FACTORY AND WORKSHOP LAW

factory and workshop law forms part of the mass of modern legislation referred to as “ industrial law ” or “labour legislation ” (see 16.7). the limited term ‘ factory and workshop law ”’ arose from the way in which the british parliament defined workplaces _for the purposes of regulation. the line of demarcation thus drawn between manufacturing and other occupations and the particular grouping of subjects regulated by the british factory and workshop acts are more or less arbitrary and are not necessarily found in the laws of other countries. nor is it possible, in a practical study of british legislation, to adhere strictly to factory and workshop acts properly so-called. there are many statutes of recent years which affect the health, safety and welfare of workers in factories and workshops without fitting in to the general scheme of the factory and workshop acts. <a list of acts since the beginning of r9r1, amending those acts or having an important bearing upon conditions of work in factories and workshops is appended. in addition, a large number of orders have been issued both under the act of rgor and under the later acts, which have given important new powers of regulation to the home secretary. indeed it is largely by orders that the factory and workshop law of great britain has been kept up to date. i. great britain taking the matters regulated by the consolidating factory _and workshop act of igor, as a basis, we may consider recent developments under the following six headings:— t. health and safety —the formerly important provisions for protecting children from risk of accident or injury to health became obsolete, when “ children ” as defined by the act of 1gor were excluded from work of all kinds in factories and workshops. on the other hand, certain general provisions of the employment of children act, 1903, apply, in scotland only, to girls and boys of 14 years of age employed in factories and workshops, since the scottish education act of 1918 raised to 15 the age of children affected by them. the provisions of the act of 1901 relating to humidity and ventilation in cctton- weaving sheds were modified by regulations substituted for them under powers given by the cotton cloth factories act of igtt. the conditions under which accidents must be notified have been changed both as regards the nature of the accidents notifiable and as regards procedure. under sections included in the workmen’s compensation act, 1923, any accident occurring in a factory or workshop causing death or disabling a worker for three days must be notified, and notice is given to the inspectors of factories only, the former duties of certifying surgeons in this connection having been abolished by the police, factories, etc. act, 1916. however, the duties of certifying surgeons in connection with health remain, and have been extended both by orders making several further diseases compulsorily notifiable, and also by the lead processes act of 1920, which prescribes the periodical medical examination of all women and young persons employed in icad processes (a rule which previously existed only in those lead trades for which it had been prescribed by regulations). this act contains, in addition, some general rules of hygiene to be observed whenever any woman or young person is employed in contact with jead compounds. it is, however, chiefly important in having been adopted in order to give legal confirmation to a recommendation of the international labour organisation (1.l.0.), since nearly all the ground was already covered by regulations under section seventy-nine of the act of roor. great progress has been made with regulations under that section. between 30 and 4o codes of regulations are in force, mostly very detailed and highly technical. by means of this system of regulations, the british law for the protection of workers in trades involving special risks is kept fully abreast of medical knowledge and scientific discovery. many other coun- tries have, especially in recent years, adopted a similar system. but none can show regulations more carefully and scientifically prepared or better observed in practice. the regulations are aimed at every kind of special industrial risk—risk of poisoning, risk of infection, risk from injurious fumes and from excessive and injurious dust, risk of accident, risk of overstrain. the regulations of 1925 restricting the lifting of weights in the woollen or worsted industry relate exclusively to the last-named risk. one of the most interesting sets of regulations, and quite the most elaborate, is the code for the pottery industry drawn 2 factory and workshop law up in 1913 after an exhaustive investigation by a departmental committee. every process and branch of this complicated industry is dealt with in detail. interesting examples of technical rules for the prevention of accidents are to be found in the regulations of 1922 for wood- working and in the revised regulations for dock work issued in 1925. occupations less ostensibly dangerous than those regu- lated under section 79 of the act of 1901 may be made the subject of so-called welfare orders under section 7 of the police, factories, etc. act of 1916. welfare orders may deal with facilities for preparing and taking meals, with the supply- ing of drinking water, protective clothing, ambulances and appliances for first-aid, seats in work-rooms, washing facilities and accommodation for clothing, with the supervision of workers and (a later addition, by order) with the provision of rest- rooms. many of the subjects thus relegated in the british system to orders are to be found in the statutes of other coun- tries and will no doubt be included in some iuture consolidating british act. meantime these orders provide a practical, if gradual, means of bringing the british law of a quarter of a century ago up to date as far as the health and well-being of the workers is concerned. arrangements for “ first-aid ” (or ambulance rooms) were later prescribed for all ‘ factories,” namely by section 29 of the workmen’s compensation act, 1923. this section also gave the home secretary wider powers in the matter of accident prevention. for instance, sub-section (3) gives powers so defined as to enable him to require employers to put into operation medern safety methods (inspired largely by american practice and adopted of recent years by many british firms on their own initiative), such as the appointment of safety engineers or representative safety committees, whose business it is to check the human as well as the mechanical element in accidents (see sarety first). the anthrax pre- vention act, 1919, was adopted in order to enable practical use to be made of a newly discovered method of disinfecting raw wool and hair likely to be infected with anthrax. 2. hours of work.—the provisions of the factory and work- shop acts relating to hours of work have been only slightly altered during the period under review. consequently they have grown out of date, and are in practice largely obsolete. the restrictions placed upon the night work of women and boys by the act of 1901 were supplemented by the employment of women, young persons and children act, 1920, adopted so_ as to embody in law the provisions of the conventions on that subject. as far as concerns women the act made no practical difference. but as regards male young persons it allows fewer exceptions to the general prohibition of night work than the old law and never allows boys under 16 to work at night. it there- fore overrules or modifies many of the special exceptions formerly allowed both as regards employment in night shifts and as regards encroachments on the rigidly prescribed period of 11 hours night’s rest. ? | the act introduced another important change, permitting the employment of women and boys over 16 in two day-shifts of eight hours. this necessitated an extension of the strict outside limits for employment under the act of 1901, since the two shifts could not be fitted in unless the second shift could con- tinue at work up to 10 o’clock at night. the clause aroused considerable opposition and was eventually adopted in a guarded form. in the first place, it was of only temporary operation, and from 1925 needed to be annually extended. in the second place, the home secretary may only allow the two shifts in any undertaking on the joint application of the employer and a majority of the workers concerned, and the act enables an organised trade as a whole to resist the introduction of the two-shift system by means of a kind of veto. the home secre- tary may attach conditions to the permission, such as the adoption of various “‘ welfare’ arrangements, including, for instance, the provision of special transport facilities for women and young persons having to travel to or from work at an unusually early or jate hour. the indirect effect of the trade boards acts on hours in factories and workshops may well be noted. although the trade boards cannot directly regulate hours of work, they influence actual hours by fixing a standard week (usually about 48 hours) beyond which higher rates of wages must be paid. 3. exclusions from industrial work.—as regards the exclu- sion of persons from industrial work, the most important recent change has been the raising to 14 of the age limit for young workers to enter upon such employment. this rule was applied by the employment of women, etc. act of 1920 to “ industrial undertakings,” so defined as to cover all ‘ factories and work- shops.”” the same result had already been attained by the two education acts of 1918, which are still relied on for controlling the admission of children to domestic workshops. the scottish education act of 1918 excludes children from factories and workshops up to the age of 15 unless they have procured exemp- tion from school attendance. both under the education act of 1921 and the scottish act of 1918, employers may be required to allow young persons over 14 time off from their work for attendance at continuation classes. the lead processes act, 1920 (see 1 above) out of deference to a recommendation of the international labour organisation, excluded women and young persons by law from certain lead processes in which, in practice, they were not employed at all. 4. home work.—home work orders were issued in 1911, 1912 and 1913, extending to a number of trades the provisions of the act of 1901 relating to lists of outworkers and the pro- hibition of work in unwholesome or infected premises. 3. particulars of work and wuges—part vil. of the act of 1901, relating to particulars of work and wages, has been extended by order to a large number of additional trades. 6. enforcement of the law.—the factory inspectorate was entirely reorganised after the war. for this no legislation was necessary. one result of the reorganisation was the abolition of the special women’s branch and the admission of the women inspectors to all grades with the same duties as the men inspec- tors. the enforcement of the sections of the act of 1901 relating to the employment of women after childbirth and to bakchouses have been transferred to the ministry of health and the scottish board of health. ii. the british dominions both in northern ireland and in the irish free state the british factory and workshop law existing at the time when the recent constitutional changes were introduced remains in opera- tion for the time being. the parliament of northern ireland can now amend or develop the law, subject to the possible intervention of the british parliament. the irish free state, like all other self-governing dominions, is free to legislate on this matter quite independently of the british parliament, but up to march 1926, had made no changes beyond issuing two sets of regulations under section 79 of the act of 1901. the other british dominions have steadily developed their industrial legislation. in australia factory and workshop law of old standing and often amended has in many cases been consoli- dated more or less recently. it is important to note that indus- trial arbitration awards and the determinations of wages boards form an essential part of the law in australia and new zealand and represent a type of regulation not to be found in so fully developed a form in any other country, though south africa has recently adopted a somewhat similar method suited to her industrial conditions. in canada, the most interesting recent legislation from the point of view of factory and workshop law is that of british columbia putting into operation the proposals of the i.l.o. on hours of work and the employment of women before and after confinement. in india, likewise, certain pro- posals of that body have been put into force by an act which made many important amendments in the factory act. iii. european countries both in the years immediately preceding and during the war, nearly all the countries of europe were gradually developing or consolidating their industrial law. france began the codification factory and workshop law 4 of her labour laws in 1910, and book it. of the code of labour, which covers most of the subjects here considered, was issued in 1912. all existing industrial codes have been amended more or less since 1910 and new and improved factory acts, super- seding older laws, were adopted in sweden in 1912, denmark in 1913, switzerland in 1914 and norway in 1915. special laws protecting women and young workers only were newly adopted or amended in austria, the netherlands and portugal in 1911, in greece and spain in ro12 and in belgium in 1914, while developments in legislation concerned with industrial hygiene and safety may be noted in finland (1914), germany (the home work law of 1911), greece (torr, and a bakeries law of 1912) and the netherlands (a special law for the protection of dock labourers, 1914; and an amendment of the safety act, 1915). finland issued an ordinance in 1917 covering nearly all the ground of factory and workshop law. since 1918 there has been a still more remarkable activity in labour legislation, due in large measure to the industrial ferment caused by the war. as the process of legislation goes on, we can continually trace the influence of the i-l.o., tending to make the laws approximate broadly in aim, but not preventing them from differing widely in form and detail. the newly created or enlarged countries have the task of adapting the laws already existing in newly acquired territory. of these, only the serb-croat-slovene kingdom has as yet fully co-ordinated and codified her industrial law (by the workers’ protection act of 1922). poland has incorporated certain principles of industrial regulation in her constitution. : the most striking part of post-war labour legislation is that which restricts the hours of labour of adult men (as well as of women and boys) to approximately cight a day (see hours of lasour). many countries have, in addition, amended their law so as to conform to various proposals of the i.l.o. relating to the employment of women and boys at night and in lead proc- esses, the protection of women workers before and after child- birth and the age limit for the employment of children. it should be noted that night-work for adult men is prohibited in general, subject to special exceptions, in several europcan coun- tries (belgium, czechoslovakia, netherlands, norway, poland and switzerland) and may be restricted by order in hungary and the serb-croat-slovene kingdom. home-work jaws, deal- ing with hygiene as well as wages, were adopted in 1918 in austria and norway, and in 1919 in czechoslovakia. the tendency for compensation laws to deal also with accident pre- vention should not be overlooked. a new departure may be noticed in recent laws giving workers the right to a period of annual leave with pay. laws have been adopted in a number of countries to establish or reorganise systems of inspection, and the influence which works councils (g¢.v.) may have upon the observance of factory and workshop law should be noted. soviet russia has produced a comprehensive labour code and a large number of detailed regulations for health and safety. iv. the united states and south america in the united states, labour legislation has been checked to some extent by the lack of a uniform standard among the states, and by the rigid application by the courts of constitu- tional principles now out of harmony with public opinion. but, in spite of this, factory and workshop law has steadily developed in most of the states during the period under review, and some states have now advanced labour codes. the problem of child labour has been receiving much attention and a constitutional amendment is being considered to enable congress to regulate the employment of children. in some states great improvement in accident prevention and hygiene have been brought about through the action of industrial commissions or boards, with wide powers of investigation into, and regulation of, trades. an original plan has been adopted to provide for the rehabilitation of workers permanently injured by their work, on the analogy of those injured by war (vocational rehabilitation act, 1920). in the republics of central and south america, a considerable amount of factory and workshop law is to be found, in some cases embodied in elaborate codes. in mexico, the labour codes of the various states are based on general principles laid down in an amendment to the federal constitution of 1917. v. asiatic countries factory and workshop law made a start in japan with the factory act of 1911, which was amended in 1923 and supple- mented by an act on the minimum age for industrial employ- ment in order to put into operation certain of the standards specially recommended for japan by the i.l.o. the only other asiatic country where factory legislation is, as yet, at all advanced, is india, to which reference has already been made. but, in 1923, a factories act emerged in china, and persia issued a decree for the protection of workers in carpet factories. bibliography.—(1) british acts since 1910. the factory and workshop (cotton cloth factories) act, 1911; and the women and young persons (employment in lead processes) act, 1920 (these two acts, with the earlier factory and workshop acts, are termed collectively the factory and workshop acts, 1901-20); the police, factories, etc. (miscellaneous provisions) act, 1916; the employ- ment of women, young persons and children act, 1920; the work- men’s compensation act, 1923 (sections 28 and 29); the education act, 1918 (section 14); the education act, 1921; the education (scotland) act, 1918; the ministry of health act, 1919; the scottish board of health act, 1919; the anthrax prevention act, 1919; the checkweighing in various industries act, 1919; the celluloid and cinematograph film act, 1922; trade boards pro- visional orders confirmation act, 1913; trade boards act, 1918. (2) acts of british dominions. australia: the commonwealth conciliation and arbitration acts, 1904-20 (see vol. 18, 1920, 1cis of the commonwealth of australia); commonwealth conciliation and arbitration act, 1921. new south wales: factories and shops act, 1912; industrial arbitration acts, 1912-20 (incorporated version: statutes of new south wales, 1921, vol. 2); industrial arbitration (amendment) act, 1922; eight hours act, 1986; eight hours (amendment) act, 1922. queensland: factories and shops acts, 1900-22 (i.e., acts of 1900, 1908, 1914, 1916, 1917, 1920 and 1922); industrial arbitration acts, 1916-25 (7.e., acts of 1916, 1923, 1924, 1925). south australia: industrial code, 1920; industrial code amendment acts, 1921 and 1924. tasmania: factories acts, 1910 and 1917; wages boards acts, 1920 and 1924. victoria: factories and shops acts, 1915-22 (7.e., acts of 191§, 1919, 1920 2nd _ session itwo acts], and 1922). western australia: factories and shops act, 1920; factories and shops amendment act, 1921 (no. 4 of 1922); factories and shops amendment act, 1923; industrial arbitration acts, 1912 and 1920. canada: see labour legislation in canada as existing dec, 31 1920, and subsequent annual supple- ments (department of labour, ottawa). india: the indian fae- tories act, 1911; the indian factories (amendment) acts, 1922 and 1923. new zealand: factories act, 1921-2; industrial concili- ation and arbitration act, 1925. south africa: factories act, 1918; mines and works act, 1911; regulation of wages act, 1918; indus- trial conciliation act, 1924; wages act, 1925. (3) international sources. (a) most of the world’s factory and work- shop law of recent years can be found in one or other of the following collections of translations of labour laws: i. the bulletin of the international labour office (of basle), which ceased with the year 1919 (vol. 14 of the english edition, corresponding to vol. 18 of the german and french editions; builetins des internationalen arbeits- amtes [jena]; bulletin de l’office international du travail, berger levrault). ii. the legislative series of the international labour office, geneva (german edition: gesetsrethe; french edition: serze legislative) appearing annually, the laws being issued first in a series of advance brochures, referred to by abbreviated names of countries and numbered under each country. the brochure edition began in english for the year 1919 and covers the same ground as the bulletin of basle for that year. the annual volumes began with the year 1920. the volume for 1921 was issued in two parts. ii]. the annuaire de la legislation du travail (in french only, but giving the original texts also in some years) published annually by the belgian govt. up to the year 1913 and closing with a collection of labour laws in several volumes covering the war period. (b) factory inspection, historical development and present organisation in certain countries, i.l.o., geneva, 1923; international labour review (monthly), articles on the labour laws of various countries, and summaries of official reports of factory inspectors. (4) national sources. france: code du travail et dela prevoyance sociale, editions by berger levrault or dalloz. great britain: redgrave’s factory acts, 13th edition by c. f. lloyd (butterworth, 1924); factory and workshop orders, issued every few years by the home office (h. m. stationery office); an- nual reports of the chief inspector of factortes. united states of america: labor laws of the united states with decisions of courts relating thereto, bulletin of the bureau of labor statistics, no. 370, 1925 (see also list of other bulletins on labor legislation and court decisions, appended to no. 370). s 4 factory design factory design.—the selection of the site and the design of factory buildings are most important economic factors in manufacture because they may contribute very seriously to the cost of production, not only on account of the initial outlay of capital required, but because of their influence on efficient pro- duction. the elimination of waste, whether of material, time or effort, is the chief feature of all manufacturing, and the desig of factory buildings plays its part in this elimination. the haphazard methods of erecting factory buildings are pass- ing, and more systematic consideration is being given to their planning and erection, though even at the present time more effort is devoted to providing good machinery than good, suit- able buildings. the factors most largely influencing the design of factory buildings are large scale and standardised production; factory legislation, both government and local; building by-laws; insurance conditions, and the welfare of the employces. regarding the actual design and building of factories, the determining factor is naturally the character of the product, but certain general considerations apply whatever the product. the architect of every new factory should make himsclf thoroughly familiar with the processcs and products of the factory before attempting his design, which should be made with a view to meeting adequately the future needs of the industry which, under favourable conditions, will naturally expand, especially as the present-day tendency is towards amalgamations and the formation of large corporations. one of the best ways of provid- ing for this contingency is to design all buildings on the principle ' of suitable standardised units which can be increased as necessity arises. "these standardised units should represent a complete organisation, but should be so arranged as to make future exten- sions possible without interfering with the existing business. selection of site the effect of location is common to all factory design, and in selecting a site all the following should be taken into aecount:— nearness to raw material supply is an important factor where raw materials are bulky and cheap, but as the bulk de- creases and the value increases this factor becomes less im- portant. it is necessary to study the convenience of existing railway lines, freightage, etc. proximity to a canal is not the important feature it was formerly. the contour of the land should be studied, not only in so far as it presents a suitably level site for building purposes, but also in relation to canals, rail- ways and other means of transport. the supplies of electricity, gas and water are all important considerations, especially where, as in the case of some industries, enormous quantities of any one are needed, as, for example, in the pulp and paper industry, which requires a vast amount of water; or where the cost of power represents a large part of the ultimate cost of the product. the climate is an important factor in certain industries, as for example, in the textile industry where a humid atmosphere is necessary, though in this case it is be- coming less important than formerly because the humidity can be controlled artificially. , suitable labour supply—where the necessary labour supply is of the unskilled type this is not an important factor, but where skilled labour is essential, it is necessary to locate the industry in a district where training and heredity have developed the required type. skilled labour is not so migratory as unskilled on account of social and family attachments, etc. room for expansion.—it would, of course, be futile to place a factory in a crowded and congested area where there is no space for expansion. the present tendency is for factories to be built on the outskirts of existing industrial areas because here (pro- viding transport facilities are satisfactory, which is not always the case) land is usually cheaper, taxation lower and working con- ditions better than in the towns. it is, however, difficult to induce labour that is accustomed to town life to migrate to country dis- tricts and this, coupled with the housing question (see housinc) may be an important factor operating against an otherwise ideal site. further, some industries may be dangerous or offensive, and these must be located well away from congested areas. other factors. —capital available for investment, laws affecting the tenancy of land, sewage, floods, drinking water supply, etc., are all important points to consider in the selection of a site. types of factory building the type of building erected for a factory depends entirely on the product to be manufactured, and the architectural form is dominated by this factor, and, in the majority of cases, by the great need for economy, but an attractive looking plant has a marked effect on employees, and has an advertising value. main types.—there are, in general, three main types of factory building:— 1, the single story building of the weaving-shed type, having a saw-toothed roof consisting of a series of unequally inclined ridges, glazed usually only on the north side which permits of uniform lighting without shadows. in the single story type when the site does not permit of north lighting, the ridges, which must be equally inclined, can be glazed on both sides. this type (see fig. 1 on plate) is not well adapted for overhead shafting, cranes, etc. 2. the one-story building with large truss spans, provided with accommodation for travelling cranes, etc. this is the foundry, forge and machine shop type and is suitable for medium and heavy work (see fig. 2 on plate). 3. multi-story buildings for all kinds of manufacture and stor- age, except in the case of the heaviest industries (see fig. i on plate). naturally, each type has its advantages,and disadvantages and must be considered in relation to the product of the factory, but generally, when cost of land is not prohibitive, and the prod- uct is bulky, the natural choice would be towards a one-story building. each of these three types of building permits of a construction of any one of the following kinds:— (a) timber and masonry, known as “ mill construction.” (b) steel framework. (c) reinforced concrete. , | | whatever type of construction is employed, the predominating necessity is “* fireproofness.” in the event of a fire, although the actual amount of material damage is recoverable by insurance, the loss through disorganisation is not recoverable, and frequently is so overwhelming as to prevent ultimate reorganisation. mill construction —mill construction is of various types, but in the main, the outside walls are of masonry, the floors of wood, and the roofs, posts, joists and girders of wood or metal. where much timber is involved the great disadvantage of this type, which for other than heavy work is in other respects satisfactory, is that for fire-resisting purposes it cannot be recommended. this type of building is seldom used for heights of more than six floors on account of its lack of lateral stability, which is chiefly dependent on the masonry of the walls, and which, if developed to any height, would require to be supported by excessive-sized pillars and increased thickness in the lower stories. the adop- tion of this type of building is getting less and less. steel framework.—buildings of this type were made possible by the introduction of the bessemer process of steel manufacture. here rolled steel structural members are used and filled in with walls, floor and roof, etc. the steel members are riveted, or bolted together. where long spans without support are neces- sary, steel framework is essential, and it is also necessary in the case of high walls exposed to wind pressure and to the lateral forces of moving cranes. steel framework buildings are not fireproof because exposed steelwork twists and buckles when subject to intense heat, thus wrecking the building more quickly than the fire itself. if the strictural steel framework is encased in fire-resisting material such as concrete, it is admirably suit- able for the interior of a factory (see ferro-concrete). reinforced concrete —buildings of this material have come to be recognised as one of the standard types for industry. the material is classed as “ fireproof ’’ and will stand the destructive effects of fire as well as any material. it is not usually damaged beyond repair by fire, and seldom, if ever, destroyed. it is a particularly durable material, and its durability improves with age. it is particularly well suited for multi-story buildings con- taining vibrating machinery or machines with heavy recipro- cating parts. “ daylight factories” giving the maximum of natural lighting have come into vogue with reinforced concrete factory design plate i. se ae es she eee > - . “a, i courtesy of a. m. creighton, esq. and turner construction co. modern factory design (american) shoe-factory, near boston, mass., designed for a maximum of daylight. harry field kellogg, architect. this l-shaped building, with combined clock and sprinkler-tank tower at its western angle, is built of reinforced concrete throughout. the piers are between 16 and 17 ft. apart, with glass in metal sashes extending from pier to pier. the brick curtain walls, of no structural function, lend a touch of colour to the building; being only the height of a work-bench, they do not decrease the effective lighting of the factory. the floors are of flat slab construction. plate ii, factory design ooo — ' a u 4 f , : - pe ~ ~ i “4 wu ee modern factory design single-storey weaving shed and multi-storey spinning mill of unit construction. fic. 2. interior of single-storey engineering shop. faeroe islands 5 because columns or pillars may be more slender and the steel framework windows used give an increased lighting area. in cases where the floor load is higher than 200 lb. per sq. ft., reinforced concrete buildings are cheaper than those of mill construction. reinforced concrete buildings have developed almost entirely since 1910. the first line of development was along the form of beam and girder construction, but now the flat slab method of flooring is used, especially in cases where the live load is 150 lb. or more per square foot. for lighter loads, the development has been towards the long span joist construction with a filler of metal, tile, terra-cotta or gypsum block, which reduces dead load and saves concrete. details of construction foundations.—in choosing a site an important point is that of its levels, and a site poor in this respect purchased at a low figure may eventually prove a most costly one. it is also important to have full knowledge of any mineral workings going on, or likely to go on, as these might cause subsidence. the foundations of buildings which are to house heavy machinery must be ample enough to absorb vibration, and in the case of such implements as the steam and power hammer, or jarring machinery for foundries, the foundations should be entirely separate from all building structures or their foundations. it is important to choose a site where there exists a good subsoil of clay or rock, otherwise the expense of piling or rafting might make the cost of the buildings very high or even prohibitive. floors.—these should be designed to provide facilities for future changes, especially if they are of reinforced concrete, and ducts should be arranged to accommodate pipes, etc. conduits should be properly placed and openings provided for belis, shafting and other accessories, properly protected. where apparatus must be taken through floors, ample openings and trap doors or removable floor slabs are essential]. floors formed of concrete and merely spade-finished are unsuitable, and their durability should be increased by some form of floor-hardener or by the application of paving. pavings are of many kinds, metallic, granolithic, cemented, of fir boarding laid on battens, pitchpine boarding, bricking, maple boarding, rock asphalt, wood blocks, etc. each of these types has its advantages and disadvantages, some being unsuitable on accotunt of dust, others on account of the discomfort to workers, and every building requires separate consideration. floor areas must be laid out so as to avoid the conflict of travel in opposite directions and to permit of easy transport. lighting —windows, while no more expensive in initial outlay than walls, are an expensive item in upkeep, and with a large area of glazing the size of glass forming a unit should be of the order of 1 ft. 4 in. by 2 ft. or even larger, if of the roughcast or “prismatic” type. it is not usually essential that all parts should be made to open. steel sashing, although difficult to clean and a source of lost heat, is preferable to wooden sashing as it provides increased aighting facilities, giving 80% to 90° light area as against 50% to 70% for wooden sashes and fies one-story saw-toothed buildings should have roof windows facing north to avoid direct sunlight. waills.—the thickness of building walls is dictated by build- ing acts and by-laws, and in most countries there is no possi- bility of erecting such walls of less thickness than g in. or 14 in., depending on the height and length of the wall and whether steel framework is used. as already stated in connection with the various types of building construction, various materials are used for walls such as brick, concrete, stone, etc. where hoists and cranes are fitted these must be provided with ample support. roofs.—roofs are one of the large items in building construc- tion. their particular form is dependent upon the intended purpose of the building; a high pitched gabled roof is the best for forges, foundries and other shops engaged in hot processes in which large quantities of heat require to be dissipated, and in other cases where a level cciling is not required; the glazed saw- toothed form of roof provides the best condition of steady, uni- form, natural lighting; the flat roof is the natural type for build- ings with interior columns. whatever the type the essential features are water- and fire-proofness. for general purposes the best material is mineral rock asphalt, which is unaffected by heat or cold and requires no yearly treatment, and is also capable of withstanding traffic without damage. where sloping roofs are used, steel or reinforced concrete roof principals are employed, and this method of support is now as cheap as steel). slates as a covering are high in first cost and heavy for long span roofs, but if of good quality are very durable. bituminous felts and other compositions in sheet form are low in first cost, but require special treatment every few years. heating and ventilation.—of these two subjects the latter is the more important. in an ordinary factory the air should be changed three to five times per hour, while under some circum- stances it should be changed as many as 20 times per hour. the temperature also varies with the nature of the work carried on, but a good average is 57° f., though for heavy manual labour a lower temperature should prevail, and for sedentary work, a higher. various systems of ventilation and heating are employed, but the most suitable for the particular case must be selected, care being taken to economise space and avoid inter- ference with cranes, conveyors, etc. (see pustic health). stutrways, lifts, elevators, elc—stairways should be ample for emergencies, and give passengers the least inconvenience, a 63 in. rise being considered good practice. lifts should be en- cased with brick walis to prevent the spread of fire, and the openings should be fitted with doors of fire-resisting material made to close automatically in case of fire. power supplies-—where power is generated on the site, the plant should be located at a point most convenient for the handling of fuel and ashes, and all boiler and engine-room equip- ment should be capable of extension. where live steam is used in the manufacturing processes, the power plant should be situ- ated centrally in order to avoid the necessity of long lengths of piping and excessive loss of heat. fire protection.—the installation of apparatus to deal with outbreaks of fire is a necessity in all industrial buildings. the most usual form is by the sprinkler system in which pipes are fixed horizontally along the ceiling, and supplied with water which is not released until the temperature in the building is sufficiently high to melt the solder which holds the automatic valve of the sprinklers in position. when this is released the water is discharged over the affected area. where sprinklers are not used, hydrants with lengths of hose should be fixed near stairs and in easily accessible positions and fire buckets and chemical fire extinguishers should be placed within the reach of anyone in the building. in the case of some trgdes, buckets of sand are more useful than water. lightning; conductors should be fixed to all buildings. bretrograriy.— charles day, industrial plants (1911); g. m., price, the modern eo safety, sanitation and welfare (1914); ww, r, jaggard and f, drury, architectural building construction (1923); hl. adams he e. r. matthews, reinforced concrete con- struction. in theory and practice (1920); l. willard case, the fac- foryv buildings (1922); british fire prevention committee, building materials and fire p revention, 31 books. (p. n.) faeroe islands (sec 10.123).—a group of 21 islands belong- ing to denmark, situated in the north sea, 7° east, 62° north. the area is 511 sq. m. and the population (1921) 21,532. since 1910 the development of an active movement in favour of self- government has been the most prominent feature of politics in the faeroes. though the sjdlust¥risfokkur, or home rule party, was first organized as lately as 1906, it is true that some points in the nationalist programme have an earlier origin. rise of nationalism.—the endeavour to secure for the na- tional speech of the inhabitants a position of equality with the official danish may be said, indeed, to date from the middle of last century, when v. u. hammershaimb, by systematising the local language, adapted it to literary use. the encourage- ment of this language was a main plank in the programme of the feroyingafelag, a society instituted in 1889. the addition, how- ever, to such comparatively innocent expressions of nationalism, of claims for complete political autonomy and even independ- 6 faguet—falkland islands, battle of the ence, is doubtless largely due to the stimulus of recent events. the success of a similar movement in iceland (q.v.), which secured for that colony, in 1918, a status of sovereign independence, has no doubt played its part, and it is significant that it was in the same year—1g18—that the home rule party of the faeroes first obtained a majority in the local lagting. to this stimulus was added, at about the same time, the prominence given to self-determination during and after the world war. but above all, the dispute between denmark and norway over the question of greenland revived old complaints as to the methods whereby the danish negotiators, at the treaty of kiel in 1814, managed to retain possession of the ancient norwegian colonies, iceland, greenland and the faeroes, while the separa- tist tendencies of the home rulers were encouraged by certain sections of the norwegian press and by private individuals in norway. under these influences the nationalist leader in the faeroes, johannes patursson, went so far, in 1923, as to suggest the possibility of complete separation from denmark and an ultimate union with norway. this, however, is no part of the official programme of his party, the political aims of which do not seem to go much further than an effort to secure autonomy by giving to the lagting legislative instead of, as at present, merely advisory powers. with regard to the language question, some progress has been made, and since 1912 the use of the local as well as the danish language in education and in the conduct of religious services has, to some extent, been authorized. the claims of extreme nationalists in this respect are, however, not yet satisfied. the complaints of danish misrule made by home rulers seem, as is usual in such cases, based more on the events of the past than the present. the danish govt. has voted considerable sums towards the construction of roads and harbour works, as well as to the support of education. the large increase in the population, which has nearly doubled since the beginning of the century, indicates a considerable measure of prosperity. brs_iocrapiy.—c. kuechler, die feereer. studien und wander- fahrien (1913); e. lehmann, auf den fareern (1913); hans dju-huus, feroya sega (1924); hans reynolds, fereyarne (1923). (g. m. g.-hl.) faguet, emile (1847~1916), french critic and man of let- ters (see 10.125), published in his later years rousseau penseur (1910); madame de sevigne (1910); a study of rostand (1911); vie de rousseau (1911); les amies de rousseau (1912); rousseau artiste, etc. (1912); ex lisant moliere (1914) and mgr. dupan- loup (1914). he died in paris june 7 1916. fairbairn, andrew martin (1838-1912), british divine (see 10.129), digd in london feb. 9 1912. fairbanks, charles warren (1852-1918), american politician, was born near unionville, o., may 11 1852. gradu- ating from ohio wesleyan university in 1872, he was admitted to the bar in 1874, and began practice at indianapolis, ind., where he became a railway financier. he was chairman of the republi- can state convention in 1892, 1898 and 1914, and in 1896 was elected to the u.s. senate. he was chairman of the u.s. repre- sentatives on the british-american joint high commission for dealing with canadian questions in 1898 and 1903, being re- elected to the senate in the latter year. in 1904 he was elected vice-president as a republican with theodore roosevelt. in 1916 he was again nominated for the vice-presidency, but was defeated. he died at indianapolis june 4 1918. fairbanks, douglas (1883— ), motion picture actor and producer, was born at denver, colo., may 23 1883. he studied at the colorado school of mines and later attended harvard university, but left the university to enter a broker- age firm in wall street. in too1 he abandoned finance and took up the stage as a career, eventually starring in several plays, among them the man of the hour and the gentleman from mississippi. leaving the stage in 1915, he devoted him- self to the screen and achieved success in the lamb, his first picture. in 1917 he became head of his own producing company. his pictures have been distinguished by the wholesomeness of their themes and the extraordinary amount of action displayed. his later productions, such as the thief of bagdad, exhibit great mechanical ingenuity and a genius for picturesque background. his other pictures include, the afark of zorro, the three musket- eers, robin hood, don q and the black pirate. he married, march 28 1920, as his second wife, mary pickford. faisal al husain (1885- ), king of ‘iraq, was born at taif, the third son of the sharif husain. faisal traced his descent from fatimah, only surviving child of the prophet, through hasan, her eldest son by marriage with ‘ali ibn abi talib, fourth amir al muninin. after the custom of his house, faisal was sent when only seven days old, to rahab palace, the country seat of the al ‘aun family, in the territory of his clan, beni ‘abadiyah and their confederates the ‘ataibah. here the boy was raised among the tribesmen, and remained until he was seven. in 1893, when husain was ordered to constantinople, taisal accompanied him and was educated privately in that city. in 1905 he married his cousin, and returned to the hejaz in 1909, when his father was appointed sharif. in 1913 faisal became deputy for jiddah and proceeded to identify himself with the arab national movement. he com- manded his father’s forces in “asir in 1914, and was at mecca on the outbreak of the world war. he was posted with the turkish governor of syria in 1915, but escaped to the hejaz early in the following year, and there played a leading part in the arab revolt, commanding the arab forces with gen. allenby’s army until the capture of aleppo in oct. 1918. his influence with the tribes did much to keep husain’s tribal levies in the field. as commander-in-chief of the arab army under the allied com- mander-in-chief he then undertook the administration of the newly-constituted syrian state, and after attending the peace conference in paris returned to syria in april 1919. in sept. he again visited europe and remained until feb. 1920; in the follow- ing month he was proclaimed king of syria, but being unable to come to terms with the french mandatory power he left da- mascus in july 1920. after spending the winter in england he proceeded to ‘iraq as candidate for the throne in june 1921, and was elected king by a plebiscite in which he received 96% of the votes cast (see ‘iraq). falkenhayn, erich von (1861-1922), prussian general, was born sept. 11 1861 at burg belchau in the district of thorn (torun). he took part in the china expedition of 1900 and re- mained in china with a brigade of occupation till 1903. in 1906 he was appointed chief-of-staff of the xvi. and afterwards of the iv. army corps; in 1913 he became general and was ap- pointed prussian minister of war. he succeeded gen. von moltke in dec. 1914 as chief of the general staff of the army, was advanced to the rank of general of the infantry, and helped to plan the summer offensive of 1915 against russia and the opera- tions by which in the winter of 1915-6 serbia was overrun. he was made responsible, however, for the ill-success of the german attacks of 1916 at verdun, and was replaced as chief of the general staff by hindenburg in aug. of that year. he was then assigned the leadership of the ix. army against rumania. in 1917 he took command of the so-called asiatic corps, for operations in the caucasus, and in 1918 and 1919 was at the head of the x. army. falkenhayn wrote die obersie heeres- leitung 1914-6 in ihren wichligsten entschliessungen (1920) and der feldzug der 9. armee gegen die rumdnen und russen 1916-7 (2 vol., 1921). he died april 8 1922 at the castle of lindstet, near wildpark. falkland islands, battle of the.—one of the principal naval actions of the world war was fought on dec. 8 1914, to the southeast of the falkland is. between a british battle-cruiser squadron under vice-adml. sir doveton sturdee and the ger- man squadron under vice-adml. graf von spee. the table on p. 7 shows the details of the respective forces fleet at port w illiiam.—adml. sturdee arrived at port william (adjoining port stanley) in the falklands in the forenoon of monday, dec. 7. the ‘“‘ canopus,” an old battleship, was al- ready there, moored in port stanley and waiting with the local volunteers to resist any attack. the squadron was ordered to keep steam for 12 knots at two hours’ notice; the ‘“‘ macedonia ” falkland islands, battle of the | took the guard, and coaling started. adml. sturdee’s own colliers had not arrived: there were only three in harbour and the coal in one had deteriorated. the ‘ carnarvon ”’ finished coaling at 4 a.m. dec. 8; the “ invincible ” started at 6 a.m., and the “ inflexible ’ at 7:20 a.m. the“ bristol’? had drawn fires to remedy defects and the “‘ cornwall ” had opened up one engine. this was the situation when at 8 a.m. the ‘‘ glasgow ”’ fired a gun. ‘“ santa isabel ”’ british type ships guns speed battle- ‘ invincible ”’ 8 12-in. 25 knots cruisers “ inflexible ” 8 12-in. 25 knots armoured ‘“ carnarvon ” 4 7°5-in., 6 6-in. 22-5 knots cruisers cornwall ” i4 6-in. 23 knots ““ ikent " 14 g-in. 23 knots light “ glasgow ” 2 6-in., io 4-in. 25 knots cruisers “ bristol ”’ 2 6-in., 10 4-in. 24 knots armed merchant | “ macedonia ” cruiser german armoured “scharnhorst "’ | 8 8-2-in., 6 5-9-in. | 22-5 knots cruisers ** gneisenau ”' 8 8-2-in., 6 5-9g-in. | 22-5 knots | light “ leipzig ” io 4-i-in. 22 knots { cruisers “ nurnberg ” 10 4-1-in, 23 knots ‘* dresden ”’ io 4-i-in. 24 knots | supply seydlitz ”’ | ships baden ” german fleet sighted.—a signal was flying at the look-out station on sapper’s hill above the harbour. it reported two strange ships in sight. a scene of bustle and commotion ensued. at 8:14 a.m. the signal was made to prepare to weigh and raise steam for full speed. colliers were cast off, guns cleared away and great clouds of smoke began to pour from the funnels as the ships raised steam. the ships which had appeared so unexpect- edly were the ‘‘ gneisenau ” and “‘ niirnberg,” which von spee shad sent in advance to effect a landing. they were not visible from the ‘“‘ canopus,” but with the help of a fire control station on the hill she opened fire on them with her 12-in. guns at 9 a.m. the range was over 14,000 yd. and the shots fell short, but they made the “ gneisenau ”’ turn away. the “ scharnhorst ” was still some 15 m. off but the clouds of smoke rising over the hills had made von spee uneasy. from the ‘‘ gneisenau ” came a report of six warships in the harbour, and the german admiral, confirmed in his misgivings, ordered her to steer east and not to accept battle. by 10 a.m. the ‘ in- vincible,” “‘ inflexible ” and “‘ cornwall ” were under way and leaving harbour. huge clouds of smoke hid them for a time, but they cleared away, revealing the tripod masts of battle-cruisers and von spee knew that his hour had come. pursuit of german fleet—by 10:30 a.m. sturdee was clear of the harbour; the germans were hull down to the southeast about 11 m. off, and the admiral hoisted the “‘ general chase,” a signal for each ship to steam as hard as she could in pursuit. it was a perfect day with a blue sky and calmsea. a light wind was blow- ing from the northwest. the day may be resolved into two phases —the pursuit from 10:20 a.m. to 1:20 p.m., and the action from 1:20 p.m. to6 p.m. at 10:50 a.m. sturdee ordered the “ inflex- ible” to take station on his port quarter, thereby annulling the signal to chase. by r1 a.m. the germans were showing above the horizon and the battle-cruisers eased to 24 knots. the ‘ glas- gow ”’ was on the “ invincible’s ’’ port bow, the ‘‘ kent ” on her portbeam. the “ carnarvon” and “ cornwall ”’ were 5 m. astern. the crews were piped to dinner and, to give the “‘ carnarvon ” a chance to get up, the admiral reduced to 19 knots. meanwhile von spee’s colliers had been sighted to the westward off port pleasant (20 m. west of port william) and the “ bristol,” which was just leaving harbour, was sent after them with the “ mace- donia ” at 11:30 a.m. by this time the chase was gradually coming round to southeast by east. the ‘ carnarvon’s ” efforts to get up were unavailing and sturdee increased to full speed.. by 12:50 p.m. the battle-cruisers were going 25 knots, overhauling the germans fast. the “ leipzig ” soon felt the pace and began to drop behind. at 12:55 p.m. her range had fallen to 16,000 yd. and the “ in- flexible ” opened fire on her. von spee, to save his light cruisers, ordered them to scatter at 1:20 p.m. and they broke away to the southward, but the british cruisers were ready, and without waiting for orders, the “ glasgow,’ “ cornwall” and “ kent ” went off in hot pursuit (see fig. 1). conflict of batile-cruisers—von spee, as his light cruisers left him, turned at 1:25 p.m. to the eastward to accept battle, and took station ahead of the ‘‘ gneisenau,” while sturdee’s battle-cruisers to the northward turned into line ahead on an easterly course. at 1:30 von spee opened fire at 14,000 yd. but the range was too great for the 8-2 in. guns and he led round to the northeast. the range fell to 12,500 yd. and about 1:45 p.m. the “ invincible ” was hit, and sturdee turned away to’open the range and take advantage of his heavier guns. the wind- ward position was a severe handicap. dense clouds of smoke battle of falklands british german one. ya 5* 3.30 4 /scharnhorst (sunk) 4/7 ag @ gneisenau (sunk) 6 02 tn vap s19 € dresden x’ out of sight 50pm > an urnberg (sunk)? 27 \ a leipzig/sunk)9 23 cornwall & glasgow . were pouring from the battle-cruisers shrouding the ships and smothering the range. by 2 p.m. the range had increased to 16,000 yd. and the guns ceased fire. no serious damage had been done, the “ gneisenau ” had received only two hits, and one of her 8-2 in. casemates had been temporarily disabled. at 2:05 p.m. von spee turned right away to the southward, bringing the battle-cruisers right astern, and some minutes elapsed before the movement was seen; then sturdee turned after him to the southward, increasing speed, and the chase be- gan again (see fig. 2). it continued for nearly 40 min., while sturdee crept gradually up on von spee’s port quarter. at 2:50 p.m. the range was down again to 14,000 yd., and turning two points to port, sturdee opened fire again. von spee again ac- cepted action and turning to the east opened fire at 2:55 p.m. (sce fig. 2). the action ran to the eastward till 3:15 p.m. with the range falling gradually to 11,000 yards. the british guns were now establishing a mastery. the “ scharnhorst ” was burning, her fire had slowed down and she sheered to starboard for a time with a damaged rudder. but again the smother of smoke made spotting difficult, and at 3:15 p.m., to escape from it, sturdee turned the battle-cruisers right round to port together, so that the “‘ inflexible ’ was now leading to the westward. von spee in reply at 3:27 p.m. led round to port, in succession bringing his starboard guns into action. the action now ran to the south-westward with the 8 british battle-cruisers circling round the germans at a range of 11,000 to 12,000 yards. by 4 p.m. the “ scharnhorst ” was blazing from stem to stern, her guns were silent, her superstructure was a mass of ruins; she was listing heavily to port and barely making 12 knots. smoke was again obscuring the range and the “ in- flexible,”’ to get rid of it, circled round to starboard at 4:10 p.m. engaging the “ gneisenau ” on a northeasterly course (see fig. 2). end of the “scharnhorst.” —the “ invincible ” ran on a little farther to the southward and then circled round to the north- east. the ‘‘ scharnhorst’s ” end was now near. she turned to starboard a mass of smoke and flame, then at 4:17 p.m. heeled completely over to port and sank with her flag flying. not a soul was saved. the “‘ invincible ” and ‘ inflexible ” were now engaging the ‘“ gneisenau ” on an opposite course; at 4:30 p.m. sturdee, then on a northeasterly course, circled round to star- board, and ordering the “‘ inflexible ” to form single line ahead battle of o5 | falklands btish german wees invincible , cornwall kent leipzig y ynurnberg ¥dresden ie fe 1 ' . aor feed ieee invincible ey ee anflexible var dae 5 ee ee ne ee - ~ : ene isenau/surk) 6 02 shaped course, to the westward. the “ gneisenau ” was some 13,000 yd. to the southeast, struggling desperately along on a southwest course. the “gueisenan”’ sunk.—at 4:45 p.m. the “ inflexible,” again hampered by the smoke, turned to port, and, leaving the tlag- ship, ran to the eastward, opening on the “‘ gneisenau ”’ with her starboard guns, and turning southwest again at 4:55 p.m. kept the “ gneisenau ” at about 12,000 yards. by 5:15 p.m. the latter was in a sorry plight. her foremost funnel had toppled over; she was listing heavily to starboard and barely making headway. the sunshine had gone and a drizzling rain had commenced to fall. her fore turret still fired fitfully. at 5:45 p.m. she fired her last shot and at 6:02 p.m. heeled slowly over to starboard and sank. the british rescued 187 survivors from the icy water. pursuit of light cruisers —meanwhile the german light cruis- ers were heading to the southward with the ‘ glasgow,” “ kent” and “ cornwall ” at their heels. the actual speeds are doubtful. on the british side, the ‘‘ glasgow ” could probably go 25 knots, and the “ cornwall ” and “kent ” can be credited with at least 224 and 22 knots. the “ dresden ” could probably go 25 knots, the ‘ niirnberg ” 22, while the “‘ leipzig,” whose engines and boilers were in bad condition, could barely do 20 to 21. the german ships, which had been cruising continuously for four months, found it hard to maintain their speeds. when the chase began the british cruisers were some ro to rr m. be- hind. the “ glasgow ” soon forged ahead and at 2:53 p.m., in falkland islands, battle of the spite of the efforts of the “‘ dresden ” to divert her by sheering oif to the southwest, opened fire on the “ leipzig ” and obtained | a hit on her which reduced her speed. light cruiser action —by 4:15 p.m. the “ cornwall” was coming up and opened fire on the ‘‘ leipzig ” at 12,000 yd., but the range in the failing light was too great, and it was not till 4:25 p.m. that her ‘shots were falling close. the ‘ glasgow ” had received one or two hits and, forsaking any attempt to over- take the “‘ drescden,”’ circled to starboard at 4:27 p.m. and passed behind the ‘‘ cornwall.” the chase continued to the south- eastward till 4:55 p.m., when the “ leipzig ”’ turned to the south- westward, and the ‘‘ cornwall,” following suit, engaged her with the port guns (see fig. 1). the “‘ glasgow ’”’ came into action again, the ‘‘ leipzig’s ’ speed gradually sank and the british cruisers kept her under continuous fire at 9,000 to 10,000 yards. by 6 p.w. a drizzling rain had begun to fall and the “‘ glasgow ” signalled to close. the “ cornwall ” crept up and capt. ellerton began to fire lyddite with terrible effect. the ‘leipzig’ sunk.—by 7 p.m. the “ leipzig’s ” speed was re- duced to 15 knots, but she was still firing fitfully. the whole of her stern was wrapped in flame and the main mast, melting in the heat, had collapsed. the british cruisers ceased fire and closed, but her flag was still flying defiantly and, at 7:50 p.m., they reopened fire for a quarter of an hour. boats were lowered to rescue the crew. she was heeling heavily to port and at 9:23 p.m. turned over and sank (53°55’s.,55°55’ w.). only five officers and 13 men were saved. ‘niirnberg” in action.—the “ kent,” to the eastward all this time, had been vigorously pursuing the ‘‘ niirnberg ”’ and by feeding the fires with all the spare wood in the ship, from hen coops to capstan bars, had brought the range down to 12,000 yd. by 5 p.wt. the “‘ niirnberg ”’ opened fire and was sending her 4:1 rounds right over the “‘ kent,’’ when the latter’s 6-in. guns were still falling 1,000 yd. short, but the weather was growing thick and it was becoming difficult to spot. then came a change; the ‘ niirnberg’s ” boiler tubes gave out; her speed sank to 18 knots and the “‘ kent ” overhauled her rapidly. at 5:45 p.m. the “ kent ” was on her port quarter 7,000 yd. off, and the ‘* niirn- berg ”’ turned to northeast to engage her (sce fig. 1). the light was failing and capt. allen forced the pace and. closed to 3,000 yards. the “ niirnberg ”’ could not stand the fire and turned away to the southward at 6:02 p.mm., but the “ kent ” followed her round. by 6:10 p.m., the ‘‘ niirnberg ” was blazing with only two guns in action, and the ‘“ kent” circling round raked her at 3,500 yards. by 6:25 p.m. she was merely a burning wreck, listing heavily, but with her flag still flying, and the “‘ kent ” opened fire again. just before 7:30 p.m. the “ niirnberg ”’ turned over and sank, but though the boats were searching up till 9 p.m., only seven survivors were found. the following table shows the casualties of the british and german forces:— rounds fired 573 12-in. 661 12-in. 316 6-in. 1,000 6-in. 646 6-in. hits received casualties ship i w. 2w. 4 w. ow. 12 w. ow. all 187 saved 18 saved 7 saved “ invincible ” inflexible ”’ ‘* glasgow " “ cornwall ” “ kent ” : ‘carnarvon ” . ‘* scharnhorst " “gneisenau ” . ‘ leipzig " “ niirnberg ”’ ‘* dresden "’ k. = killed. british op ommo a eo ae german escaped w. = wounded. german colliers captured.—meanwhile the german colliers ‘“santa isabel’? (hamburg-south america) and ‘ baden ”’ (hamburg-america) had been found by the “bristol” and ‘‘ macedonia,” chased to the southeast and captured about 4 p.m. (see fig. 1). sturdee had given the order to sink all transports, and, though they were not transports, but colliers full of valua- ble coal, they were sunk. the ‘“ seydlitz”’ (norddeutscher fall river—family allowances 9 lloyd) escaped to the southward and found safety amongst the icebergs of the antarctic. the “‘ dresden ” had disappeared to the southwest about 5 p.m. and reached magellan straits on dec. 10. three long months elapsed before she was hunted down and sunk by the “ glasgow ” and ‘kent ”’ on march 14. conclusion.—this was the end of the engagement known as the battle of the falklands, the end of von spee’s squadron, of von spee and both his'sons. it marked the end, too, of a definite phase of the struggle at sea. the german cruiser warfare col- lapsed, and outside the north sea and the baltic, england held an unchallenged command of the sea. brpliography.—h. e. h. spencer cooper, the battle of the falk- lands (1919); r. h.c. verner, the baitle-crutsers at the action of the falkland islands (1920); j. s, corbett, history of the great l¥ar, naval operations, vol. 1 (1921); germany, marine archiv, krieg sur see; kreuzerkrieg, vol. 1 (1924). see also world war: bint.10g- raphy, (a. c. d.) fall river, mass., u.s.a. (see 10.155), was outranked in 1919 by new bedford (q.v.) in the value of cotton goods pro- duced. in 1920 it ranked first in the proportion of children employed, 18-5 % of all ro-15 years of age; second in illiteracy, 11-9% of the population 10 years of age and over being unable to write; third in the proportion of women at work, 41-6% of all females 10 years of age and over, and had a high infant mor- tality. the total value of its manufactured products was $64,- 146,000 in 1909; $163,246,000 in 1919; $133,407,969 in 1921; $172,395,700 in 1923. the average number of wage-earners in the factories was practically the same in 1909 and 1919 (37,139 and 37,015 respectively), and after a drop in 1921, rose to 37,018 in 1923. fall river was seriously affected by the general de- pression of 1920-1 and by the growing competition of southern cotton-mills. at times, after the close of the world war, the number of unemployed was estimated at 20,000 or 30,000, or even more. in 1922 a fuel-oil refinery, with a monthly capacity of 1,000,000 barrels, was added to the industries of the city. the construction of an electric super-power plant on the taun- ton river was begun in 1925. a city plan was adopted in 1923. family allowances.—the custom of paying, in addition to wages, allowances for children and sometimes for wives, grew up out of the economic conditions during and after the world war, though before that vestiges of it existed here and there in a few occupations, notably in agriculture, where payments in kind varying with the size of the labourer’s family have long been general in most countries. during the war all the bel- ligerent states paid allowances for the wives and children of the men in the fighting services, and in the public services of most european countries, the war bonuses made necessary by the rise in prices were proportioned in some way to the size of the worker’s family, or at least differed for married and unmarried. probably these two war customs prepared the way for the rapid development which has followed in some countries. in the services of the state and of local authorities the pay- ment of allowances for children has become established in france, germany, belgium, holland, switzerland, italy, czechoslovakia, jugoslavia, norway (municipal services only) sweden, finland and poland. in several of these (¢.g., switzer- land and italy), attempts have been made, so far unsuccessfully, to drop the payment as conditions became more normal. in most countries, a distinction is made between the children of salaried officials and those of weekly wage-earners, the allowances for the former being at a higher rate and continuing during the years of university education, while those of the latter terminate at 13 or 14. otherwise the allowances do not vary with the re- muneration of the worker, except in holland, where they are expressed as a percentage of his salary, with a minimum and a maximum. in switzerland, allowances are confined to the lower paid officials. everywhere the allowances represent only a small part of the cost of a child; being on a flat rate they are more important to the lower paid than to the higher paid officials. thus in germany, where the allowances in the public services are relatively more important than in most countries, and where they include an allowance for the wife, it is reckoned that the average income of a married official is raised by this means from 15 to 30%, according to his grade, above that of an un- married official. for a man with a large family the value is of course considerably more than this. the federal govt. of aus- tralia gives the children of its employees an allowance of 5s. a week until the age of 14. % | om next to the public services, mining is the occupation where the system is most widely established. it is practically universal in. the mining industry of germany, france, belgium, austria and yugoslavia and in some of the mining districts of holland, czechoslovakia, poland and sweden. here, as elsewhere, the allowance represents only a contribution towards child main- tenance. it is reckoned that in the ruhr a workman with three children receives by this aid about 16° more than a single man. in germany and france the cost of the allowances to the employers is equivalent to about 6 or 7% of the wage bill. in most countries the married workers’ privileges include coal and in some a house free or at a low rate. the system at workk in other industries, the family allowance system is widely extended only in france, belgium, germany and austria, though there are instances of it in other countries. the french systent.—in france its development has been greatly helped by the device of the equalisation fund (caisse de compensa- tion pour allocations famzliales), which guards successfully against the danger that family allowances paid for by employers might preju- dice men with families in obtaining employment. such funds were first proposed in 1918 by m. romanet, a benevolent roman catholic employer of the metallurgic industry of grenoble. the idea spread rapidly, and by the end of 1925 there were in france 180 equal- isation funds, covering over 10,000 firms. the method is simple:— the fund may be either ‘ professional,”’ #.e., confined to a single in- dustry or kind of occupation, or “‘ regional and interprofessional ” #.€., open to all employers who desire to join within a given area. the scale of allowances (which varies considerably in different funds) having been fixed, the number of children covered is ascertained at fixed periods, and each adherent employer is assessed for his share of the cost, the assessment being based either on the amount of his wage-bill, the number of his workers or the number of hours worked. when the number of workers is the basis, some funds fix a lower scale for women and youths than for adult male workers. some funds actually pay the allowances to the parents; in others the employer pays and subsequently claims from the fund the excess, or pays into the fund the deficiency of his payment over the sum due from him. the allowances are usually paid monthly and, in an increasing proportion of funds, not to the workman but to the children’s mother. it is found that this method is not only more certain to benefit the children, but less apt to arouse the jealousy of the single man, who is thus led to regard the allowances, not as an addition to wages, and thus an infraction of the principle of equal pay for equal work, but as a recognition of the separate service of parenthood. the desire for an increased population is shown by the grading of the allowances upwards, e.g., in may 1924 the average of the scale in ali the funds was per month 19 fr. for one child, 46 for two children, 81 for three, 124 for four, at this date the average monthly wage of an adult labourer was 500 francs. many funds also pay bonuses at childbirth (primes de naissance) and during the period of lactation (primes d'allattement). many maintain subsidiary health services, such as health visitors, day nurseries, convalescent homes, etc. the cost of the allowances to employers varies from i to 7% of the wage bill. including the public services, mines, railways and other large enterprises, which pay allowances directly, the number of workers covered in 1925 was reckoned at 3,500,000 and the annual cost of allowances at over 1,000 million francs. the system is increasingly popular with employers, who find their reward in the increased well-being and contentment of their workers. the attitude of the trade unions has changed from one of suspicion to a definite and cordial acceptance of the principle, coupled with resentment of employers’ control and demand that it shall be made universal, compulsory and collectively controlled. | other european countries.—in belgium, the methods adopted are modelled closely on those of france. progress began several years later, but has been rapid; and the system appears equally destined to become a permanent part of industrial life, welcomed both by employer and employed. in his report for 1925, the british com- mercia! secretary attributed the freedom of the country from indus- trial strife partly to this cause and says:— it is almost generally admitted now that the family bonus system is of real economic value, and that by improving the present and future conditions of the working class it is capable of exerting a direct and beneficial influence on the prosperity and producing capacity of the country. 7 in germany, during the five years following the world war the payment of family allowances was probably as common as in france, io but much less generally popular. employers tended to regard the allowances as a temporary addition to wages which could be dropped when conditions became more normal. hence few equalisation funds were started, and the allowances being paid to the worker with his wage was apt to excite the single man’s jealousy, while the married man feared to be prejudiced in seeking work. in 1925 the number of collective agreements containing family allowances showed a falling off. it is not yet certain whether the tendency will be permanent. in austria, the payment of children’s allowances through equal- isation funds was, in 1921, made compulsory on all employers, as a kind of compensation to the workers for the removal of the bread subsidy. the amounts, however, were exceedingly small, and at the end of the period stipulated by the law, the system, to a great extent, lapsed, except in the public services and inthe mining. industry. australia.—in australia, since 1907, wages have been subject to a legal minimum, settled by the courts and supposed to be roughly based on the needs of the ‘‘ normal ”’ family of five persons (four persons in new south wales). in i919, owing to the discontent caused by rising prices, a royal commission on the basis wage, com- posed of equal numbers of representatives of employers and employed with an impartial chairman, was set up to determine what was the actual cost of maintenance of a five-member family at a standard of reasonable comfort. the sum fixed for each of the five states aver- aged £5 16s., the existing basic wage being then £4. the common- wealth statistician promptly reported that the whole produced wealth of the country, if equally divided, would not yield the necessary amount. the chairman of the commission, mr. a. d. piddington, then submitted the proposal that the basic wage should be based on the needs of man and wife and supplemented by an allowance of 12s. per week foreach child, paid out of a state fund to which each employer should contribute 10s. 9 p. per week per employee. he pointed out that the ordinary conception of the basic wage postulated 2,100,000 non-existent children, the total number of actual children (under 14) of employees being 900,000. the only actual fruit of this pro- posal, up to 1926, has been the aforesaid 5s. allowance paid for each child of a commonwealth employee. but child endowment has figured largely in the programme of australian politicians. a bill embodying mr. piddington’s proposal passed the lower house of new south wales in 1920; a bill for the state endowment of children was introduced by the succeeding labour govt. of new south wales. the south australian labour govt. in 1925 promised, but failed, to introduce a similar measure. the federal govt. has a!so played with the question. great britain —although great britain possesses the earliest equalisation fund in existence (in fact though not in name) in that established about a century ago by the wesleyan com- munity for children of ministers, the family allowance system has so far not taken much root in the country, except in the fighting services. the subject, however, has been widely dis- cussed since the development of the foreign schemes. it is significant of its growing hold on public opinion that during 1925 the london school of economics introduced substantial educational allowances for the children of its professorial staff, the independent labour party adopted as part of its programme a state scheme of children’s allowances, and the coal com- mission report recommended such allowances as “one of the most valuable measures that could be adopted for increasing the well-being and contentment of the mining population.” conclusions.—advocates of the principle contend that as the national income or dividend is an uncomfortably tight fit, it will be impossible to satisfy the general demand for a reasonably high standard of life so long as the needs of the family during the years of its greatest dependency are only met through a wage paid equally to the childless man. they further argue that the value of children to the community, as its future citizens and workers, 1s not adequately recognised by a system which as- signs to the family unit an income no larger than that enjoyed by the single individual; that as a result the more thoughtful and ambitious workers are tending drastically to restrict their families, while the jess thoughtful and less ambitious practise no such restriction. to this is added the plea that the maximum production of wealth will only be achieved when competition between men and women workers is at once free and fair; that this is impossible without “ equa] pay for equal work,” and that this again is impracticable until family responsibilities are met by family allowances. | there is a division of opinion among advocates of family allowances in great britain between those who prefer the foreign system of equalisation funds paid for by employers, those who farina, salva'ttore—farmers’ organisations would like to see family allowances provided through con- tributory insurance, and those who believe that the whole cost should be met by the state. bibliography.— family allowance, international labour office reports, series d, no. 13 (1924); e. f. rathbone, the disinherited family; a plea for the endowment of the family (1924); p. h. douglas, wages and the family (1925); j. l. cohen, family income in- surance (1926). (e. ra.) farina, salvatore (1846-1018), italian novelist (see 10.179), died at milan dec. 15 1918. his best-known work is la piu bella fancuilla dell’ universe (1911). see v. dendi, ux romanzo dimenticato, s. farina (1921). : farinacci, roberto (1892- ), italian politician, was born oct. 16 1892 at isernia, in the province of campobasso, educated at cremona, he entered the railway administration, becoming station-master at cremona. while still a very young man he took to politics, and on the outbreak of the world war conducted an active interventionist propaganda. as soon as italy went to war he volunteered for active service, but 18 months later was ordered to resume his civilian duties. after the armistice he was one of the first to join mussolini’s fasci di combattimento and he organised the movement in cremona. in1921 he wasreturned to the legislature as member for mantova- cremona, but was unable to take his seat in the chamber, being under age. he had now become the leading figure in cremona, and through the daily paper founded by him, cremona nuova, acquired an increasing influence in the fascist party. he also found time to complete his studies and secured a university degree in law. when mussolini came into power, although not given office, farinacci continued to be one of the premier’s most trusted advisers. in 1924 he was again returned to the legis- lature and in march 1925 he became, on mussolini’s nomination, general secretary of the fascist party. farmers’ organisations (see 10.181).—the wholesale intervention of various governments in agricultural production and the regulation of prices which was necessary during the world war have provided great stimulus to the organisation of farmers into associations capable of negotiating with the governments of their respective countries. the growth of the federation of farm bureaus in the united states and of the national farmers’ union in great britain are but examples of associations not called into existence by the war but which have strengthened their position and learned to play a representative part during these critical years. it has become evident, however, that any national movement for the stabilisation of the prices of agricultural produce at a level that will be remunerative to the farmer must be severely limited by international competition in the world’s market. consequently a widespread feeling has grown up that an inter- national combination between producers is necessary in order to secure some common action among the farmers of all countries whereby their interests may be protected. the international institute of agriculture at rome is, however, organised on an official basis. there is no direct rep- resentation of farmers, and the line of work taken up by the insti- tute has been mainly confined to the collection and dissemination of information. the constitution of the institute which is defined by treaty provides no machinery for enabling farmers’ associa- tions to formulate an international expression of agricultural opinion, but the question is still under consideration. there — exists an international commission of agriculture with its seat in paris, which from time to time (1923 in paris, 1925 in war- saw) convenes an international congress of agriculture. it is under consideration whether this organisation cannot be given a character more directly representative of the associations of farmers in various countries. : | the same basic idea has been earnestly advocated by the writ- ings and personal influence of dr. e. laur, the director of the swiss farmers’ union. in sept. 1925, dr. laur summoned an international conference of representatives of agricultural asso- ciations which met at berne and was largely attended by dele- gates of farmers’ organisations in europe and the united states farmers’ organisations of america. the conference affirmed the need for an interna- tional organisation that could promote common action amongst agricultural producers all the world over and decided to take steps to secure the support of the properly constituted bodies in the various countries. a meeting was convoked in rome for april 1926 on the occasion of the meeting of the general assem- bly of the international institute of agriculture. (a. d. h.) organisations in the united states the following article deals with the development of farmers’ organisations in the united states, where the movement has grown more rapidly and attained greater dimensions than in any other part of the world. for similar organisations in other agri- cultural countries, the articles thereon should be consulted. (see also agriculture; co-operation, agricultural; mar- keting.) the organisations in the united states fall into two general classes: (1) organisations interested in the general problems of agriculture, i.e., education, legislation, credit, transportation, etc.; and (2) co-operative organisations of farmers formed for the purpose of marketing farm products or purchasing farm supplies. this classification does not include the various state and federal institutions engaged in agricultural teaching, re- search and service. principal organisations.—prominent among the general farmers’ organisations are the grange or patrons of husbandry, the american farm bureau federation, the farmers’ educational and co-operative union, and the equity. other organisations that restrict their activities to a special industry or phase of agriculture are the national co-operative milk producers’ feder- ation and the national council of farmers’ co-operative market- ing associations. a number of local or regional organisations serve the interests of farmers and shippers of farm products. the organisation of the grange comprises subordinate (or local) county and state granges. the state organisations make up the national grange. the work of the local granges is chiefly fraternal, educational, social and recreational, while the state organisations and the national grange give attention to broad questions of agricultural policy, education and legislation. the local units of the american farm bureau federation are county organisations, which were formed originally to employ and co- operate with an agricultural adviser for the county, who was also a state and federal employee. in most states the county agricultural adviser was in 1926 paid wholly from public funds, though he might work in close co-operation with the county farm bureau or other farm organisation. county farm bureaus were first federated in state organisations, and in ro1g the national organisation, the american farm bureau federation, was formed. this organisation obtained a membership of over 1,000,000 farmers the first year of its existence. since 1920 it has taken an active part in the formation of large-scale, co- operative marketing agencies for grain, live stock and fruits and vegetables. some state farm bureaus have a close affilia- tion with co-operative marketing associations which they have fostered. marketing.—the organisation of farmers for business pur- poses has been mainly in the field of co-operative marketing. the most reliable estimates placed the total business of co- operative marketing associations at $2,500,000,000 for the year 1925. this business was conducted by approximately 12,000 associations, whose membership totalled over 2,700,000, more than one-third of the total number of farmers in the united states. the number of farmers who were members of co-opera- tive associations was divided by commodities as follows: grain, 520,000; dairy products, 460,000; cotton, 300,000; tobacco, 300,000; live stock, 400,000; fruits and vegetables, 180,000; eggs and poultry, 50,000; wool, 50,000; nuts, 20,000; all other, 420,000. the first nation-wide survey of the extent of co-operation among farmers was begun in 1913. data for the years 1912, 1913, 1914 and i915 were collected and tabulated. the most complete information was secured for the year 1915. reports were received from 5,424 co-operative associations with an estimated membership of 651,186 and as estimated volume of business amounting to $635,838,684. il the largest volume of business, $289,689,200, was credited to the farmers’ grain elevators. fruit and vegetable associations with $201,542,600 were second, and associations marketing dairy products were third with $89,061,300. the second survey was made in con- nection with the taking of the 1919 census. sales through farmers’ marketing organisations at this time were reported as $721,983,639 and 511,383 farms reported sales through such organisations. at the same time 329,449 farms reported purchases through farmers’ buying associations totalling $84,615,669. ‘the third survey was undertaken by the u.s. dept. of agriculture in 1921. reports had been received {rom 10,500 associations up to 1925, and it is on these reports that the estimate of total business, already given, is based. the interest- ing feature as regards these figures as compared with those given for 1915 is the increase in the amount of business done by cotton, tobacco and live-stock marketing associations. in fact, large-scale co-operation in the south has developed entirely since 1920. local assoctations.—in jan. 1926 there were approximately 11,500 active local co-operative associations— independent organisa- tions and units of federations—whose members were for the most part limited to farmers using the same shipping point. the local association is the earliest form of co-operation among farmers in the united states. it performs, as a rule, the services of a country dealer. fruit and vegetables are assembled, packed and stored by local associations; milk is manufactured into butter and cheese: grain is bought; live stock is assembled and shipped and supplies are purchased and distributed by this type of organisation. most of them handle only one commodity or a group of related commadities, such as several vegetables, or butter and eggs. approximately 9,500 of the local associations operate independently. they sell their products to local dealers or through commission merchants in the terminal markets. in some cases they employ the services of private distributing firms, or more rarely sell direct to wholesalers. about 2,000 local organisations, however, are member units of federations formed for the purpose of performing the selling services which the small independent local associations cannot handle to the best advantage. the federation is an organisation in which the local units are the members and own the stock of the organisation, if it is incorporated with capital stock. over 450 creameries in minnesota, for example, have affiliated to form a federation to sell the butter manufactured by them. two hundred local citrus packing associa- tions in california sell their products through a co-operative central agency which they own and control. in this manner the group of local units are adequately represented in the markets at a reasonable cost. approximately 50 federations were in operation in 1925. the annual sales aggregated $400,000,000, and over 220,000 farmers were members of the local units that affiliated to form these federations. regional a ssociations.—a third type of co-operative organisation is the centralised regional association. the first co-operative organi- sation of this type was formed in 1912. since 1920, associations for the marketing of tobacco, cotton, fluid milk and dried fruit have been formed according to the centralised plan. a centralised re- gional association usually extends over a large area, frequently an entire state, or a producing region including portions of several states. it combines the functions of the tndependent local associa- tion and the federation. all members affiliate directly with the organisation, it owns the local warchouses and other necessary local facilities, and performs the local functions of assembling, storing, grading, or processing the product in addition to the marketing func- tions of distributing and selling. the number of members in asso- ciations of this kind exceed 60,000 in some instances, about 75 associations of this kind have been formed. they have approximate- ly 900,000 members, and their total sales in 1925 were approximately $600,000,000. it will be noted, therefore, that approximately one- third of the co-operative marketing business was carried on in 1925 by 125 centralised regional and federated regional organisations. sales agencies for the co-operative handling of live stock have been established at 20 of the terminal markets. during 1925 these agencies received live stock which sold for more than $280,000,000. (co-operative terminal market agencies have also been formed in a few markets for the sale of grain. capper-volstead act.—the rapid growth of large-scale co- operative organisation, which began in 1920, created a demand for state laws providing for the incorporation of the co-operative associations. in 1925, 46 of the states had laws permitting co- operative organisations to incorporate, with or without capital stock, and to incorporate in their articles of incorporation and by-laws provisions that would ensure the co-operative nature af the enterprise. many of these laws also define the status af co-operative associations with reference to state anti-trust laws. in 1922 congress enacted the capper-volstcad act which, in effect, sets forth the right of producers of agricultural products to act together in associations, and prescribes certain conditions which organisations of agriculture producers must meet in order to be considered co-operative for the purposes of the act. the second section of the capper-volstead act provides that the [2 secretary of agriculture may take steps to prevent the undue enhancement of prices of agricultural products by co-operative organisations. the steady growth of co-operative marketing among farmers in the united states indicates that it has become established as a permanent method of marketing farm products. since 1924 the development of new co-operative enterprises has been com- paratively slow. more effort is being directed toward strengthen- ing existing organisations and introducing more efficient methods of marketing farm products. bibliography.—s. j. buck, the granger movement (1913); o. m. kile, the farm bureau movement (1921); r. b. forrester, report on large-scale co-operative murketing in the united states of america (british ministry of agriculture); also the following publications of the dept. of agriculture, washington, d.c: dept. bul. no. 1302, development and present status of farmers’ business organizations; dept. bul. no. 1106, legal phases of cooperation; membership statistics for large scale marketing organizations. (w. m. j.) farm machinery.—the increased demand for food supplies is met in two ways, by increasing the yields and by increas- ing the acreage, both of which require more labour in agricul- ture. to increase or even to maintain the efficiency of farm labour, and to keep down production costs in countries where labour is scarce, farm machinery is a necessity. it is sure to be in the future, as in the past, a factor of increasing importance in the agricultural, social and industrial structure of all civilised countries. in the united states the value of farm machinery manufactured yearly has increased approximately 250° since 1910,and the inventory value of machinery on farms has more than trebled. progress may be classified under four headings: (1) new implements; (2) changes in design to adapt well-estab- lished implements to mechanical power; (3) changes in sizes of implements to meet changes in farm practice; and (4) refine- ments, standardisation, improved materials and research in farm machinery. of the mechanical changes, those under items (2) and (3) have been the most extensive and have had the most influence in countries which have long’ used farm machinery. some new jmplements described _ corn picker.—the mechanical corn (maize) picker, although not a new idea, is being increasingly adopted by the farming public. this machine snaps the ears from the standing stalks, then husks and elevates the ears to a wagon drawn at the side of the picker. it is fast becoming a necessity in economical pro- duction in the great maize areas where hand labour is scarce. ensilage cutter —the field ensilage cutter may also be classed as new since rgro. as an attachment to a tractor this device cuts the maize into ensilage lengths directly from the standing stalk, and loads the finely cut material on a wagon hauled at the side. the material is then drawn to the silo and blown into it by a blower. although this method may not always lessen the cost of ensiling maize, it eliminates much hard hand labour and frees the farmer somewhat from the obligations of exchanging labour with his neighbours. not long ago it was said that shock- ing grain and loading manure were the only big jobs left on the farm for hand labour. but-since then the grain shocker and the manure loader have been developed sufficiently to be listed as distinctly new devices. tach of these, however, still presents some dithculties. ! cotton picker and beet topper—neither the mechanical cot- ton picker nor the sugar-beet topper has been perfected sufti- ciently to go into general use. when the cotton picker is widely used it will undoubtedly revolutionise the agriculture of the more highly developed cotton areas; its influence socially and industrially is hard to predict. | sugar-cane harvester—a new machine displacing much hand labour in the sugar-cane industry is the mechanical har- vester which cuts, strips and bunches the cane in one operation. the successful application of a large, expensive machine of this kind to a specialised industry suggests the future use in general agriculture of large machines which combine operations and save labour and cost. the attention which farmers in humid regions are giving to the combination grain harvester and thresher farm machinery © illustrates this progressive tendency. it is only by recent inves- tigations that the grain combine has been found to have possi- bilities outside of the semi-arid sections of the united states. another example of “ combine” machinery is a machine that will cut, dry and bale alfalfa hay in one trip over the field. adaptation to requirements of small farms tractors.—the introduction of the tractor (g¢.v.) as a new form of power effected many changes in the older farm implements. about 1916 the light four-wheeled tractor appeared, soon to create somewhat of a revolution in the farm machinery field. the light tractor, costing less than its predecessors, has carried power farming to thousands of farms which perhaps could not have otherwise afiorded it. this demanded an accompaniment of lighter and less costly implement units, leading to the intro- duction of the light, rigid hitch, two-wheeled tractor plough, and to the two-three-wheeled plough which uses three wheels while ploughing and only two while turning or being transported. the latter is equipped with a semi-floating hitch instead of the full floating hitch of its predecessors or the rigid hitch common in the typical two-wheeled tractor ploughs. these light ploughs, while not distinctly new implements, embody radical changes in plough design. they accompanied the light tractor into all countries into which the latter has penetrated, and have helped introduce power farming and have had a great influence in agri- culture—they are one of the outstanding developments in farm machinery. : implements adapted to tractors—as the economy of the tractor on the average farm depends to some extent upon the number of uses to which it can profitably be put, manufacturers have tried to adapt to the tractor as many existing types of implements as possible. grain drills equipped with tractor hitch and power-lift, so that the operator can control the lifting and dropping of the furrow openers from the tractor seat, have appeared during the last few years. if the farmer wishes to use his light, four-wheeled tractor for cultivating, he can secure a tractor hitch for a two-row cultivator; then by using an exten- sion control, a comparatively new development, he can control and guide the tractor from the cultivator seat. : a special tractor mower is on the market. this machine is like the standard mower, but is built heavier and carries the control jevers and lifting mechanisms which can be operated from the tractor seat. potato and beet machinery 1s now fur- nished with either tractor or horse hitches. some tractors now carry a “ power take-off,” through which power to propel the mechanism of the implement attached is taken directly from the tractor motor. this arrangement has caused some changes, especially in grain binders and corn pickers, and may prove revolutionary in general implement design. the grain binder so driven is lower and more compact, since the main wheel need not be used to develop power. | general purpose tractor —another tractor development that bids fair to influence farm machinery design widely is the idea of a general-purpose tractor. attempts to make the tractor itself the base to which implement elements can be attached are beginning to be successful. a mower bar as an attachment toa light tractor was developed about 1918, but in a more recent tractor of special design four cultivator rigs can be attached to accomplish double-row cultivating. when the same power base is needed for mowing hay, the cultivator attachment is removed and a mowing attachment is set upon the tractor’s draw-bar. undoubtedly the designers of such a general-purpose tractor contemplate for use with it a four-row planting attachment and perhaps a raking attachment. thus the same power unit will perform the ploughing, harrowing, grain seeding and grain har- vesting operations of its predecessors, and will be able to work in row crops and in the hay field where the conventional type of tractor is somewhat handicapped. the essential part of the implement as an attachment for the tractor will be less expensive than the complete independent unit designed to be hauled. hence, the tractor has greatly influenced existing design, and may influence future developments even more. farm organisation and equipment _ size of implements.—increased attention has been given to the size of implement units which would prove most economical as to capacity, power and labour requirement and investment. the two-row cultivator has recently increased in popularity, because with it one man can cultivate 90°% more acreage a day than with the single-row machine, with an increase of only 50% in power. within the past few years 1o-ft. grain binders have appeared for use with tractors. the tendency, however, is not toward larger sizes of all kinds of machines. the reduction of the combined harvester and thresher to a more economical size for the smaller grain farms is bringing this machine into quite general use in the principal wheat sections of the world. the advent of mechanical power on farms of medium size makes it possible for the farmer to accomplish independently some belt- power jobs which formerly he had to hire to have done. as a result there is increasing demand for the small grain-thresher and for the small sizes of ensilagc-cutters, huskers, shredders and shellers, in some countries the ‘‘ custom ”’ thresherman seems doomed. this present tendency toward small sizes of some belt machines to accompany the small tractor is not as fundamental as, nor should it seem contradictory to, the previously mentioned tendency of farmers to think about larger, faster, cheaper ways of producing food. at present the popular sizes of implement units depend upon the popular sizes of farms; and the size of farm has been determined largely by other than the machinery factors. the implement size, therefore, has been a result rather than acause. but one must not overlook the possibility of modern agricultural thought and vision leading to farm machinery changes in both type and size that may reverse the old status. farm machinery development may point the way to rather pronounced changes in agricultural organisation, and com- petition may be the direct cause for the transition. there scems to be renewed interest in the possibilities of corporate farming. rather pertinent claims are made concerning the possibility of carrying to the farm more of the manufacturing process, allowing the larger, in- dustrialised farm to deliver its product in more fabricated form. if the economics involved dictate such procedure, farm machinery will be of paramount importance. refinements in design.—refinement in farm machinery design and manufacture has continued during the past decade. imple- ments are now of neater design or are more trim; their parts are more accessible; fast-wearing parts can be replaced at minimum cost; weight has been reduced where possible; the operator’s efficiency has been increased by changes in design which con- sider his problems and convenience; greater efliciency in the implement itself is sought constantly; and closer inspection at the factory assures the purchaser of a more reliable product. the use of better materials has resulted in increased strength with less weight, in better soil-working surfaces and in greater durability. improved types of ball and roller bearings have recently found a definite field in farm machinery. simplification of implement types as well as standardisation of implement parts is in progress. research.—studies of the trend and application of farm ma- chinery, research in its design and behaviour, and investigations of the necessary requirements are approaching the funda- mentals in the americas as well as in england and in con- tinental europe. to illustrate with one of many examples, devel- opment in soil-working machinery is handicapped to some extent by absence of adequate information on some phases of soil dynamics. highly scientific analyses have been made of the mathematics and mechanics of some machine parts designed to till the soil, but the application of such information cannot be fully realised until more is known about the causes for certain behaviours in soils. there is not even a world accepted standard by which the efficiency of tillage machines can be measured or compared. the agricultural engineer comes face to face with crops and soils problems heretofore unsolved and sometimes unseen by the agronomist. the emergency is forcing co-opera- tive effort in basic research. the field is not only a wide one, but also a promising one for the scientist. agricultural, engi- necring and other scientific societies are beginning to foster such research, even on an international basis. (co. ri} farm organisation and equipment.—the study of the organisation of the farm is a comparatively recent develop- ment of modern agricultural research. in its earlier stages the 13 investigation of the farmer’s problems was confined to matters arising out of the application of the physical sciences to the pro- duction of crops and the feeding and breeding of live stock. the basis of the organisation of agricultural research was that the practice of farming was, in its essentials, the application of the knowledge of the chemist, the botanist, the zoologist and so forth. more recently it has come to be recognised that important as this aspect of agricultural development undoubtedly is, farming is also a business, the successful conduct of which can be deter- mined only by a study of its economic structure. the production of crops and stock is in many respects an art, but is an art by which the farmer has to live, and maximum productivity secured by the uncontrolled application of scientific knowledge concern- ing the properties of feeding stuffs and manures is not always synonymous with maximum profit. law of diminishing returns —so long ago as 1879 sir john lawes drew the attention of farmers to this question. he showed that there was no connection between maximum production and economic production; on the contrary, over-stimulation of the crop might bring the scientific farmer to economic disaster. in other words, agricultural production conforms to the law of diminishing returns. the point at which increased production becomes unprofitable depends upon the price of the commodity, other things being equal; in a rising market this point will rise and the farmer will be justified in farming for a higher output; but in a falling market the man who has to live by the land must reduce his capital outlay notwithstanding the facilities for higher production which science has placed at his disposal (see agri- culture). an illustration of the importance of the study of organisation is to be found in the comparisons which are often instituted be- tween the intensity of farming in england and in certain conti- nental countries, notably denmark. the case of denmark is cited as an example of what can be done to develop production from the land without the artificial stimulus applied in certain other european countries. it is pointed out that, notwithstand- ing a fiscal policy which admits of free imports of agricultura) produce, danish agriculture has flourished during a period in which the industry in england has been stationary; the extent of arable land, and, with this, the agricultural population, has been maintained whilst the land of england has been going back to grass to the accompaniment of an exodus of the rural popula- tion; that the yield of the soil of denmark has steadily increased until it has reached a point considerably in excess of that of this country (see denmark: agriculture). in their crude form these statements appear to be justified, but a study of the organisation of farming in the two countries goes far to disprove the crude conclusions so often drawn to the detriment of the business acumen and technical capacity of the english farmer. the economic circumstances which give rise to the differences in agricultural progress in england and on the continent may be classed under two heads: (a) the pro- portion of small farmers, and (2) the competition of urban indus- tries. (see land tenure; tariff.) only by the study of farm organisation, both at home and abroad, can a proper interpretation be placed upon crude statis- tics of agricultural production, which are apt to prove dangerous weapons without it. size and efficiency as a productive unit.—the maintenance of a high standard of production is very generally associated in con- tinental agriculture with farming in small units, and the advo- cates of the extension of the small-holding movement 1n this country base their case very largely on this fact. figures col- lected in the course of investigations of farm organisation go to show that this extra production is apparent rather than real, and that it is purchased by the expenditure of capital and labour which would be more productively employed on larger areas here is a table showing the manual labour and the horse labour requirements of farms in three agricultural districts, grouped by ‘ts higher farming a remedy for lower prices? j. b. wawes. a lecture delivered before the east berwickshire agricultural association, may 3 1879, rothamsted memotrs, vol. §. 14 size; it will be seen that in each of them the labour required in production, whether manual or horse, varies inversely with the size of the holding, or, alternatively, that the efficiency of labour varies directly with the size of the holding :— | draught horses employed per 100 acres persons em- ployed per 100 acres size group acres no. no. district i under §0 50-100 100-150 over 150 district 2 under 50 50-100 100-150 150-250 over 250 district 3 under 100 100-300 300-500 500-700 700-1 ,o0o bons oof nog) wm one nw an ow np & ee los | ee wd wo wwu® os lo oe ee | ww qe aig it might be argued, however, that the higher labour require- ments on the smaller farms are the measure of their greater pro- ductivity, and the following table, showing the extent to which the production per unit of land and per unit of labour is affected by the size of the holding, supplies some confirmation of this. the sales per acre in the group shown here (which corresponds to district no. 2 in the above table) show that the total produc- tion varies inversely with the size of the farm. the economic effect of this, however, is considerably discounted by the next column, showing the sales per person employed, when once more the greater advantage of the larger holdings is clearly indicated :— district 2 : sales per person size group sales per acre emeletad acres £ s. d. £ g0 ad under 50 it 19 9 168 i9 oo 50-100 9 19 2 156 2 oo 100-150 7 19 i 189 oo oo 150-250 7 5 8 222 12 oo over 250 8 4 4 316 i9 o to consider, now, the capitalisation of the farm, evidence of the influence of size is afforded by the table below, in which ts shown the value of the implement equipment, per roo acres, on farms in three other districts. here, again, it is apparent that the capital cost of the implements per unit of land falls as thesize of the holding increases. district c district a district b value size of group equip- ment size group acres 0-49 50-99 100-149 150-199 200-299 300-499 over 500 acres under 100 ioi-180 181-300 over 300 acres under 100 ioi-— 300 301- 500 50i-— 700 7oi-l000 the question at once suggests itself—‘‘ what is the economic unit of production? ” the answer will not be forthcoming until more work on the study of farm organisation and equipment has been carried out. in some of these tables it will be observed that the rate of variation slows down as the size of the holdings in- creases; in fact, if curves were plotted they would rise or fall steeply through the smaller size groups and then tend to flatten out from about the 300-400 acre farm upwards. in other words there is evidence that the ‘‘ economic unit ” of farming, in the farm organisation and equipment districts used for the purposes of illustration, does not occur until this size group is reached, and that it continues for some considerable period above it. evidence is not yet complete on the question of a top limit, but there are certain indications that one-man management does not continue its efficiency beyond a certain point. thus, in a certain district, which contained a good many holdings extending to 1,000 acres and over, the efficiency curve rises sharply from the ‘‘ under 100 acres ” size group up to the “‘ 300 acres—s5oo acres ”’ group, flattens out from this point up to the “‘ 500 acres—7oo acres ” group, and then shows a dis- tinct tendency to fall. this is illustrated in the following table, showing the production per man employed (t.e., sales less cost of raw materials) according to size of holding:— value of production size group . per man employed acres £ under too . ; ; ; i ; ‘ .. » bnet 100-300 . 211-6 300-500 . 254°2 500-700 . ; ; , : 36 ‘ 283-2 over 700 . 4, we ocs 245:1 this result is no more than an indication of what may be ex- pected to emerge in future work, but the point is worth studying. for american conditions, see united states: agriculture. however, the study of farm organisation according to the size of the holding gives other results besides evidence of efficiency. the next table shows the influence of size on the nature of the farmer’s business. in the district chosen it is clear to what an extent dairying is the concern of the small farmer, whereas sheep and corn growing become intensified as the size of the farm in- creases. it is interesting to note that as regards meat the size has very little influence on the quantity produced, but an exam- ination of the data shows that it is mainly pork and veal in the case of the smaller groups, and beef and mutton in the case of the larger ones. production per acre per acre dairy pot size group | meat | prod- grain a 2°! hay | straw uce! | wool} and eae pulse acres lb... “lb: lb. lb. lb. lb, lb. under -100 56 638 a 353 46 163 7 100-300 46 ; 340 | 0-9 | 355 15 | 140 49 300-500 42 128 1-0 498 31 219 166 7 500-700 50 148 i-2 451 3582 | 202 78 700-i,000| 50 72 2-0 484 25 178 110 1tn terms of milk. 2 this high figure is clue to the influence of one farm in the group which specialized entirely in potatoes. economic research—on the continent of europe investiga- tion has been conducted mainly by the aid of book-keeping, di- rected towards the determination of the cost of the main prod- ucts of the farm, the capitalisation of different farming systems, the rental value of the land, the labour income of the peasant and so forth. in particular, the work of dr. ernst laur amongst the swiss peasant farmers and that of dr. o. h. larsen, in den- mark, may be cited. in america a great development of eco- nomic study of the agricultural industry has been witnessed during the present century. about the year 1905 “‘ farm manage- ment ” became definitely a subject of study at the hands of the technical staffs of the agricultural colleges. as on the continent of europe, book-keeping afforded the principal instrument of study, and cost investigations were conducted in most of the clearly defined crop areas. following the formation of the ameri- can farm management association, a few years later, by those engaged in this work, the attention of economists as well as of agriculturists was attracted to this subject. the number of workers in the field increased rapidly, methods of study were rapidly developed and the association was reconstituted as the american farm economic association with a membership which now runs into hundreds, and a quarterly journal (see farmers’ organisations). the importance with which the farm organisation and equipment economic study of farm organisation is regarded in the states to-day was foreshadowed by the secretary of agriculture in his foreword to the year book of the united states department of agriculture for 1921:— the year book for 1921 emphasises the economic side of our agriculture because help in their economic problems is now the most urgent need of our farmers. that is not to say that the department is losing sight of production matters. the farmer needs all the help in his production problems that the department of agriculture, colleges and experimental stations can give him; but the need of the most importance now is the development of an entirely new realm of organised knowledge bearing upon the economic factors of agricul- ture looking forward toward cheaper production, improved methods of distribution and enlargement of markets, in order that prices the farmer receives shall be more fairly related to his cost of production. the agricultural work of the colleges and experimental sta- tions is now largely directed to serving the ends indicated in the foregoing quotation, and a significant fact is the institution of the new bureau of agricultural economics in the department of agriculture at washington. in england, the study of farm organisation and equipment on a. systematic basis dates from the establishment of the agricul- tural economics research institute in 1913, as a result of an application by the university of oxford to the ministry of agri- culture for a grant in aid of economic research in agriculture. as in other countries the institute started its work by the costing method, and allowing for the interruption caused by the war it has continued with it as one lineof investigation ever since. costing is, of course, only the means, it is not the end itself and it may be useful to those who have not studied the process to give a few examples illustrating the kind of information got from this rather complicated exercise. first, there is the evidence it supplies on the efficiency of farm management in all its aspects. to take one of these for example, the use of manual labour. one object of any system of farming should be to give employment to a regular staff of men at all seasons of the year. few systems do this better than the ordi- nary four-course rotation and some of the modifications of it, but many rotations make the farmer dependent to a large meas- ure on casual seasonal labour. the results of costing show that dlependence on casual seasonal labour has the effect of raising unit labour costs, and though systems of farming involving much seasonal labour are often justified on account of the usually profitable nature of the crops grown (as in the case of potatoes), it may well be that in certain cases the relative costliness of the labour involved may lead the farmer to consider whether after all it gives him an adequate return for the extra working capital and trouble involved. the introduction of silage or of the sugar beet crop into the rotation can have a very upsetting effect on labour organisation, unless plentiful supplies of casual labour are available at the right seasons, and cost records are the only means by which to confirm or correct the farm-manager’s gen- eral ideas of the economic value of these and other new crops. to take, as a second example, the organisation of the horse labour on the farm. it costs so much to keep a horse for the year, and on the great majority of farms the figure does not vary very appreciably. but it does not follow that there is little variation in the cost of horse labour, for the cost of a day’s work depends not only on the cost of keeping the horse, but on the number of days during which it is effectively employed. allowing for sundays and christmas day and for saturday half-days, the maximum number of working days is 286 in the year, and every day less than this number worked by horses adds proportionately to the cost of the labour performed. figures collected recently from seven farms showed that the percentage of idle days varied from 13% up to 39%, and it will be realised how seriously the cost of horse labour mounts up in proportion as the number of idle days increase. this is a typical example of the way in which costing may direct the attention of the farmer to possible weaknesses in his management. it may be simply that he has too many horses, in which case results such as these will make him consider the possibility of their reduction. it may be that his system of cropping is such that he needs an abnormal equip- i5 ment of horses at certain seasons of the year, in which case he will be led to consider whether his system is so profitable as to make the idle horses at other seasons worth while, or whether he could not modify it in some way which would enable him to keep his horses more regularly employed. _ a third example of the use of costing is the compilation of com- parative labour costs, to establish measures of individual effi- ciency in the use of manual labour. the figures in the following table, compiled by mr. a. bridges, represent the normal utilisa- tion of labour for crops and live stock on a series of farms in the eastern counties of england; similar figures have been published by dr. a. g. ruston, of leeds, and various tests of a like character can be devised which serve as standards of efficiency for other aspects of farm management. average labour requirements of farm crops and stock <lrable land man days cereal crops per acre winter wheat oo we & ey fe & spring wheat ; ; : , 6-58 winter oats . 7-58 spring oats . 6-21 barley 7-13 beans 6-50 peas 10:23 root crops turnips and swedes (eaten off) 8-31 mangolds ; 16-73 potatoes , 33-80 carrots . oe 61-42 seeds mown : 2-18 grazed . o-71 grass meadow hay 2-09 pasture . ; ; ; 0-09 live stock cows. 23-00 other cattle 7-13 pigs ’ ; , 1-90 sheep (arable breeds) 1-29 in the absence of data such as these nothing is more baffling than the attempt to trace leakages in farm management which cannot be located by any other means and which are often most surely responsible for the difference between profit and loss in farming. in a great number of cases the partial failure of the farmer is due to faulty organisation of labour or to some similar cause which defies detection by any process of inspection. as the practice extends of recording daily the operations on the farm it will be possible to establish, district by district, certain effi- ciency standards by which to test individual farm management. a good example of what has been done already in this direction is afforded in the case of milk-recording where, by careful obser- vation and record, the farmer is provided with the means of weeding out the unprofitable elements in his dairy herd. the case provides an illustration of that which will be possible in many other directions when full records of the various matters arising in farm management are available, and similar weaknesses in the organisation of production can be detected. although the costing method was thus the first line of attack on the problems of agricultural economics it was always realised that it would not be sufficient in itself, and it was suggested that valuable information could be collected by means of economic surveys of farming districts. the evidence to be got in this way is less complete than that furnished by the more intensive costing method; on the other hand, a much greater mass of it can be collected by the expenditure of an equal amount of time and energy. at the outset, these surveys were planned to deal with particular problems; thus, mr. a. w. ashby conducted a survey of allotments and small-holdings in oxfordshire, as the basis for a study of the rural allotments and the small-holding problems, and similarly, mr. j. orr conducted surveys of the systems of farm management in the counties of oxfordshire and berkshire, 16 and considered the problems arising therefrom. but this method was found to be incomplete, for although it may happen that special problems will arise for investigation, the study of farm economics as a whole cannot best be pursued by the examination of particular questions. it was decided, therefore, to inaugurate general surveys, designed to collect all the information of any kind whatever which can be got by inquiry on the farm, for tabulation in a variety of ways, and then to study the tables in order to see what information they afforded. the method has been made familiar by the work of american farm economists. this work has formed a part of the activities of the oxford in- stitute, and data have been collected from nearly 1,500 farms. a more recent investigation undertaken by the institute, and one likely to be developed in the near future, is the study of the organisation of agricultural marketing. the economic weak- ness of the existing marketing methods has often been a subject of comment, and particular attention has been attracted to it recently by the report of the departmental committee on dis- tribution and prices of agricultural produce. it was felt that it should be possible to organise an advisory service for farmers in marketing problems, in fact, that such a thing should be an essential part of the general advisory services available to them (see agriculture: economics and marketing). since 1922 arrangements have been completed by the ministry of agriculture for the local study of farm organisation and equip- ment throughout england and wales, to supplement the work carried on by the agricultural economics research institute at oxford and with this body as a co-ordinating centre. for the purpose of advisory work among farmers the country was mapped out, some years ago, into provinces, each of which is equipped with an advisory staff of experts in the various branches of agricultural science. these staffs have now been strengthened by the inclusion in each of an advisory economist, who is occupied with the study of farm management problems arising within his particular province. their function is mainly to assist the farmers of their districts to greater efficiency in the control of farm man- agement, whilst, at the same time, the information and data accumulated by them in the course of their work is available for the use of the central institute at oxford for co-ordination and review upon a national basis. brplriographyy.—e. laur, conptabilite agricole, 2nd ed. (1905); g. f. warren, farm management (1913); j. orr, agriciuliure in oxfordshire (1916); agriculture in berkshire (1918); a. w. ashby, allotments and small holdings (1919); c. s. orwin, farming costs, and ed. (1921); j. pryse howell, productivity of hill farming (1922); g. f. warren, farm management (1923); a. bridges and r. n. dixey, sugar beet; costs of production, yields and returns, 1924 (1925); agricultural tribunal of investigation, final repert, h.m.s.o., cmd. 2145 (1924); departmental committee on distribution and_ prices c4 of agricultural produce, interim and final reports, h.m.5.o. (1924); ‘the maintenance of arable cultivation in scotland” j. p. maxton and c. s. orwin (journal of the ministry of agriculture, nov. 1924); c. s. orwin' and w. r. peel, the tenure of agriculiural land, 2nd ed. (1925); f. j. prewett, the marketing of farm produce; j. pryse howell, agricultural atlas of england and wales. (c.s20)) farnell, lewis richard (1856- ), british scholar, was born in salisbury jan. 19 1856. educated at the city of london school and exeter college, oxford, in 1880 he won a fellowship at exeter college. after studying classical archaeol- ogy in berlin and munich and travelling in greece and asia minor, he became classical lecturer at exeter college in 1883, and the following year sub-rector. later he became university lecturer in classical archaeology. in 1893 he was appointed sen- ior tutor of exeter college and in 1894 proctor of the university. in 1909 he was elected first wilde lecturer in comparative reli- gion and in ro1r hibbert lecturer. he was appointed rector of exeter college in 1913 and from 1920 to 1923 was vice-chancellor of oxford university. among his written works are culfs of the greck states, 5 vol. (1896); the evolution of religion (1903); greece and babylon (1911); the higher aspects of greek religion (1912); and outline history of greek religion (1920). faroe islands: see faeroe islands. farrand, livingston (1867- ), american educational- ist, was born at newark, n.j., june 14 1867. after graduating farnell-——fascism from princeton university in 1888, he studied medicine at the college of physicians and surgeons, new york (m.d., 1891). during the next two years he studied at cambridge, england, and at berlin. from 1893 to 1903 he was an instructor and, from 1901, adjunct professor in psychology at columbia university; from 1903 to 1914 he was professor of anthropology. in 1897 he accompanied the jesup north pacific expedition, which visited the indians of british columbia. from r912 to ro14 he was treasurer of the american health assn. and editor of the ameri- can journal of public health. from 1914 to 1919 he was presi- dent of the university of colorado, but in 1917 was granted leave of absence, following his appointment by the international health board of the rockefeller foundation to direct the work against tuberculosis in france. in 1919 he was made chairman of the central committee of the american red cross. in 1g21 he was elected to succeed jacob gould schurman as president of cornell university. he wrote the basis of american history (1904) and various articles on psychology and anthropology. fascism.—the italian fascist movement dates officially from the foundation in march 1t919 by benito mussolini (g.v.), then editor of zi popolo d’italia, of the first fascio di com- hattimento at milan, although many of its ideas had been in- spired by the nationalist movement dating from 1910, and by syndicalism, of which mussolini himself had been a leader. this first fascio was composed of some 150 of mussolini’s friends who had supported his interventionist action at the beginning of the world war, mostly ex-socialists of the syndi- calist wing, and nearly all ex-combatants. the first fascist programme was confused, demagogic and had a republican trend, but the national patriotic note was conspicuous, and proper recognition was demanded for the men who had fought and won the war. the word fascio means a bundle or bunch, and was taken to define the close union of the adherents of the movement; as an emblem, the fasces of the roman lictors on a {tricolor shield was adopted. at first the milan fascio only attracted a fraction of the people who opposed bolshevik socialism, and it still savoured too much of mussolini’s revolutionary past to secure general support. fascism was also inspired by a sense of exasperation at the foreign policy of the government, which did not, the fascists believed, defend italian interests at the peace con- ference with sufficient firmness and dignity. this aspect of fascism: was largely the outcome of nationalism, which had first given the italian people a sense of the importance of foreign affairs and of the necessity for colonial expansion. after d’an- nunzio’s evacuation of fiume at the beginning of 1921 many of his fegionari joined fascism, some of whose outward manifesta- tions and the semi-mystical character, as well as the roman reminiscences and ritual, they inspired. the squadre.—at the elections of 1919 none of the fascist candidates were returned. during the troubles of 1919 and most of 1920 fascism as an organisation played but a small part. but the fascist idea was spreading all over italy, and during the municipal elections held in many cities in the late autumn of 1920 the fascists collaborated with the other anti-socialist parties, and in several instances formed with them national blocs, which defeated the reds. in the bologna riots (nov. 1920), which broke out on the occasion of the inauguration of the socialist-communist town council, tt was the fascists who, although only 200 strong, organised the reaction of the majority of the citizens and brought about the rapid collapse of the red organisations, first in that city and subsequently throughout the po valley. the first armed fascist sguadre were now formed for the defence of the nation against what amounted in many places to revolutionary tyranny. these squadre consisted of young men, mostly ex-combatants, many of them decorated for valour and adorned with wound badges, of others too young to have served and of not a few older men, exasperated at the spectacle of their country, victorious in the war, but fallen into a slough of despond and browbeaten by a factious minority. there was as yet no real fascist doctrine beyond this vague sense of outraged patriotism. the sguedristi were mostly fascism armed with cudgels, although many possessed revolvers and carbines, for at that time a large number of ex-service men had brought back arms of some sort from the war. another weapon, a novelty in partisan conflicts, was castor oil, large doses of which were administered to recalcitrant socialists and com- munists, and sometimes even to other opponents of fascism. during 1921 and 1922 encounters between fascists and the reds were of almost daily occurrence. in that period over 1,000 fascists fell victims to their opponents, and in most cases were murdered by treachery for no other reason than that they were fascists; but their comrades were not slow to avenge these outrages. when early in 1921 the communists broke away from the maximalist socialist party and indulged in a series of murderous outbreaks in the hope of terrorising the masses into joining them, the fascist reprisals were ruthless. what attracted the sympathy of public opinion towards fascism was the extraordinary bravery and devotion to an ideal of the sguadristi. at a time when armed communists were lying in wait at street corners or behind closed shutters to attack anyone wearing the black shirt or the fascist badge, these youths marched on regardless of danger, ready to sacrifice their lives for the national cause. even orthodox liberals, catholics and others supported fascism, in which they saw the only hope for the salvation of the country from chaos, many adhered to the movement for selfish reasons—landlords and manufacturers who simply regarded it as a form of protection for the rights of property which the government allowed the seditious elements to violate with impunity, and others became fascists out of a spirit of adventure, to secure positions for themselves or for other personal reasons. a mass movement—in its early days the movement was un- connected with any particular labour policy, although syndicalists were among its founders; later, individual workmen, peasant- proprietors and farm hands joined it individually; but, with the success of the fascist campaign against the red organisations in the po valley at the end of 1920 masses of workers became fascists, and often whole unions came over in a body. this development changed the character of fascism, and converted it from a minority to a mass movement. at the elections of may 1921, held under the auspices of sig. giolitti, 38 fascists were returned, including sig. mussolini himself, and ro nation- alists. in the new chamber the fascists and nationalists formed a fighting band of vigorous youths strenuously opposed to the reds—a nucleus which gathered around its standard members of other patriotic parties. at the fascist congress in rome in nov. 1921 a review of the fascist forces was held, and fascism was constituted as a regular political party, the partito nazionale fascista, and its statutes were then drafted. the programme of the fascists the programme of the fascists differs from that of other par- ties, as it represents for its members not only a rule of political conduct, but also a moral code. the programme states that “‘the nation is not merely the sum total of living individuals, nor the instrument of parties for their own ends, but an organism com- prising the unlimited series of generations of which individuals are merely transient elements; it is the synthesis of al) the material and non-material values of the race.” the state must be reduced to its essential functions as a legal and political organ, the powers of parliament limited to questions concerning the individual as a citizen and the state as the organ for realising the interests of the nation, whereas the activities of individuals as producers should be dealt with by technical councils. trade unions must be encouraged as a means of developing production, but they should not arbitrarily level all capacities. the prestige of the state must be restored at all costs. the national finances must be placed on a sound basis, free from all traces of demagogy. fascism recognises the social functions of private property, proposes a system of state discipline over class conflicts, and demands that both employers’ and workmen’s organisations shall be legally recognised and invested with responsibility; no strikes in the public services are 17 to be tolerated. the state should restore to private enterprise all industrial undertakings which it has proved incapable of running. in foreign affairs italy must “ reaffirm her right to complete historic and geographic unity, and fulfil her mission as the bulwark of latin civilisation in the mediterranean.’’ the party is indissolubly bound up with its sgwedre—the volunteer militia at the service of the state. it was this congress that declared that fascism would substitute itself for the state whenever the state should prove incapable of suppressing the elements of disorder and disintegration. the organs of the party are: the directorate—the executive organ, composed of the general secretary and 10 other members elected by the national council, the central committee, composed of the various district delegates and the members of the direc- torate, elected by the national council for a year and entrusted with the conduct of the political and administrative action of the fasci and with disciplinary authority; the national council, composed of the members of the central committee and the pro- vinclal secretaries, and invested with controlling authority over the fasci; the general secretariat, nominated by the national council; the fasci, or local sections of the party, all the fasci of a province constituting a provincial federation; the squadre di combattimenio; entrusted with the duty of repelling the violence of adversaries, which should hold themselves in readiness to act at the bidding of the leaders of the party for the defence of the national interests; the parliamentary group, composed of the fascist members of parliament; the various auxiliary groups, such as the women’s fasct, the atanguardic, the balilla, etc.; the congress, composed of delegates of the provinces, which meets at irregular intervals to express the views of fascism as a whole. altitude to monarchy.—fascism had been gradually shedding its demagogic clements, and at udine, on sept. 29 1922, mus- solini expressed his adherence to the monarchy, thereby securing widespread support for fascism among many who had hesitated on account of its “implicit republican tendency.” fascism has ended by becoming the strongest bulwark of the monarchy, because, unlike other monarchical parties, it had no need to conciliate the revolutionary elements. the whole conception of fascism is based on rigid hierarchy. : italy under the fascists when fascism came into power (oct. 28 1922), sig. musso- lini, although rejecting alliances with other parties, accepted their collaboration, and admitted several of their members into his first cabinet. nationalism was absorbed by fascism early in 1923, but as the opposition became more violent in its attacks, especially after the matteotti murder, the party tended to con- centrate more and more on itself, satisfied with its own strength and the general approval of public opinion, not attached to any party; and it still has millions of supporters who are not fascists. the party underwent certain changes in its constitution, among which the most important were the fusion with nationalism and the creation of the fascist grand council. this body, which sums up, co-ordinates and directs all the activities of the party, is composed of the prime minister as chairman, all the fascist members of the government, the general secretary of the party and certain other party officers both central and local. at its meetings the opinion of fascism in the direction of various legislative reforms is manifested, and the proposals voted are then submitted to the cabinet. although party and govern- ment are separate, the connection between the two is very close, as sig. mussolini is at once the head of the government and the leader of the party. relations with the vatican fascism, since it has become the government of italy, has shown a marked sympathy for catholi- cism, which as the religion of the vast mass of the italian people is regarded to some extent as a national institution. relations between fascism and the vatican have become very friendly, and the anti-fascist tendencies of the partito popolare are by no means approved of in vatican circles. occasional minor dis- agreements with the vatican in no way affect the general policy of the party. 18 fascist aims.—the fascist tendency to isolate itself and re- ject alliances with other parties was steadily advocated by roberto farinacci (g.v.) after his appointment as general secre- tary early in 1925. after the matteotti trial in march 1926, he resigned his appointment, having accomplished the task of reorganising the party, and was succeeded by auguste turati. the party directorate was also changed. but the general character of fascism remains unaltered. its aim is to get its main principles generally accepted by the nation and embodied in a series of legislative reforms which shall make of italy an essentially national state, as opposed to the pre-existing liberal state, wherein the seditious elements were free to conspire against the general welfare in the interests of class or clique. these reforms comprise the restoration of national finance, the reorganisation of the bureaucracy in the interests of efficiency, the reform of education, the peaceable regulation of labour con- flicts, the re-establishment of discipline in every department of the state and every aspect of national life, the improvement of agriculture and the progress of industry. many of these reforms have already been carried out, and others are in progress. opponents accuse fascism of crushing liberty; but the fascists reply that if the freedom of the press is limited, and parties, other than the fascist, are reduced to inactivity, the essen- tial liberty of the people has been secured as never before— the freedom to work and produce for the common good—and that only a strong government like that of sig. mussolini could achieve such a series of necessary and far-reaching reforms, which liberal governments may have desired, and even at- tempted, but had always failed to carry out owing to the tyranny of parliamentary obstruction. the people, he said in july 1924, never asked him to free them from a tyranny which did not exist, but asked for railways, houses, roads, bridges, drains, water and light. fascist doctrine—fascist doctrine, as it has been evolved during the last years, was authoritatively set forth by prof. alfredo rocco, minister of justice, in a speech at perugia on aug. 31 1925. after rejecting the liberal, socialist and democratic theories of the state, he declared that, according to fascism, society does not exist for the individual, but the individual for society; although fascism does not annul the individual as the individuals annulled society under certain older doctrines, but merely subordinates him to society, while securing his right to develop his personality. economic progress is a social interest, but fascism considers it best to leave the production and dis- tribution of wealth to individual enterprise in order to secure the maximum results in the interests of the community. the social problem is not solved, however, by merely rejecting the socialist doctrine; fascism wishes to secure justice between classes, but class warfare must be eliminated, as it is the state which must establish justice between classes just as it does between individ- uals. sig. mussolini in an article in gerarchia (oct. 1925) compares “‘ the incessant and fertile activity of the government with the paralysis of all the opposition parties within the chamber and without. everyone, explicitly or otherwise, is convinced that in the italy of 1925 fascism alone towers like a giant.”? the defects of fascism are the general defects of the italian character: the tendency to rhetoric, arritismo (excessive pushfulness of men on the make), which has been accentuated by the creation of the many party offices and appointments, often filled not by the worthiest but by the most pushful and am- bitious. of the deeds of violence occasionally committed by fascists, usually reprisals for similar deeds committed by adversaries, sig. mussolini wrote in the above-quoted article: ‘ this violence does not facilitate the work of the government, but compromises it.’’ fascist labour organisation —labour syndicalism has become one of the most important aspects of fascism. the first statute of the party, drafted in dec. 1921, defined the fascist labour corporations. labour is declared to be the basis of human wel- fare and progress, and all who devote themselves to productive work are regarded as workers. fascist syndicalism, unlike the socialist unions, accepts the patriotic idea, recognises the im- fascism portance of capital, and considers the fate of the worker as bound up with that of the whole nation. there are now 21 corporations, each of them representing ‘‘ the union of the various trades, arts or professions related to or dependent on the same kind of labour or industry,” and comprising separate unions of manual workers, engineers and experts, and managers and employees. it was not found possible to unite both em- ployers and employed in the same corporations, but there are many joint committees for various purposes. all corporations and syndicates are united under the confederation of corpora- tions, which is the supreme organ of fascist syndicalism, entrusted with the task of reconciling the interests of the various categories and classes, securing equitable labour contracts with the employers and promoting social legislation. the whole idea of class war is rejected, as classes cannot be allowed to take justice into their own hands any more than private individuals. fascist syndicalism is gradually coming to monopolise labour, as the older socialist and popolare unions are losing all influence over the masses, and the fascist corporations have become the sole representatives of the working classes in their dealings with the employers. time will show whether the system will work out satisfactorily, but there is no doubt that the development of fascist syndicalism has reduced strikes to negligible proportions, increased production and improved the conditions of the working classes by progressive social legislation and in other ways. in dec. 1925 a law was enacted granting the syndicates legal rec- ognition, and creating the labour tribunals to which all labour conflicts must be referred; strikes and lock-outs are therefore illegal. this is the most far-reaching reform of the fascist government. the president of the fascist federation is the deputy edmondo rossoni, elected by the national council. the whole organisation is strictly certralised and hierarchical. the national milizia—before fascism came into power its action was largely that of the armed squadre, and it was the 200,000 black shirts! who effected the ‘‘ march on rome,” enabling fascism to become the government of the country. but once this was achieved, the existence of irregular fascist forces was incompatible with sig. mussolini’s intention of constitutionalising the fascist movement. to have disbanded them would have savoured of in- gratitude, while their constituent elements might still be useful to overawe the revolutionary and anti-national parties and to con- solidate the fascist regime. at a cabinet council on dec. 28 1922 it was decided to disband all the sguadre—fasetst, nationalist, arditi and legionari fiumani, and by royal decrce of jan. 14 1923 the afiizia volontaria per la stcuressa nazionale was created in their place. the force was voluntarily recruited from among the sgua- dristi, the men appointed by the prime minister or the authorities delegated by him, and the officers by royal decree on the proposal of the ministers of war and of the interior. neither officers nor men are paid, except those on permanent duty at the gencral or territorial headquarters (700 in all), while those who are temporarily called out for service outside their place of residence receive a daily allow- ance, the total budget comes to 35,000,000 lire annually, although certain special detachments, such as the railway milizia, are paid for by other departments. the force, which comprises some 190,000 men, is ‘‘at the service of god and the italian fatherland, and takes orders from the head of the government."’ its duties are “ to assist, together with the armed forces for the public safety and the army, in the maintenance of internal order and to prepare citizens for the defence of [talian interests in the world.”’ it has relieved the army of many troublesome services, and although it has never been necessary to employ it to put down revolutionary outbreaks, its mere existence has sufficed to deter the seditious elements from such action. the organisation of the milizia was subsequently brought into closer harmony with existing institutions; the royal decree of aug. 4 1924 provides that its members shall take the oath of allegiance to the king, and that the officers shall be recruited from among the reserve officers of the army, navy and air force. the force is also entrusted with the pre-military training of youths under 20; the object of this measute is to give a large part of the nation a military education without involving the country in too heavy expenditure. three legions of the milizia have served with distinction in libya. in 1926 the party comprised 9,000 fasci, with about 742,978 registered members (april 21). the party directorate decided at this time not to accept any more members to the fascist party, all new applications for admission being held on until 1927. there were also 1 estimates of their number vary considerably, owing to the fact that while 200,000 or more men were mobilised not all of them ac- tually entered rome. fashion—fatigue of metals 590 women's fasci with 25,000 members, 16 legion: avanguardisti (youths from 15 to 18 years old) and 18 legion: balilia composed of boys under 15. in addition the fascist labour syndicates comprised about 2,150,000 members not counting the fascist railwaymen’s syndicate (80,000 members), the maritime federation and certain other special unions. bibliography.—of the vast literature on fascism the following works may be quoted:— (a) italian works in favour of fascism: the speeches of mussolini, collected in various volumes, including one in english edited by baron quaranta di san severino; the speeches of enrico corradini (discorsi politici, florence, 1923); the speeches of carlo del croix and. of edmondo rossoni; camillo pellizzi, problema e realtd del fascismo (florence, 1924); margherita sarfatti, life of mussolini (english trans. london, 1925); carmelo licitra, dal lberalismo al fasctsmo (rome, 1925); pietro gorgolini, ii fasctsmo nella vita italiana (turin, 1922); also published in english: the fasctst move- ment in italian life (london, 1924); luigi villari, the awakening of italy (london, 1924), and the fascist experiment (london, 1925). (6) ltalzan works against the movement: carlo avarna di gualtieri, il fascismo (turin, 1925); ivanoe bonomi, dal socialismo al fascismo (rome, 1924}, also published in england; from soctalism to fascism (1924); g. ferrero, da fiume a roma (milan, 1923), also published in english; four years of fascism (1924); g. matteotti, un anno di domino fascista (rome, 1923), english trans.; the fascisti exposed (1924); luigi sturzo, pensiero antifascista (turin, 1925). (c) other books: jean alazard, communisme et fascitsme en italie (paris, 1922); g. m. godden, mussolini and the birth of the new democracy (london, 1924); homen christo, afussolint bdtisseur d’aveniy (paris, 1923); ludwig bernhard, das system mussolini (berlin, 1924); robert michels, der aufsteig des fascismus (tii- bingen, 1924); maurice pernot, l’experience ttalienne (paris, 1924); perceval phillips, red dragon and black shirt (london, 1922); odon por, fascism (london, 1924). see also the almanacco enciclopedia del popolo d’ italia (milan, 1922, 1923, 1924, 1925, 1926). there isa bib- liography (including articles in periodicals by c.bracaleand c. urban in guida bibliographica di cultura fascista (rome,1925). (l.. v.*) fashion: see costume. fatigue of metals.—this ts a generic term denoting all phenomena associated with the behaviour of metals subjected to repetitions of a range of stress, the term, however, is more gen- erally applied to the progressive deterioration, leading to ulti- mate fracture, caused by repetitions of a cycle of stress, the maxi- mum stress of the cycle being numerically less than that stress which causes failure on a single application. fracture by fatigue can be caused by repeated cycles of direct, bending, torsional or combined stresses, and is accelerated by the presence of shock conditions or surface defects, sudden discontinuities of section, etc., which create local concentrations of stress. three types of stresses.—cyclical variations of stress can be divided into three main types: alternating stresses (maximum and minimum stress of cycle differ in sign), pufsattng stresses (stresses vary from zero to maximum value) and fluctuating stresses (vary in magnitude but not in sign). any stress cycle is defined numerically by the expression, m +4r, where m is the average stress, and r is the range of stress (algebraic differ- ence of maximum and minimum stresses). fatigue range or limiting range (r ) is the greatest range of stress which can be applied for an indefinitely great number of repetitions without causing fracture. endurance, under a given range of stress, is the number of repetitions necessary to cause fracture. in 1849 jones and galton investigated the behaviour of cast- iron bars subjected to pulsating bending strains. fracture occurred in less than 100,000 strainings when the range of strain exceeded one-third of the static ultimate deflection. the endur- ance decreased at an increasing rate with increased ranges of strain. bars which had been partially fatigued suffered no loss in static ultimate strength. somewhat similar tests, on a wrought- iron built-up girder, were made by fairbairn in 1860-1. the loading was applied with shock. fairbairm’s conclusions con- firmed those of the earlier workers and also pointed to the exist- ence of a definite fatigue range for metals. these conclusions received further support from the experiments of wohler (1871), in which, for the first time, strict attention was paid to the mag- nitude of the applied stresses. wohler used iron and steel sub- jected to cycles of direct, bending and torsional stresses. subsequent to these early classical investigations, the fatigue of metals has formed the subject of several hundreds of independent 19 researches. the main objects of these investigations and the conclusions drawn from the results are briefly summarised below.” evidence of a limiting range of stress.—the results of a series of endurance tests, where any one type of straining activn and a constant value of the mean stress of the cycle are employed, show that the endurance (n) to fracture increases at an increas- ing rate as the range of stress (s) decreases. a curve connecting s and n tends to become parallel to the n axis. it is regarded as established that, in the case of ferrous metals, the s/n curve, has become parallel to the n axis at values of n of 10’ or 2x10% reversals, and remains so for the maximum endurances investi- gated (10° to ro’ cycles). this is also true for some of the pure metals and non-ferrous alloys. tests on some non-ferrous metals and alloys, however, have shown fractures to occur after several hundred millions of reversals, although, at these endurances, the slope of the s/n curve is very small. in general, sound metals appear to possess a definite limiting range of stress (r,). two relations have been suggested both of which can be ex- pressed by the formula r,=rie(t—*)" where r,, is the limiting range when m is the corresponding value of the mean stress, ry is the limiting range when m=o, f is the static ulti- mate strength of the metal, and x has the value of 1 or 2. some experimental results agree with one of these relations, others con- form to neither. for cycles of direct stresses, the linear relation is generally a safe rule between the limits of m=o and m=3r. some experiments employing torsional stresses have shown that the value of r, is not altered appreciably by wide variations in the value of m. effect of frequency of cycle (f) on limiting range (rx).—it is now established that a constant value of r, is obtained at fre- quencies up to 5,000 cycles per minute. tests made on copper, iron and mild steel at frequencies of 3,000, 30,000 and 60,000 cycles per minute gave progressively greater values of r, at the higher frequencies. under repetitions of the limiting range, or a numerically infe- rior range, a state is ultimately reached when no further plastic strain occurs; approximate elasticity only results as strain hyster- esis can be detected. these natural elastic limits are not related to the primitive, or original, elastic limits of the material. when the applied range of stress exceeds the limiting range, plastic deformation occurs until the cracking stage is reached. effect on limiting range of temperature of test.—available data relate only to reversed stresses (m =o). the limiting range (r,) is largely unaffected in value until temperatures of about 400°c, are reached. at higher temperatures r, decreases, the rate of decrease varying with different metals. the effect of elevated temperatures on r, is not, in general, as marked 1s on the static ultimate strength under prolonged loading; e.¢.. the values of 3r,, for 4 steels and 1 non-ferrous alloy, at v: rious temperatures between 550°c. and 750°c., has been found to be equal to, or greater than, the static strength (under prolcnged loading) at the same temperatures. effect of repeated stresses on microstructure of mctals.—re- peated stresses applied to crystalline aggregates cause ship bands to appear on the surfaces of favourably orientated crystals. if r, is not exceeded, this local action ceases after a certain number of repetitions and the metal becomes straitn-hardened. under repetitions of greater stress ranges, microscopic cracks are initiated in the regions of maximum slip, and fra.ture is caused by propagation of these cracks throughout the metal. even in ductile materials, the process of initiation and propaga- tion of these cracks may be so highly localised that the appear- ance of fracture is one usually associated with that of brittle materials. precisely similar surface phenomena are exhibited by single metallic crystals subjected to repeated stresses, suggesting that fatigue failure is essentially a process of deterioration of crystalline material and that the chief effect of the inter-crystal boundaries in aggregates is to inhibit slip due to the change in orientation of neighbouring crystals. 1except where otherwise stated, the remarks apply only to tests conducted at air temperature. 20 a fundamental theory of fatigue has yet to be advanced. the attrition theory (ewing and humfrey) is not supported by the results of recent research. a number of theories have been based on the assumption (beilby) that plastic strain in metals causes a change from the crystalline to the amorphous state on the surfaces of slip. the manner in which the fatigue crack is initiated has not been explained satisfactorily. the results of experiments on single crystals (gough, hanson and wright) suggest that the effect of slip is to produce local distortions within the crystal, thus setting up internal stresses which, under repetitions of stress ranges, lead to the disruption of inter-atomic bonds and the initiation of cracks. the breaking-up, under strain, of a crystal grain into a number of crystallites of slightly varying orientations, is an alternative hypothesis which is con- sistent with observed facts. little doubt exists that, in some manner, fatigue failure is the direct result of local plastic defor- mation, and it seems highly improbable that fatigue would occur in a material which is truly elastic. the importance of an understanding of fatigue phenomena in its relation to industry cannot be over-estimated. those machine and structural components whose working conditions can be so adjusted as to exclude the possibility of fatigue failure constitute a very small minority. the whole trend of development of mod- ern engineering lies in the direction of the employment of higher working stresses, speeds and temperatures. these considerations, together with the necessities of eliminating unnecessary material —to reduce first cost—and the reduction of the weight power factor—which has become of prime importance since the advent of aircraft—tend to make the static strength properties of metals (except at elevated temperatures) of less relative importance than their fatigue properties. a conservative estimate of failures in modern engineering practice attributes 80° of such failures to fatigue. as fatigue failures are usually unaccompanied by any marked preliminary warnings, a deplorable loss of life has often resulted. see metallograpihy; metallurgy; materials, strength of, | breltiocrarny.—h. j. gough, fatigue of metals (1924); also the proceedings of the roya! society; inst. of civil engineers; inst. of mechanical engineers; american society for esting materials (philadelphia); and the bulletins of the university of illinois (urbana). (h. j. go.) faure, gabriel (184s~1924), french musical composer (see 10.209), died at passy nov. 4 1924. | fauvism: see painting. fawcett, millicent garrett (1847- ), british writer and political worker, was born at aldeburgh, suffolk, june 11 1847. in 1867 she married the economist, henry fawcett (see 10.215). she herself produced various works on economics, in- cluding political economy for beginners (1870), tales in political economy (1874) and, with her husband, a volume of essays and lectures (1872). mrs. fawcett was one of the early workers for women’s suffrage, and in 1907 became president of the na- tional union of women’s suffrage societies. she was strongly opposed to the tactics of the militant suffragists, and expressly dissociated the n.u.w.s.s. from any sympathy with such methods. the constitutional methods adopted by the body in- cluded an alliance formed with the labour party (1912) by which the society agreed to support labour candidates in pref- erence to liberal when the latter proved unsatisfactory on the suffrage question. her later books include life of queen victoria (1895); life of sir william molesworth (1901); five famous french women (1906); women’s suffrage (1912); and what i remember (1924). she was created g.b.e. in 1925. fayolle, marie emile (1852- ), french soldier, was born at puy (haute-loire) may 14 1852. he entered the ecole polytechnique in 1873, and joined the 16th regiment of artillery in 1875. captain in 1882, he entered the ecole de guerre in 1880, and returned there as professor (of the artillery course) in 1897; in 1900 he was made titular professor and remained there till 1907. in the face of the orthodox doctrine he urged the impor- tance of concentration of fire and the obstacle it offered to an attacker; this view he expressed in an admirable brochure en- faure—federal farm loan system titled concentration des feux et concentration des moyens (1912). on aug. 13 1914 fayolle who had been made a general of brigade in 1910 was given the command of the 7oth reserve division. he distinguished himself at the battle of le grand couronne and afterwards in artois. the 7oth division together with the 77th formed under gen. petain the iii. army corps which played a brilliant part in the offensive of may 9 1915. gen. fayolle suc- ceeded gen. petain on june 21 in command of the xxxiii. corps, which he directed during the attack at souchez and vimy of sept. rors. | on feb. 26 1916 gen. fayolle was given the command of the vi. army which took part in the battle of the somme; in the beginning of may 1ror7 he succeeded gen. petain at the head of the centre group of armies (holding the champagne and verdun fronts). on nov. 18 1917 he was sent to italy but was recalled on feb. 8 of the following year in expectation of the german offensive, which came on march 21; two days later he took com- mand of all the forces engaged between peronne and barisis— which formed the reserve army group. by march 31 the ger- man attempt to break through was definitely checked, as also a fresh effort between june 9 and 13. in july the reserve army group comprised the i., iii., x. and v1. armies which carried out the two great offensives of july 18 and aug. 8 1918. after the armistice fayolle’s army group was entrusted with the occupa- tion of the rhine provinces; he entered mainz on dec. 14 1918, making kaiserslautern his headquarters. he was made a mar- shal of france on feb. 21 1921. febvre, alexandre frederic (1835-1916), french actor (see 10.231), died in paris dec. 14 1016. federal farm loan system.—the federal farm loan act of 1916 was adopted in the united states at a time when the increasing use of costly equipment and the rising pice of farm land had combined to make the problem of financing the american farmer a diflicult one. his need for short-time credit, generally, had been met in various ways; his chief difficulty was to find long-time or mort- gage credit. when the farmer must make a heavy investment, he needs a long loan. the only satisfactory security he can offer is a mortgage, and the market for farm mortgages is limited. local mortgage brokers or bankers having the necessary ex- pertness could lend on a limited number of mortgages and, after — adding their own endorsements, discount the loans with eastern investors. in other cases, some of the large insurance com- panies sent their own experts into selected regions to place loans secured by mortgages. again, a number of large corpora- tions, commonly called mortgage banks, were organised to lend on mortgage security and to sell their own bonds to the investing public. such a corporation, having bought a number of mortgage notes aggregating $100,000, would deposit them with a trustee as security for its own bonds to the same amount. these bonds were then sold to the general investing public, but sold on the general reputation of the corporation issuing them, and not on the buyer’s expert knowledge of the individual mortgages. the act of 1916.—the federal farm loan act of 1916 was passed to extend this principle and enable it to meet the need for mortgage credit throughout the country. this act created a federal farm loan board, consisting of the secretary of the treasury and four others to be appointed by the president, to have general administrative control. under this board there were created 12 farm land banks, located in the 12 districts into which the country was divided; in each district there are or- ganised, under its farm land bank, an indefinite number of farm loan associations, composed wholly of farmers desiring to bor- row money on mortgage; and they borrow from the farm land bank of their district. the 12 federal farm land banks are located in the following cities:—springfield, mass.; baltimore, md.; columbia, s.c.; louisville, ky.; new orleans, la.; st. louis, mo.; st. paul, minn.; omaha, neb.; wichita, kan.; houston, tex.; berkeley, cal.; spokane, wash. the act permits joint stock land banks to come in under the federal farm loan system. sixty-nine had done so before feb. 28 1g25, with capital stock of $35,307,085, with bond issues aggregating federal reserve banking system—fencing $454,540,200, and with loans to farmers aggregating $464,873,770. every federal farm land bank was required to have, before beginning business, a subscribed capital stock of not less than $750,000, from which to purchase the first batch of mortgages from the farm loan associations. additional funds were to be raised through the sale of bonds to the investing public. each issue of bonds was to be based upon a batch of mortgages previously purchased and deposited as security under the direction of the farm loan board. if the total $750,000 of capital stock of any federal farm land bank was not subscribed within 30 days after the opening of the books, it became the duty of the secretary of the treasury ‘‘to subscribe the balance thereof on behalf of the united states,” and amendments were passed (jan. 18 1918 and may 26 1920) authorising the secretary of abs treasury to purchase $200,000,000 of such bonds during igi8—-21. | on feb. 28 1925 the u.s. govt. held $1,513,045 of the capital stock of the farm land banks. the total bonds authorised and issued by them was $949,130,492. the total capital stock of the 12 farm banks amounted to $50,390, 330, held as follows:— by the u.s. govt. ms by national farm loan assns. by borrowers through agents by individual subscribers . . b 1,513,045 48,471,970 403,730 1,585 the total amounts loaned by the 12 federal land banks, as recorded for 1920 and 1925, are as follows:— © : to nov. 30 to feb. 28 7 | 1920. 1925. springfield . . $13,550,345 $ 35,930,637 baltimore «.-. nas 732:703 be, 142,224 columbia 20,406,515 57,481,504 louisville 27,691,200 92,287,466 new orleans 25,811,705 93,063,031 st. louis 30,951,075 66,280,807 st. paul 49,554,700 113,430,039 omaha 48,905,890 114,387,435 wichita 31,531,300 83,282,745 tfouston 40,754,766 104,651,436 berkeley . 18,645,900 39,531,815 spokane » 46,084,535 93,520,832 total $368,621,314 $944,989,970 the course of the money is as follows: first, from the investor to the farm land bank in exchange for bonds; second, from the farm land bank to the farm loan association in exchange for a batch of mortgages; third, from the farm loan association to the individual farmer in exchange for an individual mortgage. the securities, however, proceed in the opposite direction; first, a mortgage is given by the individual to his local farm loan association in exchange for money; second, this and other similar mortgages are transferred from the farm loan association to the farm land bank in exchange for money; third, the farm land bank deposits these mortgages under the direction of the federal farm loan board and, on that security, issues its own bonds and sells them to investors. under the farm loan act the bonds of the farm land banks are exempt from taxation, in order to make such bonds so atttac- tive to the general investor as to compensate for a low rate of interest, and thus to enable the farmer to borrow at a lower rate than would otherwise be possible. bonds issued prior to may 1 1920 paid 44%. subsequent issues pay 5%. this provision was bitterly attacked on the ground that it was class legislation, discriminating in favour of farmers as against other classes. the matter was under litigation for many months, but finally in february 1921 the supreme court decided in favour of the constitutionality of the act. (t. n.c.) - federal reserve banking system: see banking: united states. | federal trade commission.—this american commission was created by act of the u.s. congress, approved sept. 26 1914, for the prevention of unfair methods of competition in commerce and for the collection of information respecting cor- porations engaged in interstate commerce and respecting export trade associations and conditions. it is composed of five mem- bers appointed by the president, and confirmed by the senate, not more than three members may be of the same political party. the commission elects its own chairman. it entered upon its official duties march 16 1915. with it was merged the bureau of corporations, previously under the jurisdiction of the department of commerce. 21 powers.—if the commission has reason to believe that a “‘ person, partnership or corporation’ practises any unfair method to the prejudice of the public interest, it shall serve a notice upon such party, submit a statement of the charges and set a date for a hear- ing. the party complained of has the right to appear and show cause why the commission should not require the cessation of practices alleged to be in violation of the law. if the party refuses to obey the orders of the commission, the commission may apply to the u.s. circuit court of appeals. banks and common carriers are excented, they being under other federal supervision. the commission is empowered to investigate from time to time ‘‘ the organisation, business, conduct, practices and management ” of any commercial corporation excepting banks and common carriers, and its relation to any other corporation, and to make recommendations for a read- justment of its business alleged to be violating the anti-trust laws, including those relating to price discriminations, intercorporate stock-holdings and interlocking directorates. the purpose of the commission is to advise and regulate. it is also empowered to in- vestigate trade conditions of foreign countries as affecting the foreign commerce of the united states, and to report to congress with recommendations. the commission comprises three depart- ments: administrative; economic, in charge of investigations; and legal, whose duty it is to conduct investigations in connection with applications for the issue of notices, gather evidence for use in trials, and furnish examiners and lawyers to represent the commission in proceedings before the commission and in court. methods.—the activities of the commission are (a) quasi judicial, (6) economic. under the first heading comes the pre- vention of unfair methods of competition. on its economic side the commission investigates (i) on its own initiative any cor- poration engaged in interstate commerce; (ii) on the direction of the president or either house of congress any corporation alleged to be violating the anti-trust acts; (ii) either on its own initiative or that of the attorney-general the manner in which a court decree dissolving a trust is being carried out. it can also, at the instance of the attorney-general, recommend the readjustment of the business of any corporation alleged to be violating the anti-trust acts so as to conform to the law. another act of the u.s. congress, approved oct. 15 1914 (commonly called the clayton act), specifically declared certain practices illegal and gave the federal trade commission jurisdiction to prevent them. (see also [nter-state commerce; trusts.) , federzoni, luigi (1878- \, italian politician and jour- nalist, was born at bologna sept. 17 1878. educated at the university there, he took to journalism and literature, and for several years was on the staff of the giornale d'italia, rome. in politics he was a conservative, and became a warm supporter of the nationalist movement. after the florence nationalist congress in dec. 1910, he helped to found the idea nazio- wale, at first the weekly and subsequently the daily organ of the nationalist movement. at the elections of 1913 federzoni was elected for one of the divisions of rome. in the chamber he never missed an opportunity to combat the socialists, republic- ans and democrats. as soon as italy intervened in the world war he joined the army as a lieutenant of artillery; he after- wards joined a trench mortar battery and was awarded a medal for valour. federzoni supported mussolini when the latter issued his manifesto of oct. 26 1922 announcing the march on rome. in the cabinet formed by mussolini five days later federzoni was minister for the colonies. in this capacity he provided for the reconquest of all the libyan territories evacu- ated during the war, and proceeded to reorganise the whole colonial administration. after the matteotti murder in june 1924 mussolini selected federzoni for the post of minister of the interior. felix, lia (1830-1908), french actress (see 10.239), died in paris jan. 15 1908.