for days of arrival and sailing. at sea the ordinary system of watches results in a longer day being worked, except for the categories known as day-workers (/.e., those who normally work only during the day) who have similar hours to those detailed above. this may be taken as fairly typical of the terms arranged by collective agreement, not only in great britain but elsewhere in countries where legislation has not been adopted. the australian * and new zealand seamen however have secured better terms. by agreement they have a strict 8-hour system which ts probably the most favourable to the workers yet obtained anywhere; the question of its consecration in legislation is stated to be under consideration. hours in agriculture—the attempt to apply the regulation of hours of labour to agriculture has aroused keen controversy. legis- lation on the subject is still experimental, and a perfect system has yet to be devised. little or no legislative regulations existed before 1918, though ecuador in 1916 passed an act that “ no labourer... engaged in agriculture shall be compelied to labour more than eight hours daily, six days per week.”” information as to the successful application or otherwise of this law is lacking. where so much de- pends upon the seasons and the weather, and where the care of animals and crops makes demands that have often little reference to a time-table, the regulation of hours is complicated and difficult. neverthcless it has been more or less scientifically attempted by law in several countries, and has come into practice by agreement in others. the german regulations, issued under the provisional agricul- tural labour act of i919, make a serious attempt to deal with the question of seasonal variation of work, prescribing daily maxima of hours of labour 8, 10 and 11 hours during three four-monthly periods into which the year was divided for this purpose. time spent in travelling to and from the farm is calculated as working time—another point which has caused much difficulty in agriculture and in other occupations. in czechoslovakia, the act of 1918, which introduced the 8-hour day very generally, seems to have become in practice an act for increasing wages, so far as agriculture is concerned. ‘there does not appear to be in fact any limit upon the hours worked, but overtime rates must be paid for hours worked beyond an average of eight per day. portugal (1922) prescribed a maximum working day. estonia (1921) prescribed a maximum yearly average of nine hours daily, austria an average of 10 in lower austria; in upper austria, nine consecutive hours of rest and two hours for meals are provided for, the possible working hours being thus limited. an iestonian act of 1921 created district joint commissions which were empowered to agree upon hours, with a maximum of nine daily on a yearly aver- age; it is stated however that these commissions do not work well, and that the hours situation is confused. the spanish decree of 1919 does not appear to be rigidly applied, and little information is available as to the working of a costa rican decree of 1920. in both cases the 8-hour day was the basis of the systems laid down. in italy collective agreements from 1900 onward specified gener- ally ‘‘ from sunrise to sunsct ” as the limit of working hours, with rest periods of from three to four hours during the summer day and shorter oncs in spring, autumn and winter. in april 1919 an agree- ment was made in regard to day-workers (mostly the seasonal workers employed in rice cultivation) providing an 8-hour day, with higher rates for overtime. the collective agreements made between 1900 and 1923 secured progressively favourable conditions for agricultural workers; the advent of fascism however changed the system fundamentally and the rural custom of collective bargaining seems virtually over. alongside the system of agreements in italy a legislative code governs hours in agriculture. the migratory workers in the rice areas, who are mostly women, were the subject of legisla- tion as early as 1866, and their hours are now determined (apart from the results of collective agreements) by regulations of 1908 issued under the public health code of 1907, which prescribe a io- hour day for workers resident on the rice estates and a 9-hour day for others. other agricultural workers (day-workers and those with a fixed annual salary) are further covercd by a royal decrec of 1923, issued in pursuance of a legislative decrce of the same year, which lays down the 8-hour alee but permits a 10-hour day dur- ing a period not exceeding three months in the year. in england and wales legislation does not directly affect hours, but the agricultural wages (regulation) act of aug. 7 1924 regu- lates them indirectly and indeed has given the best results of legis- lation in any country. the district committees set up under the act have the power of fixing weckly wage rates, and in so doing they have based the rates upon a certain number of hours of work per week, in general between 48 and 52, but in some cases extending to 62. longer hours than these are indced worked, but must be paid for as overtime, and are thus avoided or reduced to a minimum whoer- ever possible with suitable arrangement of hours. the agricultural worker here further enjoys the ‘“‘ guaranteed week ”’; he is guaranteed the full minimum weck’s pay even though weather or other condi- tions make it impossible to work the total number of hours. this guarantee of pay in occupations where irregularity of hours is a feature, may prove a solution of much difficulty. it exists on the british railways, and in a modified form at the docks. excepted from the guarantee in agriculture are, in general, female workers, whose wages are usually fixed on a casual hourly basis. , collective agreements are not ruled out by the british legisla- tion quoted, and in fact play a large part, within the framework provided by the work of the district joint committees, in the fixing of hours. ill. international action the w ashington convention.—the standard“ 8 and 48” rule was consecrated in the convention on hours in industry adopted by the first session of the international labour conference, held at washington in 1919. its adoption was based upon general prac- tice at the end of the war and upon the resolutions of many in- ternational congresses and conferences of previous years, as well as upon the opinions of governments expressed in the documents prepared for this session. the convention provides, in brief, for an 8-hour day and a 48-hour week in industrial establishments of all sizes except in workshops where only members of the same family are employed. it makes special provision (eight hours daily and 56 weekly) for continuous processes; it permits more than eight hours daily where a short saturday is worked; it allows excep- tions of a permanent nature for workers whose duty it is to pre- pare beforehand for the general running of the establishment, as for example enginemen in a factory, or who must be employed for a time after the general work of the establishment has ceased, and for intermittent work; it provides also for exceptions of a 31) temporary nature to meet unusual pressure of work. by a special and very elastic article it permits the 48-hour week to be ex- ceeded, provided the average of 48 is maintained over a period of three weeks or more, where the ordinary rule is not capable of application. it leaves overtime to be regulated by the states themselves, stipulating only that employers and workers shall be consulted, and that an overtime rate of not less than one and a quarter times the normal rate shall be paid. since rg19 the question of the ratification of this convention by the state members of the international labour organisation has been the predominant issue in international labour affairs. by march 1926 bulgaria, chili, czechoslovakia, greece, india and rumania had ratified it unconditionally and austria, italy and latvia conditionally upon the ratification of certain other countries. in brazil, denmark, estonia, france, germany, lithuania, the netherlands, poland, spain and uruguay the governments concerned had recommended its ratification to their parliaments, but the latter had not yet signified their approval. ‘the great european industrial states were still hold- ing back, as was japan. in india, which had ratified the conven- tion and materially reduced her working hours in consequence, employers and workers alike continued to protest that, with japan refusing to reduce her working hours, amelioration in india and china was impossible. the great european states were reluctant to bind themselves unless assured that their industrial competitors would be equally bound. at first some governments held that the provisions of the convention were too rigid; then, that they were too elastic, and that their ratification and applica- tion would not necessarily, owing to different interpretations of their terms, lead to uniformity of action. hence the conditional nature of the ratifications of austria, italy and latvia and hence also similar conditions inscribed in the bills for ratification sub- mitted 1o the parliaments of certain other countries. in great britain, difficulties of another nature hindered the progress of a bill for regulating hours and making possible the ratification of the convention which was introduced by the gov- ernment of mr. macdonald. it was held in some quarters that the existing agreements regulating the hours of work on railways could not be brought into accord with the convention; the rail- way employees were reluctant to change these agreements, and the government therefore hesitated to take action which might, it was thought, precipitate a crisis. differences of interpretation were possible also on various other points and consequently, in order if possible to arrive at agreement upon them before ratifi- cation, a meeting of the ministers of labour of great britain, belgium, france and germany was held at berne in 1925. the meeting was partially successful, but the british govt. decided to convoke the same ministers, with a representative of the ital- ian govt. in addition, to a conference in london in march 1926. the london agreement, 1926.—at this meeting, which was prepared for by the circulation to the governments concerned of a memorandum on the points at issue, to which all replied, complete agreement was reached on all the issues raised, with one exception mentioned below. this agreement, signed by all the ministers present, is likely, to have far-reaching effects on the fate of the washington convention and on the question of industrial working hours in general. it covers the following pomts:— | working hours are defined as those during which the workers are at the disposal of the employer; deductions for rest pauses and breaks, except scheduled breaks for meals, are therefore not possible, and this decision disposes of much controversy on the question of ‘‘ effective ”' working time and the system of grading occupations in accordance with a scale. this is made even clearer by the agreement upon a definition of ‘‘ intermittent work,’’ the effect of which is to confine the application of this term to such occupations as those of door- keepers and watchmen which ‘are not concerned with production properly so-called and which, by their nature, are interrupted by long periods of inaction during which these workers have to display neither physical activity nor sustained attention, and remain at their post only to reply to possible calls.” the conference further agreed upon matters concerning the five- day week (see above) the regulation of overtime, and overtime pay (with the agreed minimum of 25°), the working of railways (thus removing an important british difficulty), and the recuperation 374 of time lost by holidays. on all these questions opinion was unan- imous, but on one last point—the possibility of the suspension of the application of the convention “‘in the event of war or other emergency endangering the national safety ’’—the british minister reserved approval pending consultation with his government. the conclusion of this agreement removed many important difficulties in the way of ratification of the convention by the european industrial powers. the ministers undertook to report to their governments, which could then proceed with their con- sideration of the question of ratification. in the cases of great britain and germany, at least among these powers, it would be necessary to secure the adoption by the parliaments of new legis- lation, and in france and italy new administrative measures would be required. if these difficulties could be overcome, and the ratifications of the five countries registered (simultaneously or otherwise) the international position of the “ 8 and 48” rule would be secured. protectton.—the berne and london conferences of ministers of labour were reflections of the preoccupations of the gov- ernments and of the employers more directly than of the workers, who meanwhile formulated and discussed other policies in regard to the washington convention. in british trade union circles, for example, the revival by the safeguarding of industries act of the policy of protection gave rise to the proposition that what workers should be more precisely protected against is that form of unfair competition which consists in exploiting their fellow workers abroad, and that the only form of “ protection ” ac- ceptable to the workers as a whole would be one which would differentiate against goods produced by such methods and, in particular, by the exaction of excessive working hours. the adop- tion of such a policy, it is claimed, would give a powerful weapon to the more advanced states and enable them to insist on social progress in other countries whose backwardness retards the gen- ,eral advance in welfare. similar ideas inspired the austrian social democrats who carried in the lower chamber a resolution to increase import duties by one-third in the case of goods com- ing from countries where the conditions of employment, particu- larly in the matter of hours, were not satisfactory. in the international field the same ideas appear to be gaining ground. in 1925 a joint committee of the international socialist congress and of the international trade union congress decided to examine the possibility of a system of boycott applied to goods manufactured in countries where the hours convention is not observed. later on in the same year a committee of the british labour party published a report recommending such a boycott, which, it was stated, was not without precedent. books which contravened the law on copyrights, and goods manufac- tured in foreign prisons cannot be imported into great britain; the great chocolate manufacturers have agreed not to purchase slave-grown cocoa. on the same principle, goods produced under conditions inimical to the worker should, it was argued, be refused admission. these proposals indicate a tendency which may develop as labour or socialist govts. become more general and _as the interdependence of states one upon another in the matter of social amelioration becomes more widely recognised. the washington convention affects industry only; hours in commerce, agriculture and employment at sea are not as yet regulated by any international convention. commercial, maritimeand agricultural ours.—the internation- al labour conference has not yet considered the question of work- ing hoursin commercial undertakings. in 1920 a draft convention instituting the 8-hour day, with suitable moclifications, for sea- farers was lost at the conference of genoa by a fraction of a vote. since then the question has been the subject of constant negotia- tion between seamen and shipowners, and the organisations of the former, national and international, have decided (1926) to urge that the subject be placed again on the agenda of the con- ference. the conference at geneva in rg21 held the moment not ripe for the regulation of hours in agriculture. indeed no pro- posal to limit working hours in agriculture in the precise way which is possible in industry was ever put forward. agricultural conditions do not lend themselves so readily as do those of indus- | house try to the fixation and limitation of hours, but it seems probable that international action in the matter cannot be long delayed; the hours exacted from agricultural labourers in many countries are unconscionable and are a powerful factor in bringing about the very active migration to the towns, which is a troublesome social problem in almost all modern states. charter for native labour.—equally pressing 1s the need for international action in regard to the hours of labour exacted from subject populations in colonial areas. here again the in- creasing force of competition makes it difficult for one country to advance in this as in other social matters unless neighbouring areas move forward also; yet it 1s probably true that the suffering entailed by delay is more intense and the economic waste and loss is relatively greater in these areas than in the countries where the population is capable of defending itself. as has been said above, local legislation has made a beginning and on the basis thus pro- vided it seems possible that international action may be early called upon to build. the discussions on the draft convention on slavery adopted by the assembly of the league of nations in 1925, though it did not enter into the details of the regulation of native labour, showed clearly enough that there was a wide- spread feeling that a “ labour charter ” for native peoples was an urgent necessity. the resolution of the assembly which called the attention of the international labour organisation to this necessity will not, it is to be supposed, remain without effect, and undoubtedly the hours question must be one of the first, as it is one of the most important, to be dealt with by the members of the league of nations. | references.—the texts in english, french and german of most of the acts cited above, and in general of acts relating to hours of labour, are published by the international labour office in its ‘* legislative sertes.’”” monographs on the hours situation in a num- ber of important countries have been issued from the same source, for the general situation in regard to the convention of washington, see the directors’ reports to the successive sessions of the jnter- national labour conference since 1919. the text of the conclusions of the london conference of march 1926 was published in the times of march 20. for hours of work in agriculture (england and wales) sce report of proceedings under the agricultural wages (regulation) act, 1924, issued by the ministry of agriculture and fisheries. it. a. g.*) house, edward mandell (1858- ), american states- man and diplomat, was born at houston, tex., july 26 1858, the seventh son of thomas william house and mary elizabeth shearn. his father, who had leit england as a boy, came to texas when it formed part of mexico, joined the revolution, and helped to free it and bring it into the union. the younger house was educated at the hopkins grammar school and cor- nell university, and returned to texas in 1880, where he lived for more than 30 years as planter. his chief interest, however, was public affairs. he took an influential part in the successful campaigns of governors hogg, culberson, sayers and lanham, and during the period 1894-1904 his political influence in texas was regarded as decisive. he refused invariably to become a candidate for office himself, but he acted as the intimate adviser of the several governors named. although frequently urged to participate in national politics he remained aloof from the disastrous democratic campaigns that followed the bryan candidacy of 1896; but in 1912 he played a major rele in securing the nomination of woodrow wilson, and at the time of the election wilson had come to put full trust in him, offering him a choice of cabinet positions. following his custom, house refused any office, but politically as well as personally he remained closer to the president than any member of the official family. it was upon his reeommenda- tion that wilson chose a number of his cabinet; after the inauguration both president and cabinet utilised his wide knowledge of men and his shrewd estimate of political effects to help them in meeting legislative and administrative problems; he exercised a great influence in the framing of the federal reserve act and also played an important part in the organisation of the original federal reserve board. wilson spoke of him as his “‘ independent self.” household appliances house’s chief interest lay in foreign affairs, and through close contact with american ambassadors abroad and his intimacy with european statesmen, as well as the confidence of the president, he was able to influence the course of american foreign policy. in 1to13 he helped to tide over the crisis in relations with great britain over the panama tolls exemption until wilson secured the repeal of the exemption. in 1914 he undertook formal negotiations with the diplomatic representa- tives of argentina, brazil ancl chile, which led to the drafting of a pan-american pact designed to guarantee peace in the western hemisphere. the proposed pact was never translated into a formal treaty, but it was of historical significance as marking an initial step in the development of wilson’s policy of creating a league of nations. in the spring of 1914 house, ap- prehensive lest war shoul:l break out in europe, sailed for germany to offer the assistance of the united states in reaching some arrangement between england and germany which might avoid war. he talked with high officials of the civil government, the army and navy, and had a conference with the kaiser, in which he received some encouragement. william it. later said:— ‘“ the visit of colonel house to berlin and london in the spring of 1914 almost prevented the world war.” at london he found sir edward grey ready to entertain any feasible plan to preserve peace. this, house wrote to the kaiser on july 7 1914. the murder of the archduke francis ferdinand, however, pre- cipitated war before the plan could be developed. returning to the united states, house maintained close in- timacy with the british and german ambassadors and thus helped to smooth american relations with the belligerents. in jan. 1915 wilson sent him abroad to study the possibility of american mediation. he suggested the principle of the ‘ freedom of the seas,” after visits to london, berlin and paris, as a possible step towards a compromise; but the sinking of the “ lusitania ’? ruined all chances of success. in the autumn, house proposed that wilson suggest to the allies that a peace conference should be summoned; if germany refused the con- ference or rejected terms calculated to ensure a just settlement, the united states would enter the war on the side of the allies to enforce such terms. house left for europe again in dec. 1915, visited england, germany and france, and finally made the aforesaid offer to the british, the substance of which was incorporated in a memorandum drafted by grey and himself. the allies, however, refused to take advantage of it. in the summer and autumn of 1916 house took an influential part in the campaign which led to wilson’s re-election. at the time of the ‘* sussex ”’ crisis and the german peace note of dec. 1916, his private negotiations with bernstorff were of high im- portance. after the united states entered the war, he kept in close touch with the chiefs of the war-making agencies, and was in consultation with the special envoys of the allies: balfour, northclifie, tardieu, reading. in the autumn of 1917 wilson named him chief of the special american mission designed to co-ordinate allied war needs, especially the problems of finance, supply, tonnage and man-power. the conferences in london and paris which he attended proved to be the turn of the tide. after his return he was intimately concerned in wilson’s drafting of the fourteen points, and at the request of the president he drafted a tentative covenant for a league of nations, which formed the basis of wilson’s later plan. in oct. 1918 wilson sent him to paris to represent the united states at the allied council which granted an armistice to germany. after some difficulty, house succeeded in pledging the allies to wilson’s fourteen points as a programme for peace. he had previously organised “the inquiry,” a body of experts for collecting authentic data for the use of the peace conference. house was one of the u.s. peace commissioners signing the treaty of versailles, and although ill at the opening of the con- ference he played an important rele by reason of his intimacy with european statesmen. he was a member of the commission that drafted the league of nations’ covenant, and ultimately most of the details connected with the formation of the league were settled with his co-operation. in july and aug. rorg he rep- ofd resented the united states in the organisation of the mandates system. after his return to the united states he urged president wilson, by letter, to compromise with the senate so as to secure ratification of the versailles treaty and the entrance of the united states into the league. a serious illness, coming at the same time as the physical breakdown of wilson, combined with other factors to interrupt the close relations between the two men which had persisted since rgrt. col. house had won a reputation for such sagacity and dis- interestedness that his advice was continually sought by political leaders even after the overthrow of the democratic party in roz0. arthur griffiths asked that he be named arbiter in the anglo-irish dispute. he continued his interest in in- ternational questions and maintained close relations with the ruling statesmen of europe. in 1912 house published, anonymously, a political romance, philip dru; in 1921 he edited (with charles seymour) ivhat really happened at paris, a series of essays on the peace con- ference written by members of the american delegation. he also wrote, alter 1920, a number of articles upon contemporary politics and political leaders for the philadelphia public ledger, foreign affairs, harper’s and the encyclopedia britannica. bibliography.—tjhe real colonel flouse, by a. d. howden smith (1918), a brief but accurate biography covering house’s career to 1918; the intimate papers of colonel house, arranged asa narrative by charles seymour (1926). (c. sey.) household appliances.—the working equipment for the household has achieved a new importance in recent years. in the roth century, labour-saving machinery was adopted in industry; the 20th century has witnessed a progressive appli- cation of such machinery to the work of the household, the most important advances falling within the period following rgro. this change is little indebted to the initiative of the house- keeper herself, although a growing desire for the elimination of drudgery, together with a scarcity of domestic hap, has pro- vided an incentive to the engincer and manufacturer to meet this need with numerous mechanical devices. the wide adoption of such appliances has owed much to the increasing availability of electricity for power and to the de- velopment of automatic machinery and standardised methods of production. a large part in their distribution has been played also by advertising, demonstrations in stores and the home and similar methods employed by manufacturers to make known their products. a number of manufacturing and distributing plants, including gas and electric-light companies, especially in the united states, are now maintaining home-service depart- ments directed by women trained in home economics. schools and colleges, and also government departments, have been giving attention to the subject of household appli- ances during recent years in the united states, canada, great britain and, to some extent, in other countries. a significant factor in this development of houschold devices, in some of the english-speaking countries, has been the work accomplished by enterprising home magazines that have established service bureaux, and also laboratories for the testing and investigation of household appliances. electricity in the home the outstanding feature in the development of household ap- pliances, during the period under review, 1910-26, has been the greatly extended use of those operated electrically. this fact in turn has had an important bearing on one aspect of house con- struction, namely, the wiring, which is increasingly ordered with a view to the use of electrical appliances. this involves the installation of a large number of appliance outlets, properly placed, instead of a limited number of lamp sockets. in dis- tricts where electricity is very cheap, houses are being wired with circuits of high current capacity to provide for electric ranges and certain other cooking devices which cannot be used on ordinary circuits. there has been a gencral improve- ment in the fittings or fixtures, such as switches, sockets, plugs, etc., the restrictions of regulatory bodies having helped to main- 376 tain minimum standards which in practice have been exceeded by the better manufacturers. attachment plugs have largely been standardised, thereby ensuring the same interchangeability in appliance connections as appertain to incandescent lamps. in _ the united states the parallel blade plug is superseding all others. the electric curling iron is reputed to be one of the oldest, if not the oldest, of electrical appliances. in 1926, however, the electric flat iron had a far greater sale than any other electrical appliance. the electric toaster leads in the field of small table devices, but there are many others which find a place in the kitchen or dining-room, such as percolators, table-stoves, grills, hot plates and waffle irons. the general use of nickel chromium _ resistance wires, introduced about the year 1g1o0, assured the practicability and therefore the beginning of a really extensive use of electric heating appliances. these alloys can be heated to redness in the air without oxidation and the physical prop- erties of ductility and malleability they possess permit the fabrication of heating units in a wide variety of designs. the popularity of electrical heating devices owes much to the ease with which the heat may be regulated, and this is often auto- matically accomplished, notably in ranges, flat irons, warming pads and percolators, by means of thermostats, which may either limit the temperatures or keep them at the desired level. in some cases additional controls are provided to start and stop the current at predetermined times. in certain central house- heating plants an electric motor controlled by a thermostat operates dampers and drafts. if the fuel used is oil or gas the heating becomes, by this device, entirely automatic, but if coal is burned, refuelling is necessary. (see heating and ventila- tion.) small motors—among the more important factors in the wider application of electricity to household appliances has been the perfection of light-weight, efficient motors. the motor of small size and light weight has made possible portable electric vacuum cleaners, electrically driven mixers, floor-polishers, coffee-grinders, knife-sharpeners, sewing-machines, etc. sew- ing-machines designed for the incorporation of a motor are port- able, light in weight and easy to operate. in motor design the important problem is lubrication, because, in the household, motors frequently go unoiled for relatively long periods and their use is intermittent, often being confined to an hour or two each week. it is now customary to provide oil-wells of relatively large capacity, which do not need replenishing for long periods. in many instances ball bearings are provided, packed in grease, so that lubrication will not be required, perhaps for the life of the device, or at least until some other parts need attention or replacement, when the ball bearings can be repacked. the tremendous increase in the use of electrical appliances in the united states during recent years has been due, in no small degree, to the almost complete standardisation of the type of current furnished for consumer supply, namely, 110 or 120 volt 60-cycle alternating. direct current is mainly confined to a few large centres, where its use is economically feasible. in many other countries a lack of a standardised current has placed almost insurmountable obstacles in the way of a gencral use of electrical appliances in the household. an indication of the rapidity with which they have been adopted in the united states is afforded by the fact that the number of electric vacuum clean- ers in use rose from an estimated figure of 18,000 in rg10 to 5,000,000 in 1925. in the same period the number of electric washers increased from 3,000 to 3,500,000. the number oi houses wired for the use of electric current rose from 2,934,q00 in 1910 to 13,406,777 in 1925. incidentally those equipped for the use of gas increased from about 5,000,000 in rig1o to 10,720,646 in 1925. the equipment of the kitciien as regards the kitchen the present trend is in the direction of a smaller kitchen, used only for the preparation of food. in the smaller modern apartments the kitchen has become a kitchenette, with more wall space than floor space. this fact as well as the desire to obviate unnecessary motions, has jed household appliances to careful planning in the arrangement of the refrigerator, work- cabinet, range and sink. the working surfaces at sink, range, work-table and kitchen cabinct have been raised to a height better adapted to the worker, that found most generally suit- able for the sink being 34 in. from working bottom to the floor. the kitchen cabinet, as a valuable space saver, is growing steadily in favour in the united states, canada and possibly in a few other countries. more recently these cabinets have been supplemented with additional storage units, a cupboard and a broom unit. thus equipped, the cabinet really brings the storage pantry to the work-table and provides compact and convenient storage space. while it would be sounder en- gineering practice, as applied to the kitchen, to have in sight all tools and materials needed for daily use, popular taste ap- parently objects to having utensils hanging uncovered on hooks beside the proper working centre, or to secing food containers — on open shelves. kitchen cabinets are, therefore, all provided with doors, behind which equipment and food materials are stored. these cabinets are available in so-called built-in units, which may include a refrigerator, storage and broom cupboard and may be installed to form part of the permanent fittings of the kitchen. cabinet cases and their accompanying units are usually finished in either white or grey enamel, and nearly all cabinets have porcelain-enamelled iron table-tops, usually so constructed as to permit being drawn out for use and pushed back within the general body of the cabinet when not required. porcelain-enamelled iron linings have become very common for refrigerators. the most noteworthy development in domestic refrigeration has been the increasing use of mechanical units to supplant ice. in the united states and canada up to the pres- ent time the actuating part of the unit has been almost exclu- sively of the compressor type operated by an electric motor. in some european countries machines operating on the so-called expansion principle are coming into use. in these machines there is no motor, the compression of the gas refrigerant being accomplished in closed vessels through the application of heat. the source of heat is usually gas or electricity. sinks are usual- ly provided with drainboards frequently cast in one piece with the sink, the material used being porcelain-enamelled iron, porcelain or vitreous china. combination faucets for hot and cold water have proved very convenient. as steps toward mak- ing the precision of the laboratory possible in the kitchen, the capacity of kitchen measuring cups has been standardised and thermometers have been specially designed for registering the temperature of the oven, of the fat in deep frying and of syr- ups in home candy-making. | ranges —ranges are frequently equipped with thermostats for the automatic control of oven temperatures. in both gas and kerosene ranges, there has been a marked improvement in the construction of the burners, making possible better com- bustion. in england the “ all-gas’’ kitchen, in which gas is used for cooking, heating and water-heating, is a develop- ment of the years 1915-26. the cabinet type of gas cooker or range, in which the oven is located adjacent to the cook- ing top, has become common in england and in the united states. some electric and gas ovens have been constructed to utilise the principle of the fireless cooker, by which baking is done on retained heat. another development is the im- proved insulated gas-range oven, designed for the greater con- servation of fuel. porcelain-enamelled iron is used for the ex- terior of gas ranges, and some have oven linings of this material. fireless cookers have been improved by the use of aluminium linings and by the employment of heated radiators producing oven temperatures for baking, the latter innovation necessitating a safety valve in the cover of the cooker to provide for the escape of steam, thereby avoiding danger of explosion. a fater de- velopment was the electrically-heated cooker. the pressure cooker is employed for canning and for high-altitude cookery. in this device, the steam generated is confined within the cook- ing utensil and, by the increased pressure, raises the boiling point of the liquid. cooking, therefore, takes place more rapidly and with a consequent economy of fuel. plate i. household appliances rp laundry and cleaning equipment this troning-machine has an electrically heated shoe and the padded roll is revolved by a small motor. the opera- tors right hand is on the lever controlling the mechanism obviously there are many ways to produce the relative motion between clothes and water necessary to flush the dirt out of the fabrics and in this way wash them. as a natural result many different types of washing machines have been developed. the machine at the right represents the cylinder type, in which clothes are placed in a cylindri- cal container having perforated sides or ends and transverse baffles to lift the clothes as the cylinder revolves. the eyl- inder is revolved about its axis in another container holding water to a depth about half way between the bottom of the cylinder and the axis. the -motion of the evlinder usually is arranged to reverse periodically to prevent tangling of the clothes. that moves the shoe away from or up to the roll. me- chanically operated ironers are rapidly superseding the older tvpes of machines which require considerable exertion on the part of the operator in order to bring the roll and shoe together against the action of the springs which main- tain the pres- sure. similar household lroniny-ma- chines use gas for heat- ing the shoe instead of electricity. the washer, at left, has a tub of square cross section with rounded corners. the washing action is produced by a dasher or gyrator, a circular plate having vertical vanes or packlies. the clothes are dragged back and forth through the water, and the water is rather violently agitated by the gyrator as it rotates around the vertical axis. this machine has a power wringer. the floor scrubbing and polishing-machine above has.a ‘4 horsepower motor mounted on acircular base. the motion of the motor shaft is transmitted by gearsandachaindrive to a brush or polishing pad under the base. in the machine at the right, the in- verted hollow hemi- spheres are moved up and down in the clothes and water contained im _ the cylindrical t u b. this action is typi- cal of so-called vac- uunl cup washers. the one illustrated has no wringer, the drying being ac- complished by cen- trifugal extraction. during the drying operation the inner basket is spun about the vertical axis at high speed. in electric suction cleaners air, moved by a motor-driven fan, enters the floor nozzle carrying dirt into a fabric bag which retains the dirt as the air passes through the pores of the bag. generally a tractor or a station- ary brush is fitted to the nozzle. other cleaners have a brush in the nozzte revolved by the mo- tor, another type has a combination agita- tor and brush which taps the floor cover- ing to loosen the dirt. the machine illustrated at the left is an oscillator washer. in machines of this type the clothes are placed directly in the water ina tub that general- ly is shaped somewhat like a cube with two of the ends round- ed. the tub is rocked or oscil- lated on its transverse axis so that the water and clothes are tumbled about in the washing process. both machines at the left have power-driven wring- ers, the direction of rotation of the rolls being reversible and the wringer being movable about the support so that it may be used in any one of sev- eral positions, such as wringing from tub to basket. washing- machines similar to these illustrated have a capacity of about six double sheets which 1s » 7% . ® | { \ approximately nine pounds of dry clothes. plate ii. household appliances kitchen equipment advantages of the steam pressure cooker are economy in time and fuel. it has impor- tant applications in cooking at high alti- tudes, and for canning. a lighting fixture, adapted to kitchen or laundry, designed to give proper diffusion anddistributionof light with a high brilliancy incandescent lamp. a a glass of special composition which will withstand oven temperatures is being used extensively for oven cookery in casseroles, baking cups, platters and other suitable forms. rine ~ — z z — ae — of a the motor-driven compressor compresses a gas refrigerant, that becomes liquid in the condenser coil. the liquid is expanded in a coil in the refrigerator absorbing heat this beater and mixer is from surroundings. expanded gas passes to intake of compressor and cycle is repeated. the tank in this refrigerator is the portion of the refrig- erating unit which takes the place of ice. in it is a coil through which passes the re- frigerant, such as_ sulphur dioxide, methylchloride, ethyl chloride, propane or isobutane. outside of the coil is brine or other liquid having a low freezing point. operated by the motor at the top which, through gears, drives two vertical spindles below, to which whips or beaters may be attached. a horizontal shaft drives other attachments such as coffee grinder, food grinders, ice chopper and ice-cream freezer. three speeds are available. ~~. a, a a ee | -, | ra the appliances shown above include, from left to right, table stove, waffle iron, insu- lated cooker, toaster, and coffee percolator urn. all of these are electrically heated. to the left is an english ‘‘all gas” kitchen having a cooker or range, a gas fire or room heater and a boiler or water heater. the dishwasher at right is motor-operated and part of a kitchen sink. the motor is connected with a vertical shaft which pro- jects through the bottom of the tank. on top of the shaft is a dasher to splash water over the dishes held in suitable racks. a cover is provided to reflect the splashed water over the dishes. there is a valve- controlled drain to the house waste pipe. household appliances the dish-washer, both non-electric and electric, although available for some years, has been slow to meet with popularity. it depends on the action of a spray of hot water over the dishes, the motive force being provided cither by water pressure from a faucet or by an electrically-driven agitator immersed in water. a metal dish-drier, valuable in the saving of time and in the pos- sibilities for sanitary dish-washing, has not yet come into as general use as it deserves. a machine of many uses in the kitch- en is the electric beating and mixing machine. it has a varicty of attachments for various types of work. among the minor devices of value should be mentioned stainless stecl cutlery, first developed in england (see rustiess steel); oven-proof glass; and a foot-lever attached to garbage cans, by which the cover may be operated without the necessity of any stooping on the part of the user. cleaning and laundry worrk the scrubbing brush is being eliminated partly through changes in floor coverings and surface finishes, which lend them- selves to easier cleaning methods, and partly through improve- ments in cleaning devices. the push-broom has come into wide use, the brooms with stout, heavy fibre being largely replaced by vacuum sweepers for cleaning carpets and rugs. brushes of specialised design and material have been adapted to a large number of different uses, the bristles varying in stiffness, size and arrangement and the shape and handle being adjusted to the function for which the brush is intended. there is a tendency to replace wood by metal for the backing of such brushes. an important labour-saving device is a scrubbing brush rotated by an electric motor, which may be used for polishing waxed floors. vacuum cleaners.—the first vacuum cleaners were hand- operated and were of the pump type. an electric cleaner, in- troduced a little before 1910, was made by attaching a motor to one of these hand-machines. in other machines a centrifugal fan, directly attached to the motor shaft, replaced the suction pump. increased efficiency of the motor and fan has permitted a great reduction in the size and weight of the cleaner. there are two general classes of cleaners: those relying on suction and those depending mainly on a motor-driven brush. those of the first class clean by creating, through and across a floor covering, a current of air, which is carried through the cleaner by revolv- ing fan and takes the particles of dust with it to be deposited inside a bag provided for the purpose. some of these so-called ‘“ vacuum cleaners ”’ are provided also with fixed brushes inside or outside the nozzle or with revolving brushes within the nozzle, the motion of the brush being transmitted by the wheels on which the machine travels. these machines are distinguished from the second type by the fact that the action of the brush is secondary in importance to that of the air current. in the second type, called “ suction sweepers,” the brush itself, re- volved by motor, does the major part of the work, agitating the floor covering in such a way as to loosen the dirt. the suc- tion produced by a fan raises the floor covering to the mouth of the nozzle and carries the dirt into the bag. various attach- ments may be used with electric cleaners for cleaning cushions, upholstered furniture, draperies and other surfaces. laundry equipment— although primitive equipment and methods of laundering are still widely used, modern laundry methods are gradually driving out those century-old pieces of equipment—the washboard and the boilcr. these are not necessary in machine-washing, when there is available a supply of hot water and soaps in flake and chip form orin cakes. the use of stationary tubs, made of glazed porcelain or porcelain- enamelled iron, is becoming more common and, as in kitchen equipment, tubs and ironing boards are being raised to a more comfortable minimum working height. the use of the com- bination faucet for hot and cold water is increasing. washing- machines, both hand and power-operated, are to a considerable extent supplementing the stationary tubs. the clectric wash- ing-machine was first used a little before 1910, and by 1926 was in rather general use in the united states and canada. ore the purpose of all washing-machines is to drive the soapy water through the soiled clothes with sufficient force to wash out the dirt. in the so-called ‘ dollv,’”’ one of the earliest types, the clothes are dragged back and forth through the water in a tub by means of prongs or pegs projecting into the tub from a base that is moved first in one direction and then in the other around its vertical axis. the sides and bottom of the tub are generally corrugated, so that there is something like a wash- board action as the clothes are dragged back and forth by the prongs. a second type might be called the ‘‘ pump circulating type.”” it consists of a tub in which a water-pump operated by an electric motor maintains the circulation of water, and the clothes are carried around and kent continuously in motion by the circulating stream. another type. has several paddles mounted on a plate in the bottom of the tub. it moves first in one direction and then in the other around its vertical axis, swirling the clothes and water back and forth. the vacuum-cup, or suction, washer has two, sometimes three, cups shaped like inverted funnels or hollow hemispheres, which move up and down so as to plunge down into the clothes and water and force the water through the clothes. there is a con- stant shifting of the relative position of cups and clothes to ensure thorough washing. the oscillating type of washer con- sists of a tub generally shaped somewhat like a cube with rounded ends, in which a rocking action keeps the clothes in motion. in the cylinder, or rotary-type, washer the clothes are placed in a perforated cylinder supported ina tub containing water. the cylinder revolves in one direction and then reverses, repeating this regularly, thereby keeping the clothes in a backward and for- ward motion over strips of wood or metal along the inner surface. washing-machines often have power-driven wring- ers attached. among the improvements introduced into the wringer is the use of semi-hard rolls, to prevent breaking of buttons and serious injury to the fingers of the operator if accidentally caught between the rolls. there is also a type of washer fitted with a centrifugal drier instead of a wringer in the form of an inner perforated container, which revolves rapidly, throwing the water out of the clothes. for filling these power-machines and emptying them there are fillers and drain- ers, working with a syphon action. labour is saved, however, by having a supply of hot and cold water piped directly to the machine with a piped outlet for waste water. this arrange- ment involves having the machine permanently installed in the house. clothes driers heated by gas are available for indoor drying, and indoor clothes racks have been ingeniously designed with a view to economy of space. troning machines.—the ironing-machine (formerly called mangle) was first operated by hand and, not being heated, accomplished its work entirely by pressure. the power-driven heated ironing-machine was developed in the united states about ror1o. both gas and electricity may be used for supply- ing heat, and mechanical control is, in some cases, now substi- tuted for manual control. the larger machines have a roll length of about 48in. and the smaller ones of about 28 inches. water- softening plants are sometimes installed for use with household laundries to meet the problem of softening hard water. heating and ventilating in a jarge number of homes electrically-driven fans have long been used to give a cooling breeze in the summer. it is becoming more gencrally recognised that fans may be advan- tageously used in winter to improve the circulation of air ina closed room or to assist in direct ventilation to outdoors, there- by ridding the air of smoke or vapour. a specialised fan has been designed for attachment in window frames of kitchens for the purpose of ridding the room of cooking odours. auxiliary room-heaters, utilising the easily controlled fuels, are in common use. gas heaters, of the so-called radiant type, have been making big strides in this field. they were first used in england, where they were practically always placed in front | of a coal fireplace. later ‘ built-in ” gas grates were introduced, 378 and these have greatly increased in use. these grates take up less floor space and require a much smaller flue than the coal fireplace. kerosene heaters, mainly taking the form of a large kerosene burner set in a suitable case having a steel drum for radiating heat, find frequent use in the autumn and spring to take the chill from one or more rooms and to help the main heating plant in periods of extremely cold weather. electric-heaters of the radiant type are in general use, but more extensive develop- ment in electric house-heating appliances has been prevented through the relatively high cost of clectricity in comparison with other available fuels. w ater-heaters.—in assuring a supply of hot water for house- hold uses water-heaters play an important part as labour-saving appliances. one of the older methods for obtaining hot water where plumbing was installed was the provision of a hollow cast-iron section or water-back for one side of the fire-hox of the kitchen range, this section communicating with a tank for storing the hot water. a similar method uses a coil or pipe in- serted in the fire-box of the house-heating furnace or boiler and communicating with a storage tank. these methods of heating water suffer from the disadvantage that they cease to function when the furnace is not being used and when some other fuel is used instead of coal in the kitchen range. one of the cheapest methods of obtaining an abundant supply of hot water in the coal-burning regions of the united states is a small stove especially designed for the purpose of communicating with a water-storage tank. gas is used extensively for heating water, somctimes in addition to a water-heating attachment to the house furnace. there are several types of gas water-heaters, the simplest consisting of a gas burner placed below a coiled pipe or cast-iron water-container attached to a tank by two pipes to permit circulation of water through the coil or con- tainer. this type of heater is frequently known as the side-arm heater. it is gencrally designed to be operated whenever hot water is desired, but attachments are made so that it can be converted into a thermostatically controlled heater to maintain a constant temperature in the storage tank. another type of control is of the clock variety, so arranged that the gas flame will be extinguished after the burner has been in operation for a definite time, which can be varied as required. another type of gas water-heater is simply a combination of gas burner and stor- age tank with automatic temperature control, known in the united states as the automatic-storage type. to avoid loss of heat during idle periods the tanks of these heaters are heavily insulated with such materials as corrugated asbestos paper, in layers sometimes 1} to 2 in. thick, mineral wool, ground cork, etc. an adjustable thermostat controls the burner, which has a pilot light burning continuously. the so-called instantaneous type of gas water-heater is con- trolled by the opening and closing of any hot-water faucet on the pipe line attached to the heater. this control is effected by means of a hydrostatic valve, which operates through dif- ferences in pressure. when all the faucets on the hot-water line are closed the conditions of pressure on both sides of the hydrostatic valve are such that the latter remains closed, but when any faucet is opened, the release of the pressure operates the valve, which in turn opens the gas valve supplying the burner. kerosene or coal-oil water-heaters are in use in districts where gas is not available. the majority of these heaters are practically identical in principle with the side-arm gas water-heater al- ready described. some kerosene water-hcaters, however, con- sist of a complete unit of tank and burner. this unit has a thermostatic control, which extinguishes the burner when the water in the tank reaches a certain maximum temperature. electric water-heaters have not come into very general use be- cause they are comparatively expensive to operate, unless electricity is very cheap. they are easy to control, the heating elements do not require oxygen as do the burners of any device depending upon combustion, and there are no products of com- bustion to pollute the air. the efficiency, also, can be made relatively high, because the heating elements may be immersed directly in the water. housing housing (sce 13.814).—even before the outbreak of war the problem of sanitary and suitable housing deeply engaged the at- tention of all persons interested in promoting the welfare of the population, especially of the working classes. the population of modern large towns had risen very rapidly through influx from outside, and the working classes in particular were crowded to- gether in narrow, over-populated quarters. thus a chief aim of pre-war housing reform was the construction of cheap work- men’s accommodation, together with the clearing of the city slums. the methods of this reform hardly went bevond the pro- vision of easy building credits and cheap sites, the reduction of building costs, the svstematic planning of new residential dis- tricts, and the encouragement of co-operative building activity. the ideal form of dwelling, the so-called garden city, which aims at giving every family a beautiful and healthy home surrounded by a garden, could only be realised in a few model cxamples. i. a general survey apart from the so-called “ public utility building,” which aimed at no profit beyond a normal and fixed return on capital, almost all building activity before the war was conducted by private enterprise. the margin of profit was arrived at by estimating the difference between the sum necessary for amortisation of the capital invested and the proceeds of the annual rent, after de- duction of all taxation and costs of repairs, upkeep and adminis- tration. this margin was not as a rule very high, but represented a secure income for the landlord-proprietor; experience had shown this to be one of the safest of all forms of investment. changes during the war.—the world war brought first a fall- ing-off of demand, followed later by a very rapid increase in the costs of building, which reduced and finally abolished altogether the return on capital in new buildings. moreover the economic weakness of states and individuals made it impossible to allow rents to rise at the same rate as building costs. the raising of rents on this basis was almost always countered by the state with restrictive legislation, partly out of consideration for the families of the soldiers called up for active service and partly in the belief that the universal and increasing rise of prices was only a tem- porary phenomenon. it seemed advisable, therefore, to let rents form an exception to this rise; this was achieved by prohibiting the raising of rents, either in all dwellings or in particular categories of them. this prohibition was regularly supplemented by other restrictions, such as prohibition of notice to quit. thus there arose in almost all european countries a specia] tenant pro- tection legislation, which imposed artificial restraints on the natural development of prices on the housing market. thus arose the difference between the rent paid for old dwell- ings and the economic rent of new dwellings, a difference so great that tenants could not pay for dwellings in new buildings. but at the same time rents, kept stationary at the pre-war level, had. lost so much purchasing power in view of the gencral rise of prices that they often barely sufficed to cover the costs of the most necessary renairs. in most cases they no longer counted as a source of income for the landlord-proprietor. thus private capital withdrew from building activity, as it could find much more profitable application in many other branches of production. housing shortage.-— therefore a demand for housing accommo- dation, which grew suddenly and rapidly, especially after the war, was confronted with a complete lack of supply of free dwellings. moreover, the housing accommodation to hand was on the decrease, since little or no renovating or repairs had been carried through for several years. since it was impossible in most countries suddenly to let rents rise at one bound to a level which would make the construction of new dwellings completely eco- nomic, there was no resource but to draw the necessary building capital out of national resources through other channels than those of free initiative. state and munictpal assistance-—states and municipalities were forced to spend on this object, under various headings and in various degrees, in part even by an actual subsidy of building activity. they took over the payment or guaranteed pay- ment for interest, redemption charges, amortisations and repay- housing ment of advances for’ building purposes, granted loans from public funds, cither free of interest or on casy terms; and granted non-repayable building subsidies (in the form of premiums, sub- sidies d fonds perdus, etc.), either to cover the annual interest and redemption charges or to cover the so-called ‘‘ non-recover- able building costs,” 7.e., that part of the capital invested in building on which interest and amortisation cannot be obtained. social aspects of state assistance —this far-reaching financial assistance of building activity enabled the public authorities to fulfil certain social requirements in the dwelling houses which they helped to erect. public assistance in building was as a rule confined to the construction of small dwellings and workmen’s houses, subject to the fulfilment of certain minimum conditions of a social, hygienic and ethical nature and usually assistance was only given to the “ public utility ” building activity of the local authorities and co-operative societies. only in its later stages was this public assistance extended to include private building activity, and then mostly on the pre-war lines of remission of taxation and of credit facilities. as, however, the resources which could thus be applied to the construction of new dwellings were, even so, usually insufficient to meet the actual demand, it seemed imperative to supplement them by measures controlling existing housing accommodation, post-war ifousing policy—post-war housing policy may thus be divided into three groups of measures, under the head- ings: ‘tenant protection,” “ distributive’? and “ productive housing policy.”” rents in existing dwellings should only be raised to a degree justified by the general economic situation and the general ability of the population to meet them. this ideal can only be realised when the conditions governing notice to quit can be regulated at the same time (tenant protection). since low rents encourage an uneconomic utilisation of existing accommo- dation and, combined with the restrictions on notice, make an adjustment of the housing market difficult, it is necessary to ensure proper utilisation and just distribution of existing dwell- ing accommodation through official supervision (distributive housing policy). the systematic encouragement of direct build- ing activity becomes a task for legislation and administration, as explained above (productive housing policy). although tenant protection and distributive housing policy are essentially excep- tional measures which infringe on the liberty of the individual to dispose of his property, they have nevertheless lent a charac- teristic stamp to the housing policy of almost all european states. tenant protectton—tenant protection assumed different forms in different legal systems. in countries where fixed-period leases are customary (i*rance, belgium, italy, rumania, the can- ton of geneva), the extension of the period of lease was secured by jaw in some cases, in others left to the decision of special rent conciliation offices or tenant protection commissions composed of landlords’ and tenants’ representatives in equal numbers. in countries where leases are regularly contracted for indefinite periods and are terminable by notice (central and north europe) the right of giving notice is legally restricted, subject to the legiti- mate interest of the landlord (personal requirement), on condi- tion that the tenant can find another suitable dwelling; offences committed by the tenant (arrears in payment of rent, disturb- ance of the peace, sub-letting without approval, etc.); or con- siderations of public interest (alteration of the house, official requirement of accommodation, etc.). in germany, the right to give notice has been abolished altogether and replaced by appli- cation to a court of law for termination of the lease. tenant pro- tection has also often been extended to the increasingly common case of sub-tenancies. special provisions for periods of grace in case of notices to quit are designed to eliminate, where possi- ble, compulsory evictions, which are undesirable if only in the interest of public peace. restriction of rents ——measures for the protection of tenants -and sub-tenants against increases of rent have varied widely in different countrics according to the intensity of the housing shortage. in many of the neutral countries (e.¢., holland, spain) commissions were set up, usually giving equal representation to landlords and tenants, to consider whether a disputed increase 3/9 of rent was justified. other countries (england, france, bel- gium, italy, the scandinavian countries, etc.) went further, introducing legislation or regulations by which certain categories of tenants or dwellings where such protection seemed advisable were liable to increases of rent only on a fixed graduated scale. in determining the percentage of increase, the taxable value of the house, the average expencliture necessary for its upkeep, etc., were taken into consideration. according to the country’s gen- eral housing policy, the tendency was apparent, in greater or lesser degree, to bring rent gradually into line with the general level of prices and thus clear the way for the removal of rent restrictions the countries most severely affected by the housing shortage, especially those of central and mastern jurope, sometimes even reached the stage of making every increase of rent legal, on the principle of placing the whole question of fixing rents on an exact- ly defined legal basis and thus abolishing freedom of contract in rent questions. as these were the very countries where the devaluation of currency with its devastating economic conse- quences appeared in its acutest form, the adaptation of the real rent, which hac! often sunk to a minute sum, to the new monetary conditions, formed a particularly difficult problem. allocation of existing diellings—these are the countries which were forced to take the most drastic measures in their dis- tributive housing policy. in western countries, the authorities generally confined themselves to prohibiting the demolition of dwelling-houses, the utilisation of dwelling-space for other than dwelling purposes, the use of two or more dwellings by one occupant, etc. in mary cases, too, permits to enter and settle in a district were introduced to restrict the liberty of moving (es- pecially in switzerland and czechoslovakia) in order to secure the available dwelling-space for the native population. in some cases strangers were excluded from the benefits of tenant pro- tection. in the countries of central and eastern europe, where the housing shortage was worst, housing policy even resorted to the radical measures of official requisitioning and allocation of avail- able dwelling-space. here again the interpretation of the word “ available ” varied sensibly. in some cases only dwelling-room which was actually empty or easily dispensable was subject to these measures, in others the dwelling-space allowed per head, or rather, the number of heads allowed per dwelling-room was fixed by law, and every dwelling-room beyond this was requisi- tioned and allocated to persons requiring accommodation (ger- many, austria, czechoslovakia). such measures were not far from the socialisation of dwelling-space, as actually practised in hungary under the communist regime and in soviet russia, where the govt. carried its principle of “‘ condensing ” housing so far, that not only dwelling-rooms, but also unused corners of rooms were requisitioned and officially occupied. even so, the housing crisis in russia surpassed that of the worst-situated of the european countries. economic effects of rent restriction —the allocation of requi- sitioned dwelling-space presupposed a just and rigorous classifica- tion of the applicants according to the urgency of their needs. an entirely new and very responsible administrative branch was therefore created in public, especially municipal administration, which created an expensive and intricate apparatus (housing oflices). the economic consequences of the restriction of rents in comparison with those of before the war was a far-reaching alteration in the utilisation of the national income. of the enor- mous sums which had formerly been employed in the form of rent to pay interest and amortisation of the capital invested in dwell- ing-houses and to maintain the stock of dwelling-houses, only a small fraction was now applied to the same end. in this way the capital invested in dwelling-houses was partly consumed without any compensation being received. how far this was the case in the different countries is best seen from the table on the next page, which shows the percentage expenditure on rent in the total cudget of a workman’s family before and after the war. but a closer observation of the consequences of rent restric- tions seems to show that the alteration in the distribution of the national income goes far deeper than is apparent at first sight, 380 percentage expenditure on rent in the total budget country pre-war july 1922 july 1924 denmark t4:2 ii-i4 11-22 norway 15:7 11-40 11-30 sweden 11-9 i1-2 12°38 switzerland 10-4 9-9 9:88 great britain 16-0 13-7 13°76 finland : : 11-8 10-3 11-92 france : ‘ 12-0 7:2 6-60 italy : ii-4 4°34 6-84 germany . ; 18-0 0-34 10-62 austria 14-6 0:66 1-18 poland i8-i 3-44 5:07 hungary 18-0 0-22 0-77 and that the relative expenditure on different objects of the work- ing population in particular has been deeply influenced by the fallin rents. for it became the almost universal practice to de- termine wages by reference to the general level of prices, so that the real wage of the workman, that is the purchasing power of his wage measured in commodities, should remain essentially stable. in reckoning the general level of prices, rent was con- sidered as a factor. the workman who only paid in real value half as much or less for his dwelling as before the war, could therefore be content with a proportionately smaller real wage without impairing his general standard of life. | in view of the fall of the national income in many countries, this reduction of the workman’s real wage, while not perceptible to himself, was perhaps actually necessary, at any rate advisable as making cheaper production possible. in any case, similar consequences of the rent restrictions also had their effect on the income and relative expenditure of other classes of the popula- tion. it became impossible to find paying tenants, especially for new working-class dwellings erected at greatly increased cost. they could not therefore be built with any prospect of a return on the capital invested, and were not built at all except where the state or the municipality intervened with assistance from public funds. but even this fund was modest in comparison with the capital which had been employed before the war in erecting dwelling-houses. a further consequence of this rent policy has been therefore a change in the application of the available national capital. modification of restrictions —under these circumstances, all countries which did not aim at complete destruction of the value of housing property as a step towards socialism began to feel the need of restoring normal economic conditions in the housing market and of gradually raising rents into line with the general price level. the legislative methods adopted, the so-called ‘“‘ modification of rent restrictions,” varied greatly in different countries; it was a general rule that the dwellings of the poorer classes were affected last by the rise in rents, and only quite gradually. some governments found it expedient not to restore to the house owners that part of the national income which the increases of rent had rediverted into its former channels, but, after covering the expenses of repairs, upkeep and administra- tion, to reserve the remainder as “ rent duties ”’ for public ends, either the construction of new dwellings for the most necessitous classes of the population, or else (as, for example, in germany) for the general financial reconstruction of the state. in any case, since the raising of rents, if severe shocks to the economic system are to be avoided, must almost always be distributed over a long period, the capital necessary for new building had to be drawn from other sources than private capital seeking investment. other methods of financing building —the application of public money to housing is generally confined within as narrow limits as possible. attempts have often been made to induce employers to help in raising the necessary means. building sub- sidies from public funds have often been made conditional on the employers’ providing subsidies of an equal amount. some countries (e.g., yugoslavia) have even imposed a legal compulsion to build, on well-to-do individuals and firms who have been obliged at their own expense to provide by building for the accommodation of themselves, their families and their em- ployees. housing reduction in costs—another important way of bringing the rent of new dwellings into correspondence with the means of tenants is by reducing the cost of building. this can be done by using less expensive forms of construction, employing cheaper materials, standardising and typifying certain elements of the house. in almost all countries architects, engineers and contrac- tors have been occupied with these questions. in england, the govt. has made elaborate enquiries in this direction, and has recommended certain useful new types of building. attempts have been made to reduce building costs by co-operative meth- ods. encouraged by many municipal authorities and by the trade unions, guilds, building organisations and social building — enterprises have sought to solve the financial problem by elimi- nating profit and increasing output. but surrounded as they are by a world organised on non co-operative lines, they have achieved no more than partial successes. no new method, no new system has been fully successful in combating the housing crisis. ‘che qualitative elements in housing—the improvement of hygienic, ethical and social standards—have to be considered under the head of city planning. if. housing in various countries the neutral states of europe naturally suffered least from the housing crisis consequent on the world war. nevertheless, they did not wholly escape it, and, in fact, the scandinavian states, holland and switzerland all adopted a more or less extensive tenant protection policy. ‘these countries, however, suffered very much less than the belligerents from the stoppage of build- ing; in none of them did building cease altogether. therefore they could set about filling up their gaps much sooner. ijjolland is the only country besides spain in which extensive building activity since the war has already brought the end of the housing short- age in sight. countries of western europe.—those victorious states which found wide stretches of their country in ruins at the end of the war had to reconstruct many thousands of ruined houses. this gave a welcome opportunity within the narrow limits of financial possibility of realising as far as possible the ideas of the housing reformers by building small family houses in garden settlements. remarkable successes have been achieved on these lines in the re- constructed districts of northern france, belgium and italy. poland and yugoslavia have also carried through the work of reconstructing their devastated districts with much success. in belgium, the societe nationale des habitations a bon marche, with its wide network of local organisations, has done excellent work in public utility housing construction, and financial assist- ance has been given by the state. in italy legislation for the case popolare ed economiche has been of great importance, whereas the french housing action based on the legislation pour les habitations a bon marche does not ap- pear to have given really satisfactory results, although consid- erable financial assistance has been given and a great apparatus of offices and soczetes d’habitations & bon marche established. great britain has attacked her housing problem with much greater energy and correspondingly greater success, as will be seen in the article on the following page. germany and austria.—most states of this group have been compelled to requisition housing accommodation. the methods adopted were often influenced by political tendencies. their degree of success depended mainly on the economic capabilities of the different countries. germany suffered a severe housing crisis as an effect of the depreciation of her currency, though she spent large sums from public funds and inaugurated a most successful housing policy in many industrial districts, ¢.g., in the ruhr. the particular character of her housing problems was met by the organisation of housing offices, official control of the exchange of dwellings, the assistance of rural building from the funds of the so-called ‘‘ productive unemployment relief,”’ the construction of miners’ homes out of the proceeds of a duty on coal, self-help associations such as the liineburg ‘‘ notgemein- schaft,” building guilds, state-assisted limited companies for erecting dwellings for dismissed employees, etc. germany’s rent housing policy aimed at raising rents in comparatively rapid stages to their pre-war level; the landlord-proprictor receives, however, only so much of this increase as will correspond to the revalua- tion of mortgages in progress in 1925. the housing shortage in austria brought with it a strict tenant protection policy. in vienna, rents were kept down in a way which amounted to expropriation of the landlords in favour of the tenants. the municipality of vienna then itself took over the building activity for the city, covering the deficit which it incurred out of general and special taxation (rent tax). other countries —the more favourable financial situation of the other succession states enabled czechoslovakia and yugo- slavia especially, both to undertake state-assisted building activity on a much larger scale and to resume private enter- prise. the reduction of war and emergency measures dealing with tenant protection and distributive housing policy is already far advanced, in these countries, as also in hungary, poland, rumania, bulgaria and greece. in russia, the change of system in general economic policy in 1923 brought a return to more fruitful methods of housing policy after the original epoch of municipalisation and socialisation without, however, bringing noticeable relief. the european housing shortage thus presents a problem of such extent that, in view of the continuous increase of the population, it will be long before it vanishes from the order of the day. ck. ps) note.—the above sketch is based chiefly on the volume exrepean ttousing problems since the war, published by the international labour office, geneva (1924). united states—housing conditions in the united states closely parallel those of european countries. the conflagration risk, however, is greater, due to the large use of wood in the construction of dwellings. on the other hand, the much more general use of modern systems of plumbing, heating and lighting makes for greater comfort. the relative newness of american cities means that they are less harassed by the survival of obsolete types of dwellings. the problem of slum demolition is therefore not as acute or as prevalent as in europe. the national housing assn., established in 1910, and directed by mr. lawrence veiller, has promoted the study of local housing conditions and the framing of state housing laws and city housing ordinances. approximately too local housing sur- veys have been made in the last 20 years, most of them resulting in improvements of local housing conditions. state- wide surveys made in california by the state commission of immigration and housing and in new york state by the commission of housing and regional planning are espccially noteworthy. legislatton.—the revised edition of lawrence veiller’s model housing law has been used as the basis of housing acts in a large number of states and cities. the recommended minimum requirements for small house construction of the united states dept. of commerce, prepared by a special committee with the co-operation of dr. john m. gries, chief of the division of building and housing, are widely used as the basis for building codes, and that division has played an important rele in pro- moting building, housing and zoning legislation and in providing general information on these and kindred subjects. agencies of improved construction.—among the scores of lim- ited dividend companies for improved housing, the city and suburban homes co. of new york city is conspicuous for the extensiveness of its building operations. the metropolitan life insurance co. and the bayonne housing corp., with the aid of andrew j. thomas, architect, have made notable advances in tenement house architecture, especially in planning for sunlight. the most striking of recent developments in row and group housing have been made by the city housing corp. of new york city in their sunnyside development and by the bridgeport housing assn. at bridgeport, conn., and the octavia hill assn. in philadelphia. the garden community designed by john nolen at mariemont, near cincinnati, o., although not designed for wage-earning families, is the best recent example of community planning with detached housing. 381 co-operative housing —a movement for co-operative owner- ship of apartments has been cultivated by the national assn. of real estate boards. the only important recent venture in co-operative suburban housing is that of the garden homes co., near milwaukee. industrial housing—several hundred american industrial corporations have provided industrial villages or extensive improved housing developments for their employees. among these should be mentioned the u.s. steel corp., which has built in scores of communities; the general motors co. at flint, mich.; the goodyear tire and rubber co. at akron, o.; norton co. at worcester, mass.; the mount union refractories co. at kistler, pennsylvania and the ford co. at detroit. governmental housing.—in the united states the building of houses is left to private enterprise. during the world war the federal govt., through the u.s. housing corp., the emergency fleet corp. and the war dept. built many thousands of houses in well-planned communities, as an emergency measure. these projects have since been disposed of by sale to individuals or corporations. they have, however, served to interest many leading architects and town planners in the problem of industrial and suburban housing, and thus have led to improvement in gencral standards of industrial housing. housing finance-—there is no provision by the federal or state governments for public loans for small-house construction. the recent attempt by the state of north dakota to provide such loans has been pronounced unsuccessful. the construction of private dwellings is largely financed through building and loan associations, which are semi co-operative in their organisa- tion and methods. in 1924 there were 11,844 associations of this character, with a membership of over 8,500,000 persons, and total assets amounting to over $4,700,000,000. educational agencies —in 1922 better homes in america, inc., was established by mrs. william b. meloney to organise local committees to study and improve local conditions of hous- ing and home-life. under the leadership of its president, herbert hoover, secretary of commerce, this organisation in 1926 formed 2,937 committees in cities, towns and villages throughout the united states. these committees have arranged lecture and discussion programmes, contests for home improvement and demonstrations of the better types of small house architecture, furnishing and landscaping. the architects’ small house service bureau, established by the american institute of architects, has contributed greatly to the improvement of prevailing standards in small house plan- ning and design by issuing hundreds of plans of single-family houses of from three to six rooms. such plans, with specifica- tions and quantity surveys, are sold at nominal cost to families throughout the united states who are interested in building homes of their own. (j. f.) wy. housing in great britain despite legislation during the preceding so years or there- abouts, housing of the working classes throughout england and wales in the census year of rt911 was far from satis- factory. economic facts mainly account for the paradox of surplus accommodation (5-6%) existing in conjunction with some 250,000 families surplus to structurally separate dwellings; 405,010 tenements of four rooms and less were occupied by more than two persons in one room. insanitary areas and unfit houses abounded. ‘the conditions in scotland were worse. local authorities, even later than 1890, with few exceptions, did not consider that housing the people fell within the essentials of their activities, and up to 1909 a legal obligation existed to sell, within ro years, houses erected in discharge of rehousing obliga- tions. | ; unregulated and speculative individual effort dominated this branch of the building industry to the extent that some 95% of pre-war working-class accommodation was built by pri- vate enterprise. increasing cost of production operated to diminish output until fear, inculcated by the taxation of land, produced by the finance (1909-10) act, dried up the sources of 382 speculative house building. the dangers due to increasing population cribbed by inadequate and wasting accommodation failed to secure national recognition, although private bills to stimulate production by subsidy were introduced unsuccessfully from 1gri to rorg. thus the outbreak of the world war in aug. rory found housing in arrear. war conditions, causing large migrations and increased marriages, rapidly absorbed vacant accommoda- tion in the cities. rent restriction acts controlling rents and preventing evictions, but aggravating slum conditions, followed. normal upkeep of houses was checked, and new construction was suspended by military requirements. production and import of building materials ceased, and the ranks of skilled labour became depleted. the end of the war revealed a deplor- able condition. the perpetual housing problem due to poverty had been intensified, and accommodation was jacking for many whose capacity to pay was undoubted. it was estimated (1918), possibly in excess of the immediate effective demand, that a deficiency of approximately 500,000 houses existed, of which 109,000 were needed in scotland. the census of 1g2r later revealed 760,543 families in england and wales surplus to structurally separate dwellings. ‘the replacement of unfit dwellings to an approximate amount of 205,000 was not included. in addition, the london county council required 29,000 new dwellings and immediate clearance of insanitary areas involving rehousing of 40,000 persons. it is noteworthy that nevertheless health statistics were good. the problem presented was incapable of rapid solution. skilled operatives were reduced by 50% as compared with 1908, and the remainder absorbed in maintenance and by contract builders. material was scarcely procurable. an unparalleled financial stringency prevailed, with cost of living of wages and of material increased by over 100% on pre-war figures. the working classes, which constitute about three-fourths of the population, mainly require houses let at weekly rents. even if building for sale were feasible, to let at an economic rent was impossible. the act of 19r9.—in these circumstances the coalition govt., stimulated by the slogan “ homes for heroes,” rapiillyv passed the housing, town planning, etc., act 1919. this epochal act embodied three principles: an obligation on local authorities to effect housing schemes, a state subsidy to housing and stringent penal clauses relating to compensation payable for insanitary property. the state shouldered all liability on approved schemes exceeding a rd. rate borne by the local authority. the standard of housing was raised, but the incentive to local extravagance, countered by paralysing depart- mental centralisation, combined with exclusion of private en- terprise, marred the act. prices soared until an annual loss per house of £50, to be met throughout the loan period of 60 years, was not uncommon. the average cost, exclusive of london, in 1920 was {£360 for non-parlour and £972 parlour type. nearly fi1oo must be added to building prices for land, roads and sewers. in london it cost as a minimum {158 per person housed as compared with £43 per person pre-war, and the average per habitable room in a tenement block attained {£375 comparable with less than {100 pre-war. a total of 174,540 houses excluding some 3,000 temporary huts was the result of the act at a (treas- ury) cost of about £175,000,000, exclusive of the 1d. rate borne by the local authorities. the act of 19g1g.—the housing (additional powers) act 1919 remedied the exclusion of private builders, to whoma lump sum sub- sidy averaging about {240 a house was given, which provided nearly 40,000 houses at a total cost to the government of {£9,493,155; it forbade conversion or demolition of dwelling houses, and, to con- serve labour for dwellings, attempted prevention of “ juxury " building; the fatter prohibition proved more injurious generally than beneficial. both output and cost were seriously affected by the trade unions of this sheltered industry, which defeated all attempts” to increase production by a dilution with ex-service men or otherwise. the results attained by the 1919 act were not commensurate with the cost. therefore in june 1921 the government curtailed the scheme to “ the number built, building or for which tenders have been approved," and notified a contribution not exceeding £200,000 housing a year for the improvement of insanitary areas in england and wales. the suspension of the act led to a fall in prices, and a vain hope of abolishing subsidy was entertained in some quarters. the average cost (excluding london) in 1922 for non-parlour type was £362 and with parlour £393. by 1925 prices had reached £440 and £495 respectively, but in 1923 it was deemed expedient to enact a limited subsidy (£6 a year for 20 years) for houses or flats of specified dimensions and containing a bath. the (chamberlain) act success- fully aimed at promoting private enterprise and owner-occupiers both by subsidy and loan. the small dwellings acquisition act 1899 was extended and co-operation with public utility and building societies sought. up to the end of 1925 over 278,484 houses had been arranged for under the acts of 1923 and 1924, of which 151,102 were completed. a cts of 1923 and 1924.——before the 1923 act could become operative the advent of a labour govt. led to fresh legislation, to run part passw with the 1923 act. after conferring with the building industry and the local authorities a financial basis was agreed as between taxpayer and ratepayer. the former was to pay twice as much as the latter, viz.: {9 and {4 10s. respectively, for 40 years, and any remaining gap between cost of production and income should be filled by rent from the tenant. heretofore rent fixation had proceeded on the basis of comparable accommodation in the neighbourhood: now special conditions were attached on the basis of pre-war rents as amended by rent restriction acts. this would diminisn rent where production costs were low. in agricultural par- ishes, of defined limits, the subsidy was raised to £12 ios. because of the special difficulties of rural conditions. the housing (financial provisions) act 1924 propounded a fifteen years’ programme, sub- ject to biennial revision of contributions, under which 2,500,000 houses should be provided; an apprenticeship scheme, under which the ratio to craftsmen was increased to one in three, instead of the unattained permitted maximum of from one in four to one in seven, was an essential adjunct of the act. but an apprenticeship scheme requires several years before fruition, and augmentation of crafts- men was overdue. the continuing shortage of skilled labour led to investigation of new methods and materials for cottage construction. concrete speedily established itself as a substitute for brick, but the necessity of eliminating plasterers’ and bricklayers’ work evolved novel types, notably the factory-made ‘‘ stecl’’ house. progress in such types has been hindered by the hostility of the building industry and the timidity of local authorities. consolidating act of 1925.—the permanent law relating to housing was consolidated into the housing act 1925, and the attached table shows progress up to the end of that year. in the london area progress was retarded by special difficulties, mainly due to london’s magnitude, the population being eight times that of birmingham, the next largest city (excluding scotland), aud the inaccessibility of housing sites. the housing problem is not solved, and the economic position, now as ever, refutes the idealistic standard of one dwelling one family, every family a dwelling. it will take much expenditure and many years of persistent national endeavour to achieve a practical standard enabling all capable of paying a moderate rent to occupy a structurally separate dwelling, to establish a margin of surplus accommodation, to suppress overcrowding and to abolish insanitary areas and unfit houses. but a postulate lies in an adequate supply of skilled labour, and a measure of town planning applied to built-up areas is indicated as a corollary. england and wales (including greater london) 116,370 102,706 60,648 greatcr london pre-war number of houses provided scotland average per year in five-year periods ended — 1904 . igo9 . i9l4 . post-war. 23,500 17,560 9,339 2,642 12,921 16,913) 10,229 17,339 23.000! to end of 1920 1g2i . ; 1922 . 1923 . ig24 . 1925 . 1 estimated. bibliography.—hansard's parliamentary reports; census re- turns for 1921; public general acts, 1919, etc. (g and to geo. v., chapters 35, 45, 60 and 99 of 1919; io and 11 geo. v., chapter 71 of 1920; if and 12 geo, v., chapter 24 of 1923; 15 geo. v., chapters 14, 15, 16 and 17 of 1925). (c, b. l.) 221,000! 71,934 125,762 166,952 housman—huber housman, alfred edward (1859- ), british poet and scholar, was born march 26 1859 and educated at broms- grove school and st. john’s college, oxford. from 1882-92 he held a post in the patent office, and then became professor of latin at university college, london, until 1911. he filled the kennedy chair of latin at cambridge from 1911 onwards, being also elected fellow of trinity college. his editions of manilius (1903-20) and of juvenal (1905) are well known to classical scholars, but he is most widely famed as the author of the lyric sequence, the shropshire lad (1896), a work with few rivals of its kind in the language. his only other published volume of poetry was last poems (1922), which showed a command of delicate cadence and a fine sensibility no less distinguished than those of his early work. houssaye, henry (1848-1o11), french historian (see 13.828), died in paris sept. 23 1911. after his death were pub- lished jena ef la campagne de 1806 (1912), and la patrie guer- rieve (1913). see l. sonolet, hexry toussaye (1905). houston, texas, u.s.a. (see 13.828).—a few years after the world war, houston became a world port, with 33 steamship lines in 1925 operating regularly to the principal ports of north and south america, europe and the orient. its total tonnage of exports, imports and coastwise traffic (1924) was 5,343,598 tons, valued at $294,796,871. the first bale of cotton was exported in nov. 1919; shipments for the season 1924-5 were 1,821,828 bales. the 25-ft. ship channel, completed in 1914, was deepened to 30 ft. and widened between to1rg-25. un- der an enabling act, passed in 1921, the navigation district of harris co. assumed operation of the port and made ex- tensive improvements in port facilities. the projected intra- coastal canal from the mississippi river to the houston ship channel will connect the port with 6,000 m. of inland waterways. the value of manufactures within the city limits was $23,015,000 in 1909; $86,874,000 in 1919; $89,133,777 in 1923. the area was increased from 17-4 sq. mm. in 1910 to 36°5 sq. m. in 1920 and to 4 $q.m.in 1925. the population in 1920 was 138,278, of whom 33,960 were negroes and 12,088 foreign-born; in 1925 it was estimated at 164,954; the local estimate for the metropolitan district was 250,000. between 1920 and 1925 great progress was made in paving and widening streets, constructing sewers and bridges, improving the fire department, building driveways along the bayous, adding parks and beautiful public buildings and transforming the business section with modern office buildings and hotels. rice institute opened for its first academic year on sept. 23 1912 in buildings on its 300-ac. campus. howard, leland ossian (1857- ), american ento- mologist, was born at rockford, ill., june 11 1857. he gradu- ated from cornell university, becoming b.s. in 1877 and m.s. in 1883. after serving as assistant entomologist at the u.s. dept. of agriculture, washington, d.c., in 1878, he was made chief of the bureau of entomology in 1894. from 1904 he was consulting entomologist in the u.s. public health service, and from 1895 honorary curator of the u.s. national museum. ile was in 1917 a member of the committee on agriculture and chairman of the sub-committee on medical entomology of the national council of defence. howard wrote mosquitoes—how they live (1901); the insect book (1902); the house fly—disease carrier (1911); a monograph on mosquitoes for the carnegie institution (1912); and many government bulletins. howells, william dean (1837-1920), american novelist (see 13.839), died in new york may 11, t920. in 1915 he received the gold medal of the national institute of arts and letters for his work in fiction. to within a short time before his death he continued to contribute to the ‘ editor’s easy chair ”’ of harper’s monthly. his later works included my mark twain (1910); imaginary interviews (1910); parting friends: a farce (1911); familiar spanish travels (1913); new leuf mills: a chronicle (1913); the seen and unseen at stratford-on-avon: a fantasy (1914); the daughter of the storage and other things in prose and verse (1916); the leatherwood god (1916); and years of my youth (1916). in 1920 he edited with an introduction 383 the great modern american stories. he left unfinished yeurs of my middic life. erdlicka, ales (1869- —+},_:~ american anthropologist, was born at hampouletz, bohemia, march 29 1869. his early education was received in bohemia. he studied at the new york eclectic college becoming m.d. 1n 1892. in 1894 he joined the new york state service, investigating the insane and other defective classes, and became in 1896 associate in anthropology in the state pathological institute. he was a member of the hyde expeditions to mexico and the southwestern united states in charge of physical anthropology, 1898-1903. in the— latter year he was appointed assistant curator in charge of the division of physical anthropology at the u.s. national museum, washington, d.c., becoming curator in roto. as a member of various anthropological expeditions he made researches in many parts of the globe. he became a leading exponent of the theory that the north american indian is of asiatic origin. among his works are the eskimo brain (1901); aucient man in north america (1907); ancient man in south america (1912); an- thropological work in peru (1914). hrozny, bedrich (1879- ), czech orientalist and archacologist, studied in prague, vienna, berlin and london. in 1904 he took part in the seelin excavations in ta’anuk (north palestine), on the basis of which he wrote die keilschriftiexte von ta’annek (1904) and die neugefundenen reilschrifitexte von twannek (1906). in rtg05 he was appointed professor at the university of vienna, and in 1919 became professor of cuneiform research and ancient oriental history at the charles university of prague. hrozny’s name became known chiefly in connection with the study of the ancient hittites. he left the solution of the hittite hieroglyphics to chance, proceeded to work on the basis of hittite documents from the boghazkoi archives written in cuneiform script, and in 1915 thus succeeded in deci- phering the hittite language, which he proved to be an indo- european tongue, closely akin to the iranian, celtic, italic and slavonic families of speech. his solution was attacked from many quarters, but he substantiated his claim by the success with which he read and translated a number of documents, among others a hittite legal code (published in paris, 1922, under the title: cede hittite provenant de v asie mincure, i. partie: transcription, traduction francaise). in 1925 excavations for the purpose of further research were made under his direc- tion by a czech scientific expedition to asia minor. hubay, eugene de (1858- ), hungarian composer and violinist, was born at budapest sept. 15 1858. wis first teacher was his father, who was a professor of the violin, as well as a composer and conductor. from 1871-5 he studied in berlin under joachim, and later, on the recommendation of liszt, gave successful violin recitals in different countries including england. while in paris he was associated with vieuxtemps and massenet. in 1882 he succeeded wieniawski as professor of the violin at the brussels conservatoire, and in 1886 was appointed to a sim- ilar post at the budapest academy, of which he has been the director since 1919. his pupils include many eminent violinists, among them vecsey, jelly d’aranyl and szigeti. hubay has written the following operas: the violin muker of cremona; anna karenina; altenor; die afaske; amoosreschen; lavottus liebe, etc. his other compositions include symphonies, violin concertos, and solos and songs. ilis early works, based on hun- garian and french elements, were exclusively lyrical, while his later compositions show more dramatic rhythm as well as more modern tone-colouring. huber, max (1874- ), swiss lawyer, was born dec. 28 1874 at zurich. he became doctor of law at berlin university in 1897 and, on the conclusion of his studies, travelled exten- sively and made a prolonged sojourn in the far east. from 1902 to 1921 he held a law professorship—first extraordinary and subsequently ordinary—at the university of ziirich. in 1921 he resigned his chair and became honorary professor. the swiss federal council on many occasions consulted him as an expert in international questions and he was a swiss representative at the hague conference in 1907. during the world war he was 384 legal adviser to the swiss political department. in this capacity he was entrusted with several missions to the peace conference, to the league of nations and to various governments. in 1920 and 1921 he was deputy delegate to the assembly of the league of nations. he was a member of the jurists’ committee of the council of the league of nations dealing with the aaland islands question and of the international blockade commission. he became both a judge of the permanent court of international justice and a member of the permanent court of arbitration. huch, ricarda (1864- ), german poet, was born in brunswick july 18 1864 and educated there. later she studied in ziirich, where she took her degree. she was appointed secre- tary of the library in ziirich and married first dr. ceconi, and later dr. richard hiich, a lawyer. she wrote a number of ro- mantic and imaginative novels, among which may be mentioned aus der triumphgasse (1902); vita somnium breve, ein roman (1903); der grosse krieg in deutschland (1912-4); and der wie- derkehrende christus (1928). her most important historical works are bliithezeit der romantik (1899); ausbreitung und ver- fall der romantik (1902); das risorgimento (1908). in 1919 ap- peared a volume of reflections, der sinn der hetligen schrift, which reveal a profound knowledge of psychology. hudson, william henry (1841-1922), british naturalist and writer, was the son of danicl hudson (1804-68), who was himself born of english parentage at marblehead, massachu- setts. w. h. hudson, daniel’s third son, was born at quilmes, near buenos aires, aug. 4 1841, and remained with his family on the pampas until about the age of 29, when he came to eng- land. from then the greater part of his life was spent in poverty, and his difficulties were accentuated by frequent ill-health. his wife, emily, long kept a boarding-house in london, where hud- son too lived, known to only a small circle of appreciative friends. a civil list pension granted in r901 aided him somewhat, but he voluntarily relinquished this in later years when belated suc- cess reached him. he died in london aug. 18 1922 and was buried at broadwater, sussex. his writings include the memo- rable pictures of the south america of his youth, such as the purple land (1885); a crystal age (1887); el ombt (1902); green mansions (1904); fur away and long ago (1918); of the english countryside, such as a shepherd’s life (1910); dead man’s plack (1920); and the posthumous a fzind tn richmond park (1922); ornithological works, as his collaboration with p. l. schlater in argentine ornithology (1888-9); and his own british birds (1893); and birds of la plata (1920); and many - pamphlets for the society for protection of birds. a bird sanc- tuary with a decoration by jacob epstein was erected to his memory in hyde park, london, in 1925. see il. j. massingham, untradden ways: adventures among the vorks of hudson, etc. (1923); morley roberts, iv. jz. ifudson (1924). hugel, friedrich von, baron (1852-1925), catholic the- ologian, was the son of karl von hugel (1775-1870), baron of the holy roman empire, a german by birth, an austrian sub- ject, and austrian minister to the grand ducal court of tuscany at vlorence where on may 5 1852 friedrich was born. baron karl had married elizabeth farquharson, a convert from presby- terianism to the catholic church. in 1867 the family went to england and made their home at torquay. friedrich von hugel’s education was curiously miscellaneous: brought up a catholic, he was early made acquainted with anglican forms and doctrines; from 8 to 15 he had a rhenish prussian lutheran tutor, whom he loved, the catholic historian alfred von reumont meantime supervising the course of the teaching; to his father perhaps he owed a turn for science, study- ing geology and entomology. hebrew he learnt from a rabbi and from the catholic priest—professor gustav bickell, the biblical critic and commentator on job. this singular up- bringing, his mixed ancestry and his knowledge of languages, together with his natural gifts helped him to become one of the most sympathetic, resourceful and persuasive religious teachers of his age, and won him many friends in many lands. he took into his purview all history, all races, all religions, all philoso- phies, all literature. but while he possessed a generous sympathy huch—hughes, charles e. for all seekers after truth, he held the catholic church to possess in its creeds, worship, history and institutions, the fullest, rich- est and deepest realisation of religion. he accepted the papacy and the principle “ abi petrus ibi ecclesia,” but at the same time he thought that the government of the church was over- centralised, and he believed that the bureaucratic tendency could be counteracted by the healthy interaction of energy between the head and the members of the whole body of believers. fits biblical scholarship led him into relations with the higher criticism and he accepted what he regarded as the assured results of such studies. this association with modernist biblical critics led him to be classed with modernists. when the crisis of mod- ernism was over, he made it more and more clear that friendly and sympathetic as he was to them, as to all others who were troubled by doubts, he could not follow the modernists who re- volted from rome and that he rejected altogether their theory of belief. he wrote that the main spiritual influence, dating from 1886, which had strengthened his faith, had been the teaching and the example of the abbe huvelin, a remarkable french priest, who wrote no books but “ wrote in souls.”’ baron von hugel himself brought out no book until he was fifty-eight. a letter in the times literary supplement of may 25 1922 on louis duchesne is of value for its treatment of the subject, but also as an apologia for the baron’s own religious belicf. in 1873 the baron married lady mary herbert, a daughter of sydney herbert (lord herbert of lea). he died in london jan. 27 1925 and by his own wish was buried in downside abbey, bath, somersetshire. he asked that his library should be given to st. andrews university. in his will are the words “i desire to die as i have striven to live, a devoted member of the catholic and roman church.” his works include: the mystical element of religion as studied in st, catherine of genoa and her friends (1908, new and rev. ed. 1923); isternal life, a study of its implications and applications (1912, 2nd ed. rev. 1913); zhe german soul in tts attitude towards ethics and christianity; the state and war (1916); essays and addresses on the philosophy of religion (1921). huggins, margaret lindsay, lapvy (1848-1015), british astronomer (see 13.857), died in london march 24 1915. hughes, charles evans (1862- ), american lawyer and statesman, was born at glen falls, n.y., april rr 1862. he attended colgate university from 1876 to 1878, whence he proceeded to brown university (b.a., 1881; m.a., 1884). he studied law at columbia university, taking his ll.b. degree in 1884 and obtaining a prize fellowship at the columbia law school. in the same year he was admitted to the new york bar, and engaged in practice till his appointment as professor of law at cornell university in 1891, a position which he relinquished in 1893 in order to resume practice. he continued, however, to maintain his connection with cornell in the capacity of special lecturer, and, in addition, was a special lecturer at the new york law school from 1893 to 1900. . in 1895 he was retained as counsel for the stevens gas com- mission, appointed by the new york state legislature to inves- tigate the cost of gas; and in the same and following years was counsel for a committee of the new york state legislature, known as the armstrong insurance commission, formed for the purpose of investigating life insurance companies. in 1905 he was nominated for mayor of new york city by the repub- lican convention, but declined to stand. in the coal investiga- tion of 1906 he acted as special assistant to the attorney-general of the united states. in the same year he was elected governor of the state of new york, defeating william randolph hearst, and was re-elected in 1908. he resigned oct. 6 tg10, on being appointed associate justice of the supreme court of the united states by president taft. | candidate for the presidency—lin 1916 he resigned from the supreme court on being nominated for the presidency by the republicans, but was narrowly defeated by president woodrow wilson, who had been renominated by the democrats. hughes’s election was considered assured when the campaign began; but though he “ stumped ”’ the country widely he disappointed the hughes, sir samuel—hughies, william morris people because he took no definite position on any of the specific questions involving the stand of america in the world war, and especially as regards the sinking of the “ lusitania.’’ the result of the election was doubtful until a full count had been made, and eventually hinged upon minnesota and california, normally republican states. hughes carried minnesota by a few hundred votes, but lost california by a few thousand. the electoral vote was 277 for wilson against 254 for ilughes. the popular vote was 9,129,606 for wilson against 8,538,22¢ for hughes. the following year he again entered upon the practice of law in new york city. in 1917 he was appointed chairman of the draft appeals board of new york city by governor whitman, and in 1918 he acted as special assistant to the u.s. attorney-gen- eral in charge of the investigation of alleged waste and delay in the construction of aircraft. h[e was president of the new york bar association in 1917-8, and of the legal aid society 1917-9. ile was the leader of the new york bar association in its oppo- sition to the expulsion of the socialists from the new york state legislature in 1920. as secretary of stute-—on the inauguration of president harding, march 4 1921, he became secretary of state. one of his first steps was to intervene in the panama-costa rica dis- pute respecting their boundaries. the two states had drifted into actual hostilities, but on march 18 1921 mr. hughes advised them, in terms which practically amounted to an ultimatum, to arrange for a peaceful delimitation of their joint frontier—a sug- gestion which they ultimately accepted. the soviet govt. approached him in his first month of office asking that the united states should resume trade relations with russia, but he promptly rejected the soviet proposals. later on m. chicherin communi- cated with him with a view to the recognition by the united states of the soviet republic, but this also was refused, dec. 10,1923: in 1921 mr. hughes, under authorisation by president hard- ing, sent out invitations suggesting a conference on the limita- tion of armaments to be held at washington. the conference was held—mr. hughes being chief u.s. delegate—with the result that seven treaties were negotiated relating to limitation of naval armaments, the fortification of islands in the pacific and relations between china and other powers (see wasiling- ton conference). in a speech at new haven in dec. 1922 mr. hughes dealt at length with the matter of german reparations, and unofficially suggested a committee of experts to investigate. this was the genesis of the committee which ultimately prepared what is known as the dawes plan (see reparations). the tacna-arica dispute afforded another instance of mr. hlughes’s intervention on behalf of peace (see tacna-arica). it was largely due to mr. hughes’s efforts also that a convention was signed between the u.s. and british governments by which the u.s. authorities were permitted to search british vessels on the high seas within a 12-mile limit from shore, the purpose being to prevent the smuggling of liquor into the united states. one of the last acts of mr. hughes before he retired from oftice was to suggest a solution of the controversies between brazil, colombia and peru as to certain portions of their boundaries. a settlement was effected in march 1925. mr. hughes’s attitude in respect of foreign affairs during his term of office was well set forth in an address entitled “‘ the pathway of peace,” delivered by him before the canadian bar association sept. 4 1923. “ the league of nations,” he said, “ by its constitution presupposed that peace could be maintained by economic pressure and military force.” he dissented from this, since he believed that there was no path to peace except as the will of peoples might open it. the way to peace was through agreement, not force. ‘ there is no lawgiver for independent states; the outlawry of war necessarily implies a self-imposed restraint.” upon this hypothesis was consistently based his whole attitude towards world politics. he was, however, in favour of the adherence of the united states to the world court of international arbitration. the judicial impartiality of mr. hughes’s character fitted him admirably to succeed in handling 385 the international problems confronting him as secretary of state, but he jacked the dramatic and popular qualities which might have led to his choice as chief executive of the nation. he resigned office march 4 1924 and retired into private life. he was, in the april following, elected president of the american society of international law. in 1925 he acted as chairman of the new york state reorganisation commission, appointed to investigate the structure of the state government. the com- mission reported march 1 1926, urging that the 180 state bureaux and departments be merged into 18, and that an exec- utive budget system be introduced. in addition to numerous addresses, most of which have been reproduced in pamphlet form, mr. hughes has published ld- dresses and papers (1908); conditions of progress in democratic government (yale lectures, 1910); addresses 1906-16 (1916); foreign relations (1924); and the pathway of peace (1925). ch. w. hh. kd hughes, sir samuel (1853-1921), canadian soldier and politician, was born at darlington, ont., jan. 8 1853. in the fenian raids of 1870 he served with the canadian volunteer militia, and in 1873 he was gazetted to the 45th regiment. edu- cated at toronto university, he lectured at a toronto collegiate institute until 1885, when he took up journalism, being editor and proprietor of the lindsay harder from 1885 to 1897. in 1892 hughes was elected to the dominion parliament, but service in the south african war interrupted his political career. return- ing to canada after the coronation of king george v. in rorr, he became minister of militia and defence, and was chiefly respon- sible for the creation of the overseas force which sailed for europe intor4. in 1915 hughes was created k.c.b. and promoted ma- jor-general; but in the following year disagreements with sir robert borden resulted in his resignation. hughes criticised severely the strategy and leadership of sir arthur currie. in july r921 he announced his intention of retiring from parlia- ment, and he died at lindsay, ont., aug. 24 1921. hughes, william morris (1864- ), australian states- man, was born sept. 25 1864 at llansantffraid, montgomery- shire, wales, and received his early education at llandudno grammar school. moving to london, he became a pupil teacher at the burdett-coutts schools, westminster, where he attracted the attention of matthew arnold, then an inspector of schools, and at the age of 20 he emigrated to australia. here he began a period of picturesque wanderings, which it would be hard to parallel in the life of any statesman, ancient or modern. he drove sheep and cattle across the vast spaces of new south wales and queensland, worked on farms and cooked for har- vesting gangs, became a sailor on coasting steamers, prospected for gold, tramped from station to station doing odd jobs, mended everything, from umbrellas to locks and from ovens to violins, taught children in remote settlements, walked hundreds of miles organising for the australian workers’ union, and in the end drifted back to sydney and gravitated, as was only to be ex- pected from the bent of his mind and character, to politics. he formed the sydney waterside workers into a militant organisa- tion, and entered the new south wales parliament in 1894 as member for the lang division of sydney. as a member of the opposition mr. hughes had no chance of showing administrative ability, but he became known as an effective debater, and devised the labour party’s caucus system of settling all internal dissensions outside the house and present- ing a united front in parliament. then in 1901 came federation, and as member for west sydney in the first house of represent- atives mr. hughes found the wider scope that his political genius demanded. in 1904 mr. j. c. watson formed the first labour ministry, and mr. hughes, who in the midst of his indus- trial and political work had found time to qualify as a barrister, became minister for external affairs. the: ministry was short- lived, but thenceforth it was clear to friends and foes alike that a new force had entered australian politics. during the years that followed mr. hughes went on developing until the hesi- tating, ineffective speaker of the ‘nineties became one of the most brilliant and powerful orators in the empire, and his 386 courage, energy, intellectual gifts and dominating personality made his succession to mr. fisher almost inevitable. mr. hughes was attorney-general in the fisher ministry of 1908, and revealed not only a remarkable gift of eloquence and a mordant wit, but a breadth of view and a warm imperialism hardly to be looked for in a party which, not so many years be- fore, had toyed with the idea of “ cutting the painter.” he was largely responsible for the scheme of compulsory military service which later proved so valuable, and he was heart and soul with his leader when mr. fisher, who had returned to office after the liberal defeat of 1913, made his historic offer in 1914 of aus- tralia’s last man and last shilling. in 1915 mr. fisher went to london as high commissioner, and mr. hughes, as his logical successor and the man to whom australia looked for strong leadership in the dark days of war, succeeded him as prime minister. thus this frail little man, who weighed only seven stone, who suffered increasingly from deafness and ill-health, and who had depended for higher education entirely on what reading he could find time for in the intervals of work ranging from the mending of kettles to the organising of strikes, had as his reward the highest honour that his countrymen could offer. on the whole they were not disappointed. mr. hughes, by his driving force and faculty of kindling enthusiasm, gave an immense stimulus to the raising and maintenance of the aus- tralian expeditionary forces; and with equal energy he devoted himself to the task of eradicating german commercial influence from australia. germany, he found, had almost a monopoly of the output of australian mines, and german firms controlled even the supplies of metals necded by the british govt. for munitions. by the end of 1915 he had brought forward legisla- tion which annulled all german contracts, transferred control of output to the newly established australian metal exchange, prevented trading with the enemy, and disinherited enemy shareholders in commercial enterprises of every kind. this was practical statesmanship of very real importance. in the following year he visited england and attracted wide attention by preaching a renaissance of the british race based upon a greater development of the empire’s resources and a closer-knit economic system. returning to australia with the conviction that a stronger flow of reinforcements was needed, he attempted to introduce conscription. on this issue the labour party split, and the result was that mr. hughes formed a coali- tion government composed of the liberals and that section of the labour party which followed him on the conscription issue. the conscription referendum, on which the government was defeated, was marked by great bitterness, and there followed a period of industrial and political strife without parallel in aus- tralia’s history. mr. hughes was hotly attacked for his auto- cratic methods, for his excursions into state shipowning and shipbuilding, and for his policy of concentrating power in his own hands by means of the war precautions act, the establish- ment: of boards to control industry, and the appointment of special tribunals to settle industrial disputes over the head of the arbitration courts. but so long as the war lasted there was no alternative leader acceptable to the people, and the prime min- ister left to attend the peace conference with his prestige higher than ever. ilis assertion of australia’s right to proclaim some- thing rather like a monroe doctrine for the pacific did a great deal to awaken americans and the world to the importance of australasia; and at versailles his advocacy, as eloquent as it was dogged, of the commonwealth’s right to a mandate over the former german colony of papua, helped to make history. his quarrel with president wilson, embittered by mutual dislike, gave rise to some of the most piquant passages in the annals of the conference. : in australia, on his return, mr. hughes found grave indus- trial troubles disturbing a country already weighed down by an immense load of debt and the problem of reabsorbing 400,000 men into civil life. in peace as in war he gave australia a bold and brave lead, and a gift of £25,000, raised by private subscrip- tion, showed that some at least of his countrymen were not un- grateful. but he could not prevent discontent revealing itself hull—human geography in the secession of certain liberal-nationalists and the forma- tion of a new country party. as the conditions which had brought it into existence disappeared, the war party which he led began to crumble, and in feb. 1923, after holding office as prime minister for eight years, he was forced by a liberal-coun- try party coalition to resign in favour of the treasurer, mr. s. m. bruce. then, a leader without a party, he stood aside and awaited his chance. (g.-c de) hull, england (see 13.870), with a city area of 11,854 ac., including 2,495 ac. of the river humber, had a population in 1921 of 287,013. the port was enlarged in 1914 by the opening of king george’s dock, with an area of 53 ac. and provision for future extension to 85 ac., a large grain silo and fine equipment. the total water area of the docks is 236 ac. with 10 m. of quays. the extensive and varied traffic of hull was much affected by the world war, as the city was in the area of the north sea operations, but the volume of trade had almost recovered in 1926. the numerous industries include a large production of vegetable oil. there are some 300 steam trawlers in the fishing fleet, which did valuable service during the war. in 1914 the chief magistrate was created lord mayor. new churches include st. colomba’s (1914), st. mary’s, sculcoates (1916), st. nicholas’, hessle common (1915) and the german lutheran church (1911). a friends’ meeting house was built in 1919, a synagogue in 1914 and a large wesleyan-metho- — dist hall in 1910. the city hall and municipal art galleries were opened in roto, and the guildhall enlarged in 1915; a statue of the 1st baron nunburnholme was placed in front of the latter in 1913. in 1912 a home for incurables was built and a new poor law hospital in 1914. during an air raid in that year some 4o houses were wrecked and 24 persons were killed. the council chamber at trinity house, together with many art treasures, was destroyed by fire in 1924. the rt. hon. t. r. ferens, a bene- factor to the city in various directions, initiated in 1925 a fund for the establishment of a university college with a gift of £250,- coo. he had previously given land on cottingham road, on the outskirts of the city, as the site of a new technical college, but this is to be made available for the university college. human geography.—geography is defined (see 11.619) by dr. mill, as the exact and organised knowledge of the dis- tribution of phenomena on the earth’s surface. human geog- raphy on this view would be the corresponding type of knowl- edge of phenomena relative to mankind. while it is possible to bring in a great deal under this heading of distributional study, yet this does not express the aim towards which many workers have striven from at icast the time of herodotus onwards. ratsel, vidal de la blache and herbertson.—space cannot be given for a historical survey, else we might discuss the stand- points of thinkers of many centuries and regions down to montes- quieu, humboldt, ritter, le play, buckle and reclus. ratzel reacted against writers who overemphasised personality in in- terpretations of history. he urged that in treatises touching both history and geography the history was likely to expand un- duly. his anthropogeographic studies discuss especially the human relations of natural features and his method has been de- veloped by miss semple into that of a study of influences of geographic environment. some workers on these lines have failed to see how much of an “ environment ”’ has been made by man’s previous work. vidal de la blache made a special contri- bution to the clarification of thought on human geography. for him the study of place is the foundation and the place-relations of modern life are the centre of interest. proceeding from descrip- tion to interpretation, he was led to look upon those place-rela- tions as stages tn long courses of evolution from the past towards the future. indeed the realisation of the time factor is a great feature in all his work. he again has contributed markedly to the idea of man as an agent modifying the world about him, intluenced by the stage of human action as he found it, but also doing much to make the setting wherein his successors are to act their parts. one of his typical statements may be rendered thus: “ the personality of a country, its genius loci, is not a matter given beforchand by human geography inanimate nature, it is in large measure a product of the activity of man, of an activity which confers a unity on matters that would otherwise lack it,’’ and again, “‘ if a region has personality, it has been gained through the effort of its successive inhabi- tants.”” he saw, as did herbertson, that the genius loct changes with the spirit of the time. in a sense, then, the student of hu- man geography aims at picturing the settings of the stage of human activity at all places and at all times, even if he is primari- ly concerned with the present. if he limits himself by not looking back to the past out of which the present has come, he is not likely to be able to glimpse the future arising out of the present, and his work will be still-born. kvolution and human geography.—it is obvious from what has been said here that human geography is a daughter of dar- winian thought, for darwin brought to a head the problem of relations between organisms and environments and their in- fluences upon one another, and for him also the present was but a stage in the succession from past to future. the application and modification where necessary, of the:thought brought to fruition by darwin, has occupied the minds of biologists ever since. the stages of conquest of the land by backboned animals from fish-like beginnings up to the varied orders of mammals are being worked out in ever increasing detail, and equally the dead- ends of evolution, the extinct orders, are followed to their dis- appearance. the extension of darwin’s point of view to man has proceeded some distance, but, in the study of man’s relations with his en- vironment, that extension mects with difficulties largely because of the highly varied fields of study, which must necessarily come, whether directly or indirectly, into consideration. outlines of the progress of men’s relations with their environments from the earliest days of stone to the latest days of steel are being worked out in many ways, and also, just as in the study of animals, dead- ends, such as the jungle-covered cities of ceylon, the monuments of easter l, are receiving attention from many points of view, including that of the geographer. at the same time, it is well that one should guard against too ready acceptance of theories of determinist sequences in history such as those suggested by flinders petrie and spengler. culture origins.—it is unfortunately as easy as it is dangerous to argue, largely a priori, that a given environment produces certain results in human culture, and there have been thinkers who have argued that numbers of the more fundamental inven- tions such as metal tools, pottery, cultivated wheat, domestic cattle have been made independently in several regions as parallel responses to the influences of those environments. enquiry has thrown doubt on several of these conclusions and many now think that food production had one localised origin, while prob- ably the same co..2!usion is true for pottery (see arcnaeology; social anthropology). the varying spreads of these main folk-inventions, probably quite as much by contacts as by mi- grations, have been important means of modifying men’s rela- tions with their surroundings far from thcir place of origin. thus is introduced into the study of the setting of the scene of man’s activity a cultural-historical element, and geography is brought into close relation with folk-history. geography studies thescene, history the sequence of the action, but both need the sister science of anthropology in its widest sense, the science which analyses the types of man and of his forms of expression, geography, mistory and anthropelogy.—in the study of men’s life and work on earth there is thus special opportunity for co- operation of human geographer, historian and anthropologist, the first contributing his survey of the factors of place in men’s work, the second clucidating the time-sequences, and the third helping to discriminate types of humanity and of human expres- ston involved. it is on the increase of such co-operation rather than on more definite separation of studies that hopes for a great future advance of knowledge in human affairs depend. the great man of history is often the man who has a special dynamic vision of the world about him, who sces whither the minds of multitudes are tending and what the work of con- temporary pioneers will mean in the coming days, and he crys- 337 tallises out inchoate thoughts. he thus depends very much upon the scene as he finds it. with francis of assisi and with peter the great, for example, we have the personal factor of vision, energy and initiative extraordinarily developed, yet even here the scene whereon they play their part has its influence upon that part, and the geographer, with his spatial discipline, his study of place, has his share to contribute towards the interpretation even of these mighty personalities and of their work. if human geography works, especially at the analysis of place relations of mankind, it is deeply concerned both with the com- parison and classification of the scenes of human work and with studies of distributions of human phenomena of every kind. for their interpretation it seeks to relate these distributions to one another in order to see how one influences another in the present, and how one in the present has been influenced by another from the past. the collection of data for maps, and the creation of maps which picture the data collected in the most useful way for study of their mutual relations is thus one of the tasks of the human geographer, a task as yet only begun (see folklore). culture distributions ——among the studies of cultural distri- butions made in order to get a picture of life in various environ- ments and to suggest interpretations thereof, one may mention especially those of clark wissler in north america, and refer the reader to, tuter alia, his study of afan and culture (1923). the discussions which followed, for example, the publication of jovan cvijic’s la peninsule balkanique (1918) with its studies of cultural distributions show how much need there is for co-operation between students of types, be it of houses or other forms of human expression, and students whose aim is that of the human geographer, namely, the statement of the setting of the stage of human action. the human geographer utilises, with understanding, the re- sults of his colleagues’ work, but concentrates on his own task, his study is the study of places, but in the idea of place are in- cluded the features of the place which are due to man’s work. he needs that understanding of his colleagues’ work, perhaps most of all as a protection for himself against the ascription to influences exerted by the place under discussion of features which may be imported or which may have arisen through other types of sociological influence such as those elaborated by rivers (v. inf). at the present stage of development, there is scope both for the human geographer, who will concentrate on the picturing of the scene and for the worker in the border zone, who may try both to make the morphological analysis of the facts discussed and to picture the setting of the stage as far as he can. the anthropological student with his morphological discipline distinguishes types of men, of material objects or of customs or forms of expression in language, and he then seeks their relations with one another and is thereupon impelled to map their dis- tribution in space. in this way, for example, he is led to see a great awakening of life near the western shores of europe at or just before the dawn of the metal age. ie sees the germ of that life developing in the west of the iberian peninsula, according to some irom local, according to others from imported, seeds. he follows the new life to the garonne estuary, the south and west coasts of brittany, ireland and even farther. to make his story live he necds the help of the human geographical point of view accustomed to picture man’s relation with environments. the study of copper objects and their successors in bronze must be far more than merely a classification of types. human geography can help archaeology (see archaeology) to see the setting of the life of the bronze age. and on the other hand, the human geographer, who is trying to see the modern relations between man and environment in what we may call the celtic fringe of europe will miss a great deal unless he ap- preciates the early days of metal and has some notion of the in- heritances those days have left to ourown. with this equipment the human geographer is enabled to avoid the gross error of secking to state the relations of particular men to their particular environment solely in terms of relations observable at present, as well as the other gross error of stating that such relations have come into existence on the spot at which they may now occur, 388 culture spreads and contacts.—few thinkers have done more in our day than the late w. h. r. rivers, to show how spreads of culture have altered men’s relations to their environments. he worked just outside the sociological frontier of geography and emphasised not only the apparent naturalisation of imported elements of culture, a naturalisation sometimes so marked that a priort arguments could easily be constructed to show that these elements of culture must be native, but he has also shown that there is much more in the matter. importation of elements of culture has often led and still often leads to the weakening of local custom, that is to the removal or abrogation of ancient habits. he has shown that, in some cases, the weakening affects so much that the whole life of the people concerned ts dislocated beyond repair and they die out (see anthropology, applied). sometimes the weakening of old custom due to new contacts has avoided this catastrophe, but has been sufficient to set free a large amount of human initiative and effort. in such cases, new features have appeared that are the result of the play of this liberated initiative, but quite probably have no close relation- ship to the imported elements of culture. these last acted as the ferment; their direct part in the ultimate result may be small cnough. especially following rivers’ work and that of the “ kultur- historische ” school in germany, the study in cultural distribu- tions has had its importance increasingly recognised. we see far more fully than heretofore some of the founts of human initiative, of human influence over environment. we appreciate in a deeper way the fact that men may knit widely differing relations with one and the same region, for we see how much will depend, for example, on the dominance of ancient custom in one case and the importation of cultural clements and associated liberation of initiative, or it may be its destruction, in another. the con- trasts between native patagonian huntsmen and welsh agri- cultural immigrants at chubut illustrate these points. we see also the wide bearings of the principle illustrated, for example, by the commonplace fact that railways began by link- ing together places already in existence and then went on not only to modify them and their activities, but also to create new centres, in england new groups of factories, new suburbs, new watering places, in canada new capital cities, new agricultural lands and the hike. synthetic regional studies—one of the most appropriate tasks of the human geographer is the study of a particular region, as the setting of human life, and multifarious have been the recent efforts in this direction. vidal de la blache wrote his classic tableau de la geographie de la france (1903) and his fol- lowers have written monographs on several of the “‘ pays ”’ or natural units of human life in that country. the monographs vary greatly in value, but on the whole avoid fairly well the errors in the argument of physical determinism. there cannot be said to be a physical predestination of the special develop- ments of human activity in a particular region, the efforts of man, the contacts of autochthones and immigrants and their conse- quences, all need to be brought into the story. a distinguishing feature of the monographs of this school is the intimacy of the writers with the district about which each writes; that intimacy and attachment have been emphasised by herbertson and by younghusband as valuable aids in serious regional study. in several of the monographs in question, on the other hand, there is 2 lack of maps of cultural distributions especially as regards distributions giving clues to the local beginnings of civilisation; historic documents, however, are widely utilised. j. f. bad- deley’s russta, mongolia and china (1919) and sir m. a. stein’s serindia (1921) are monumental works on their respective re- gions which have appeared recently, while hilton simpson has made studies of the people of the aures massif. new works on regional planning for dublin, deeside, doncaster and east kent are valuable examples of applications of the regional study of human geography. scope of human geography.—in this province of study of a region and in that of study of cultural, including commercial distributions, the work of the human geographer is well recog- human geography nised even if he be held to need for this work some systematic knowledge of allied sciences that his work must necessarily touch. the subject of general human geography is, on the other hand, still at such an early stage of development that its content and scheme are still subject to argument. huntington.—ellsworth huntington’s attempt to give a scheme avoids a claim to be more than a sketch to help young students to form pictures of the world about them. he treats of men in relation to location, jand forms, bodies of water, soil and minerals, climate, vegetation, animals and other men. for him the subject is a mass of problems of the relations between environment and human activity. in the course of the work, he touches upon the very deep problem of the relation of man to climate, of his varying energy and initiative in different environ- ments and he thus introduces study of man along with study of place, with this justification, namely, that such study of man is essential if there is to be a reasonable picture of men in their various environments. : | schrader.—f. schrader, towards the end of his life, sketched a characteristic policy for the development of human geography in the 2oth century, suggesting that with the modern develop- ment of world-wide connections there was an immensely in- creased practical need for increase of our knowledge and our sense of the natural laws which rule material and spiritual ex- changes of activity between man and the world. geddes has long emphasised the need for correlated studies of place, work and folk, but without detaching from this wide general task the special part which the geographer should undertake, unless it be that of place. brunhes—brunhes has made an attempt to be more sys- tematic and has suggested human geography as the study of all those facts of the surface of the earth in which human activity plays apart. he tries to work out first the facts of such occupa- tion of the soil as is not directly productive, and treats especially houses and roads; then he takes up man’s work with vegetable and animal material for productive purposes; next he takes up man’s destructive influence on plants, animals and inanimate materials. subsequently, after giving analyses of the social life of a number of natural units of humanity, he proceeds to study the bearings of his earlier pages on growth of human society and its organisation. the debt of this writer to the thought of the sociological school of le play seems to be considerable. de la blache.—vidal de la blache left at his death notes for a large work and these have been arranged for publication. starting as do both schrader and brunhes with the idea of the world’s effective unity, he makes the study of the distribution of population the first concern of human geographers, who must try to follow its forms of nucleation and its types of scattering, its migrations and oscillations. following this, he considers in regional succession the great agglomerations of human popula- tion. in the second place, he includes study of the forms of civilisation to be pursued, especially regionally, but apparently to be discussed under subjects such as materials, food, con- structions, sites, habitations and so on. in the third place, he proceeds to the study of the circulation of men the world over, roads, railways, sea-transport and so on. it was evidently his in- tention to proceed to survey the evolution of races and the dis- persion of cultures, and he sketched maps of the distribution re- spectively of animal and of vegetable products used by man and of constructions which may be supposed to be autochthonous in different regions of the world. , commercial and political geography.—g. g. chisholm’s ency- clopaedic work, commercial geography(1889—) may be looked upon as a type of study of a special subdivision of human geography, which has a peculiar importance for practical life. several other recent works have discussed commercial or economic geography with a considerable measure of success. a few words on political geography may be added. ratzel is here one of the chief pioneers and his followers in most countries make the state the unit of treatment, describing and sometimes seeking, to interpret the physical, demographic and economic facts of each state. a large body of material for political geog- humperdinck—hungarian literature raphy has been published in the british foreign office and admiralty handbooks designed to assist discussion of the treaties of recent years. this study is in a sense an applied development of general human geography; in another sense it is an alternative study. human geography in the stricter sense could not at all generally accept state frontiers as natural boundaries for divisions of its discussions and might well seek, as in some recent studies of frontiers, the geographical interpretation of those boundaries which are in essence human facts. conclusion.—the contrasts between huntington, brunhes and vidal de la blache are evident. in huntington’s work we find the emphasis on man; in that of brunhes the main emphasis is on work; in vidal de la blache, the repeated efforts towards serial consideration of regions gives emphasis to place. but all see that studies of forms of civilisation occurring in various en- vironments, 1t.e., that studies on a regional basis are a funda- mental task; and all bring out the impossibility of the attempt to delimit at all strictly mutually exclusive spheres for what may be called human geography and anthropology. it is possible at present only to urge that, in the latter, the main object of study is man, his various physical, social and other forms, 2.e., primarily morphological. in human geography, on the other hand, the main object of study is place relations of men of all kinds, and of any or all of their forms of expression the world over. the place relations of the present day are not the only legitimate objects of study. we need the study of these place relations in the past as well if we are to have an eye to the future, but it is the present that gives us the truest starting point, for it is here that we may ob- serve most directly how man influences and is influenced by en- vironment. irom a study of the present, also, as from nothing else, we may be led to say that man and his surroundings are changing together, and that we cannot set man and environment in opposition to one another, save for convenience of discussion, and with the full consciousness that as we do this we deliberately sacrifice something of the concrete reality. we may accept these drawbacks for the sake of reaching generalisations of a manage- able kind, but we must recognise the incompleteness that is a necessary consequence. there is reason to hope that, on the one hand, regional studies will progress and that on the other hand studies of distribution of men and of their forms of expression, present and past, will be deepened. tue first will need intimate acquaintance, loving familiarity, to use herbertson’s phrase, as its starting point, and, however much it may concentrate on the present, it will need to consider the past at every turn; it may well need also to bring into its purview some results of study of the differences between man and man; it must remember that the environment presents to man opportunities and difficulties, possibilities rather than compelling influences. the second will need increase of emphasis on the study of the places involved and the possibilities they offer or deny; that is to say, the student of place will be called upon to play an increasing part here, but it remains obvious that the student of the morphology of the forms of expression studied is equally important, and this is a field especially for a combined effort of students of place, time and type in relation to human beings and their forms of expression, both material and spiritual. bibliography.—f. von richthofen, fuhrer fur forschungsreisende (1886); f. ratzel, politische geographie (1897); w. h. rivers, history of melanesian society (1914); e. reclus, geographie uni- verselie (1876-84); a. j. and f. l. d. herbertson, man and his work: an introduction to human geography (1899); w. m. davis, ‘‘an inductive study of the content of geography,” bu/i. amer. geogr. soc., vol. 38 (1906); j. brunhes, geographie humaine (1910); g. g. chisholm, commerctal geography, many editions; p, vidal de la blache, tableau de la geographie de da france (1911); j. l. myres, dawn of hastory (1911); j. l. myres, introduction, vol. 1, cam- dridge anct. history (1923); f. ratzel, anthropogeographie (1882- g1); e. c. semple, influence of geographic environment (1911); w. h. rivers, essays on depoputation of melanesta, chap. 8, ‘the psychological factor ’? (1922); a. j. herbertson, ‘' regional environment, heredity and consciousness,” geogr. teacher (1915); n. krebs, ‘' natur und kulturlandschaft,” z. ges. erdkunde (1923); k. sapper, geologischer bau und landschaftsbild (1917); j. cvijic, la peninsule balkanigue (1918); n. m. fenneman, “ circumference 389 of geography,” ann. assoc. amer. geog., vol. 9 (1919); f. schrader, ‘‘ foundations of geography in the 20th century,” geogr. teacher (1919); sir w. m.f. petrie, revolutions of civilisation (1911); p, vidal de la blache, principes de geographie humaine (1922)3).1, febvre la terre et l'evolution humaine (1922). r. l. sherlock, man as a geological agent (1922); o. spengler, untergang des a bend- landes (1922-3); h. hi. barrows, ‘‘ geography as human ecology,” ann, assoc, amer. geog., vol. 13 (1923); s. de geer, “ definition, method and classification of geography,” geogr. annaler (1923); a. hettner, ‘‘ methodische zeit- und streitfragen,”’ geogr. zeitsch., vol. 29 (1923); s. passarge, grundlagen der landschafishunde (1920-5); c. wissler, fan and culture (1923); e. huntingtonand s. w. cushing, principles of human geography, 3rd ed. (1924). (h. j. f.) humperdinck, engelbert (1854-1921), german musician (see 13.891), died at neu strelitz sept. 27 1921. his last opera, die marketenderin, was played at cologne in ior4. huneker, james gibbons (1860-1921), american musical critic, was born at philadelphia jan. 31 1860. he graduated at roth’s military academy, philadelphia, and was a law student for a time, subsequently studying the piano in philadelphia, paris and new york. he was teacher of the piano at the na- tional conservatory, new york city, 1886-08, becoming mus- ical and dramatic critic for the new york recorder and the morning advertiser. from 1000 to 1912 he was musical and dramatic critic for the new york suz. in 1912 he joined the new york times, but returned to the sun in 1919. he died in brooklyn, n. y., feb. 9 1921. his writings on music, literature and art are notable for their style and popular appeal. his published works include chopin: the man and his music (1900); overtones: music and literature (1904): franz liszt: a study (ag11); ivory, apes and peacocks (1915). he also supplied the text for josefy’s edition of chopin’s works.