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<as the second hali of the roth cen- tury was marked in economic thought by the emergence of the historical sense, so the early decades of the 2oth century have been marked by the impulse toward exact quantitative measure- ment. abstract reasoning, proceeding by deduction from the assumption of self-interest, has by no means lost its value, as assisting, and sometimes greatly assisting, in the explanation of observed phenomena; even though there is a growing feeling that the classifications which it devises depend for their practi- cal significance on the ascertained magnitude of the concrete facts which fall within them. the historical study of economic conditions, which may be said to have completed its first stage in tgoo-4 with the gen- eralisations of schmoller’s masterly survey, continues to pro- gress. of lateit has been turning its attention to one after another of the great industries of western europe. in england a series of monographs on particular trades hasilluminated the pastandgiven added significance to the present. in france, the renaissance of historical studies in the universities is lifting the ancien regime and the economic effects of the revolution out of the realm of con- troversy. american scholars are bringing fresh and unbiased minds to the examination of the society of the old world. it is evident, however, that it is in neither of these two di- rections, abstract reasoning or historical] investigation, that the main tide of economic interest is now turning, but rather in the’ direction of statistics and accounting. and this is not for their own sake, nor even for their immediate value as tools in the hands of administrators; it is rather for ascertaining the magni- tude of economic phenomena, for measuring the potency of economic forces, for indicating the requirements and limiting circumstances of national economic policy. modern tendencies —this was clear even before the world war. it arose from the organisation of business on the one side and from the enlarged functions of government on the other. for instance, the rapid conquest of the larger part of the field of modern business by the limited lability company, or cor- poration, necessitated in every country some procedure in the way of registration and annual returns or balance-shects. at the end of the roth century it occurred to keresy, the statisti- cian of budapest, that it would be possible, on the basis of this material, to arrive at conclusions concerning the profitableness (or rentability) of joint-stock enterprise. the discussion his work provoked led to a whole series of attempts, especially by german statisticians, to measure the gainfulness of particular industries, and in 1909 the german imperial govt. undertook the task with its first annual report on ‘ the business results of german joint-stock companies.’’ here, then, was a development arising out of existing official material, but forcing to the front important and difficult questions as to the meaning to be assigned both to capital and to profit. a more general movement, arising out of the internal neces- sities of business undertakings themselves, was the extension and elaboration of cost accounts. with the multiplication and diversification of the products of manufacturing concerns, it was no longer sufficient to have the figures for total cost and total sales; it became necessary to ascertain the cost of each class of goods or components and to find how it was composed. it became requisite to distinguish between direct, or prime, cost and indirect, or general, cost. in a surprisingly few years the term overhead charges has displaced in business circles the vari- ous other terms by which the idea had been expressed, and it has now become part of the speech of the educated world. it is realised that overheads must largely determine price policy and employment policy; and since they are bound up with the 915 scale and continuity of production and these with the size and character of the market, they must have a bearing on national tariff policy and the like. closely parallel with the cost-account movement was the independent movement toward greater efficiency of labour, known for a time as scientific management (y.2.). the movement had several unfortunate defects, espe- cially in its earlier phases; but it did at any rate increase the demand for an exact measurement of output in relation to remuneration and time. influences of tie war.—the resort to statistics and account- ing was vastly stimulated by the world war. conscription, modern means of transport and blockade destroyed the dis- tinction between enemy forces and non-combatant citizens. governments, belligerent and neutral alike, were constrained to take control of all the economic activities of their peoples. for this purpose they found it necessary to acquire as exact informa- tion as was obtainable. figures of food supply and cost of living from being the curiosities of science became instruments of gov- ernment. with hundreds of factories owned or controlled by the state, with the political dangers of profiteering and with the financial requirements of govt., not only had figures to be col- lected, but working definitions had to be arrived at of capital and profit. in order to do what was quite unavoidable with respect to primary commodities, viz., to fix prices, the public authorities had to feel their way to an assessment of “ fairness ” in profits and wages. within the factories themselves the rela- tion of output to working time and all the problems which came to be associated with the word fatigue had to be faced, not from a welfare point of view, nor from a profit-making point of view, but from a munition-producing point of view. commercial education—ian the period since the war, the interest in the quantitative measurement of economic condi- tions has been greatly furthered by the remarkable extension of higher commercial education. this has been most marked in the united states and in germany. in the united states there were already in existence, in certain of the universities, schools or departments of commerce or of business administration, most of an undergraduate, but one or two of a graduate, char- acter. in germany there were already a number of commercial high schools of university status (ilandelshochschulen). most of these were now turned into universities, while at the same time the cconomic departments of the older universities, under the pressure of incoming throngs of students, took on much of the character of commercial high schools. even in england the university of london followed the example of birmingham and manchester, and established a faculty of commerce. economics in all these countries, instead of being regarded as a study appropriate only to a future lawyer or official or journalist or professor or as a subsidiary element in a general education, now came to be regarded as professional education for an active business career. that being so, business economics or private economics, 7.¢., the study of economic conditions from the point of view of the business interests of those in charge of particular undertakings, naturally came to claim a large share of the attention of the student, side by side with the political or national economy which interested the philosopher or statesman. in the centre of economic study, viewed as professional prepara- tion for a business career, necessarily appeared business adminis- tration or betrichsiciire. considering the diversity in local needs and in the qualities of available teachers, it is not surprising that terms like these have been given very differing content in difler- ing places. but almost everywhere the new purpose has led to increased attention 10 measurement by statistical and account- ing methods. it has made use of the internal statistics which modern big business is driven to collect for its own guidance, and in return it has stimulated and criticised them. nor has this been all; in several universities in the united states the teachers in the schools of commerce have organised bureaux of business research, obtaining both financial support and statistical material from business organisations in their several areas. expenses, profits and losses in particular lines of busi- ness, distribution charges, wholesale and retail, the turnover of 916 — stock, the element of rent and allied problems have been sub- jected to scrutiny, with the help of the latest refinements of accounting practice and mathematical statistics. the results arrived at have not only been of direct value in actual business practice, but also threw light on the validity of some of the conceptions of current economic theory, such as those of the marginal producer or the representative firm. trade forecasts —meanwhile some universities, not as a rule officially, but in effect through the activities of members of their staffs, have become interested in the wide-spread hope or longing in the business world which is associated with what is known as forecasting. this development, though not now limited to the united states, has taken place there on a larger scale. for some years before the war a number of independent agencies had made a business of furnishing clients with fore- casts as to the future movement of trade. whether the fore- casts rested on an assumed equality of action and reaction, of prosperity and depression, or upon an assumecl sequence of trade movements, they called for the collection and grouping, by approved statistical methods, of the masses of figures now regularly turned out by governments and trade organisations. since the war this field of work has been entered upon by bodies of academically trained experts, associated with particular uni- versities, though not formally authorised by them. the best known is the harvard economic service, which has been fol- lowed by a london and a cambridge service. whatever may be the value of the services thus offered to the business world, there can be no doubt that the labours they involve have led 1o a more searching and continuous scrutiny of certain large classes of economic statistics than they have ever before received. during the same period, and under the stress of the abnormal currency and price fluctuation of the post-war years, the method of measuring the level of prices by index numbers has become widely familiar; and instead of the single economist index, an almost perplexingly large choice of index numbers is now pressed upon the world’s attention. agricultural statistics. —the new interest in numerical meas- urement since the war has passed over from finance and mer- chanting and manufacture to the most conservative branch of economic activity, agriculture. ever since the introduction of artificial manures and the creation of experimental stations, like that at rothamsted, a stream of statistical calculations has been poured forth as to the effect of the application of varying doses of particular fertilisers and feeding stuffs on crops and cattle. on the chemico-biological side there has been abundant material for illustrating and confirming the principle implied by the law of decreasing returns. but until recently there have been far less adequate means of measuring the facts on the eco- nomic side, and of ascertaining exactly the ultimate return to the farmer under varying conditions of cost and sale. among the pioneers inagricultural book-keepinganddin theeffort to obtain results of general significance by the statistical grouping of the book-keeping results were the peasant farmers of den- mark. in great britain and america, in recent years, institutes of agricultural economics, such as those attached in the one country to the universities of oxford and leeds, and in the other country to northwestern university, have begun to deal seriously with the difficult problems of valuation and distribu- tion of expenses and to stimulate the farming community to co-operate with them and to imitate. ifere, as in some other of the directions in which more exact measurement is being aimed at, the general theory worked out by an earlier generation proves its usefulness in the preliminary analysis of the situa- tion; it is sufficient to refer to the proposition that “ rent does not enter into the cost of production.”’ moreover, there is an element of truth in the assertion that the new methods of meas- urement are, after all, simply ways of estimating the strength of the tendencies or, putting it the other way, the strength of the friction which economic theory has long been in the habit of affirming. but while this is so, it is also true that abstract rea- soning tends to fall from a primary and antecedent position, where it asserted conclusions and then looked round for confirma- ecuador tory examples, to a secondary and subsequent position in eco- nomic enquiry; ?.e., to be resorted to only after history and statistics have ascertained what are the facts to be explained (see farm organisation). conclusions.—the number of persons professionally engaged in economic teaching or investigation in academic institutions had been growing in england and america before the war; it has been greatly enlarged since. the output of statistics by government offices is steadily growing, and the scientific stand- ard, notably with respect to labour statistics, has been rising. iconomists and statisticians are being engaged by the great banks and business concerns, especially in america and germany. the accounting profession is gaining in professional status. works management is being differentiated from engineering, and is calling for ampler and exacter records. it may be antici- pated, therefore, that for some time to come the quantitative measurement of economic phenomena will secure increasing attention. the present accidental distinction between account- ing and statistics will probably largely pass away in the higher work of measurement; for accounting is but the necessary means for arriving at the data which statistical science has to handle. and, with the present trend toward business consolidation, and the transference of particular branches of business to state (central or local) management or control, the need for measure- ment will make itself felt with growing force. bibljiography.—among recent works dealing with the history of particular trades have been g. i. hl. lloyd, the cutlery trades (1913); g. w. daniels, early english cotton industry (1920); h. heaton, the yorkshire woollen and worsted industries (1920); t. 5. ashton, zron and steel in the industrial revolution (1924); c. gill, the rise of the irish linen industry (1925); h. hamilton, brass and copper (1926). a treatise both historical and analytical is r. g. hawtrey, currency and credit (1gtg, 2nd ed. 1923). among french -works on the ancien regime those of henri see are notable, especially la vie economique (1924) and l'evolution commerciale et indus- trielle (1925). america has contributed the learned monograph of n.s. b. gras, evolution of the english corn-market (1915), and a suggestive general survey in a. p. usher, ax introduction to the industrial ilistory of england (1921). the professionalising of eco- nomic study has been most discussed in germany: sce die refornt der staatswissenschaftlichen studien (1920). the literature of scien- tific management begins with the works of f. w. taylor, shop management (t911) and the principles of sctentific management (agit). the subject is reviewed by sir w. ashley, scientific manage- ment (ball memorial lecture, 1922). industrial psychology and its measurements may be approached through c. s. myers, mind and work (1920). the technique of business ‘‘ barometers’ is dealt with by w. m,. persons and others in the problem of business fore- casting (1924). on farm accounts the pioncer work in england 1s that of c. s. orwin, farming costs (1913, 2nd ed. 1921); the reports of o. h. larsen on farm accounts for the whole of denmark begin with 1918. the economic journal may be referred to for sir w. ashley, the statistical measurements of profit (tgto), j. hl. clapham, on empty economic boxes, 1.c., categories (1922), and z. c. dickin- son, bureaux for business research (1925). on index numbers there are important articles by a. w. flux, ‘‘ the measurement of price changes,” journal of the statistical society (1921) and w. y. edgeworth, ** plurality of index numbers," economie journal (1925). ecuador (see 8.910), a republic of south america. its area is 250,000 square miles. no systematic census has been taken, but the population in 1925 was estimated at 2,000,000. the capital, quito, had 80,000 inhabitants, and the chief port, guayaquil, 100,000; towns next in importance were cuenca with 40,000 inhabitants, azogues with 35,000 and ambato with 25,000. i. political history the government candidate for the presidency, dr. emilio fstrada, was elected by a large majority in 1910 over senor alfredo baquerizo moreno to succeed gen. eloy alfaro, whose term of office expired on aug. 31 r9tt. on dec. 21 1911 estrada died, an event which was followed in a few days by gen. pedro montero proclaiming himself supreme chief of the republic. the government organised an army to remove him from this position, and early in jan. ro1r2 the constitutional forces met the revolutionaries at huigra, and later at yaguachi when montero'’s supporters were finally defeated. a formal convention was signed on jan. 20 by gen. plaza for the government, and by ecuador montero; but on the same day the people of guayaquil rose and disarmed the revolutionaries, many of whom, including montero, were arrested. soon afterwards montero was assassinated. meanwhile dr. carlos freile, president of the senate, had assumed the executive authority, and arrangements were made for the holding of presidential elections in the last four days of march. when the elections were held the conservative party abstained from voting and the liberal candidate, gen. leonidas plaza, received a majority; but dr. francisco andrade marin, president of the deputies, had already assumed oflice on march 6, which he held until aug 10, to be succeeded temporarily by dr. alfredo baquerizo moreno. gen. plaza, the constitution- ally elected candidate, took office on aug. 31 for the four years ending aug. 31 1916. the stamping out of yellow fever and bubonic plague was attempted early in plaza’s presidency, and the efforts met with success; in later years these two maladies were practically non-existent as a result of the policy then decided upon. the war period.—in his message to congress in 1914 the president raised the question of constitutional reform, and again in 1915, when he proposed the introduction of the parliamentary system by amending the fundamental law of the republic; on both occasions his proposals were rejected. meanwhile, after the outbreak of the world war, the government announced by decree that it would observe strict neutrality, would abide by the hague convention of 1907, and by the general principles of international law. asa result of the presidential elections held in jan. rg16 alfredo baquerizo moreno, the liberal candidate, was elected and assumed office on aug. 31, at a period when the economic strain caused by the world war overshadowed polit- ical events. after the severance of diplomatic relations with germany by peru, the german ex-minister at lima wished in oct. 1917 to proceed to ecuador, to which country he was also accredited; he was informed by the ecuadorian minister at lima that his reception by ecuador would be incompatible with american solidarity. on dec. 8 following, ecuador severed relations with germany. the whole of moreno’s term of office was largely occupied with the economic problem and the less im- portant fiscal problems that had jong awaited a solution, not- withstanding all his efforts to that end—relieved by the intro- duction in 1917 of laws regulating cabinet procedure and duties, and a decree in 191g to transfer the administration of the prov- ince of oriente and the galapagos is. to the foreign ministry— the situation did not improve. post-war problems.—dr. jose l. tamayo was inaugurated as president on aug. 31 1920, for the term ending sept. 1924. in his opening address to congress he outlined the grave economic and financial problems facing the country, caused in the first instance by the world war and then by the delays in the sale of cocoa; and also because foreign capital was not coming in as formerly. during his administration laws and decrees were promulgated to regulate the exploitation of petroleum lands, to reserve for the country 6% of the total output of oil wells, to raise funds for aviation and for military education in higher schools, academies and universities. the ycar 1922 was unevent- ful but for the continued economic difficulties and for the centen- ary celebrations in may of the battle of pichincha (sce 8.919). in 1923 a contract was signed by the president with a london syndicate for a loan of $18,000,000 gold, to be guarantced by customs receipts: the proceeds were to be used for the liquida- tion of debts to ecuadorian banks, the purchase of shares in the guayaquil and quito railway and the payment of interest on the bonds of this line and public works. in the same year three severe earthquakes caused serious damage, the first in machachi, the second in quito, the third and most severe on dec. 15 at tulcin in the province of carchi. sefor gonzalo s. cerdova, an experienced diplomat and presidential candidate of the liberal association, received in 1923 an overwhelming majority over senator intriago and colonel lasso for the term 1924-8. two revolutionary move- ments followed this election; the first in jan. 1924, organised by o17 lasso, the defeated democratic candidate, and the second in sept. 1924, organised by sefor jacinto jijen caamajfo in the centre and north of the country, shortly after the inauguration of the new president. both movements failed, but during the remainder of the yeaf much unrest prevailed in the capital ard provinces. negotiations between ecuador and peru for an adjustment of their boundary dispute came to an end with the signature at quito on june 21 1924 of a protocol agreeing to a “ formula mixta ” for a settlement; this dispute had existed to disturb the peace of both countries since 1830. criticism was levied against the clause in the protocol which makes arbitration by the president of the united states dependent upon a prior settle- ment of the tacna-arica question; but notwithstanding this it was generally agreed that a step in the right direction had been taken. in oct. the government relinquished the contro] which, resulting from conditions caused by the world war, it had excrcised over international exchange. the political unrest which was manifested in 1924 again showed itself in 1925 when on july 9 a revolutionary movement unaccompanied by violence removed the president from office and caused him, with ex-president plaza, to leave the republic. a military junta led by gen. gemez de la torre took over the executive power and formed a government with sefior modesto larrea joj6n as head of the cabinet and gen. de la torre as minister of war. with this de facto government the united states maintained relations, but refused to recognise the new regime as a government de jure. (see taacna-arica.) defence.—military service is compulsory between the ages of 18 and 50, but it is not enforced. in time of peace, the army, navy, air force and lighthouses are in the charge of the ministry of war. in may 1922 a military mission from italy arrived in ecuaclor to reor- ganise the national army. in 1925 the standing army consisted of 558 officers, 1,300 non-commissioned officers and 3,108 men. education.—primary education is compulsory and free. the control of public education is in the hands of a superior council over which the minister of public instruction presides. in 1924 there were in fcuador 1,488 primary schools, with an enrolment of 112,219 pupils. in 19 colegios, or academies, there were 2,218 students; in three normal institutes there were in attendance 431 students, at the central university of quito 638 students were enrolled. in addition to these educational institutions, there were agricultural, industrial and commercial schools and schools of arts and trades. il. economic history finance.—in ecuador’s budget for 1924 the receipts amounted to 30,473,236 sucres, while the expenditures aggregated 36,531,- 625 sucres, leaving a deficit of 6,058,389 sucres. the main items in the national revenues for 1924 were as follows, in sucres: import duties, 8,738,382; export duties, 2,824,214; internal revenue, 9,497,486; decentralised revenucs for railways and public instruction, 5,831,094; and revenue derived from laws not considered in the budget, 3,217,609. the expenditures were dis- tributed thus, in sucres: legislative and executive departments, 451,402; interior, 4,051,067; foreign relations, 1,350,899; public instruction, 5,299,331; war and navy, 6,700,679; treasury, 3,037,554; and public debt service, 9,174,951. the budget for 1925, promulgated on oct. 16 1924, was estimated at 35,833,080 sucres. as congress was not summoned during 1925, no budget for 1926 was promulgated. production and industry.—the principal product of ecuador is cocoa. the production in 1924, which was approximately 62,345,600 ib. showed a decrease over previous years, occasioned by the “ witch broom ” disease. the crop of cocoa for the first six months of 1925 at approximately 49,688,200 lb. showed an increase over that of the same period in 1924, which was 43,583,000 pounds. during 1924 67,470,900 lb. of cocoa were exported from the port of guayaquil, of which 26,257,000 ib. were taken by the united states and 3,045,c00 by the united kingdom. coffee is also produced, the production for 1924 being valued at 9,316,880 sucres. ecuador produces about 80% of the total world production of fagwa (ivory nuts), the crop for 1924 ranking after that in coffee in value at 8,544,460 sucres. rubber plantations with more than a million trees showed a 918 decline in production in 1924. cotton production has increased, the crop for 1924 being valued at 2,374,680 sucres as against 2,292,919 sucres for 1923. under a decree of congress rg21 oil deposits are declared state property. operations of importance are carried out in the santa elena oil-fields. the estimated annual production of petroleum in the republic is 40,000 barrels. the principal manufacture of ecuador is panama hats, of which the estimated monthly production is 7oo dozen. exports of hats in 1923 were valued at 2,797,526 sucres, andl in 1924 at 2,241,380 sucres. eight textile factories were working in 1924, one of which pro- duces cotton prints, an industry that has made rapid progress and has produced cotton and woollen cloths for export. foreign commerce.—the total foreign trade of ecuador in 1923 amounted to 85,159,563 sucres (1 sucre=$0.487). the imports amounted to 39,460,778 sucres, while the exports aggregated 45,698,785 sucres. the countries taking the largest amounts of exports were, in order: the united states, france, great britain, germany, spain and chile; while the countries furnishing the largest amounts of the imports were the united states, great britain, ger- many, france, belgium, peru and spain. in 1923 the chief exports were cacao, ivory nuts, coffee, hides, rubber and cotton. communications.— during the post-war period steps were taken by the government for the improvement of roads, most of which were merely trails or bridlepaths. some internal traffic is carried on the rivers, especially on the guayas river and the tributaries of the amazon. in 1924 the railways of ecuador aggregated about 420 miles. besides extensions of the most important line in ecuador, the guayaquil and quito railroad, a number of other short lines were under construction in 1925. the most important of these was the line from esmeraldas to quito, which, when completed, will furnish the shortest line from the seacoast to the capital. contracts had been approved for a line from manta to santa ana, passing through montecresti and portoviejo; for a line from quito to ibarra; from huigra to cuenca; for an electric line from babahoyo to balzapampa; a line from ambato, on the guayaquil and quito railroad, to the rio arajuno in the east. in 1914 a radio station was officially opened at quito, and wireless communication was established with a small station in guayaquil. bibliography.—pan american union, general desertptive data (washington, 1909); arreglo de limties entre las republicas del ecuader y colombia. documentos oficiales. (quito, 1920); w. s. robertson, /fistory of the latin-american nations (new york, 1928); also hispantc-american relations with the untted states (carnegie endowment for inter. peace. div. of economics and _ history. washington, 1923); b. niles, casual wanderings in ecuador (new york, 1923); department of overseas trade reports on the eco- nomic situation of the republic of ecuador, pub. by h. m. station- ery office, london. (w. s. ro.) eczema: sce skin diseases. eddington, arthur stanley (1882- ), british astron- omer, was born at kendal, england, dec. 28 1882. he was educated at owen’s college, manchester, and trinity college, cambridge, where he was senior wrangler in 1904 and smith’s prizeman in 1907. in the latter year he was elected fellow of his college. from 1906 to 1913 he held the post of chief assistant at the royal observatory at greenwich; and in 1913 he became plumian professor of astronomy at cambridge. in 1o14 he was made director of the observatory at cambridge, and 1n the same year was elected fellow of the royal society. his principal researches, in recognition of which he was made a member of many british and foreign scientific societies, were on the motions of the stars, stellar evolution, relativity and gravitation. he was president of the royal astronomical society from 1921 to 1923. his published works include stellar movement and the structure of the universe (1914), report on the relatimiy of gravitation (1918), space, time, and gravitation (1920), the mathematical theory of relativity (1923). (sce astronomy.) eddy, mary baker (1821-1910), the discoverer, founder and leader of christian science, was born july 16 1821, at bow, near concord, new hampshire, u.s.a. she was the youngest of the six children of mark baker and abigail ambrose baker. her father was a man of local prominence, first at bow and later at tilton, new hampshire; a farmer, a justice of the peace, a member of the committee having charge of the public schools and a deacon of the congregational church. her mother was the daughter of deacon nathanial ambrose, of pembroke, new hampshire, who also represented the same type of citizenship. eozuma—eddy all of mrs. eddy’s american ancestors were new england people of sturdy character and of english and scotch descent. considering that educational facilities for women were limited when mrs. eddy was young, the education she obtained was exceptionally liberal. she graduated from the academy at tilton, besides which she had extensive training from two exccllent tutors, her brother, albert baker, and her pastor at tilton. when mary baker was 22 years old (dec. 1843) she married george w. glover, a native of concord, new hampshire, who had established himself in business as a contractor and builder at charleston, south carolina. six months later he died, a victim of yellow fever, at wilmington, n.c., whither they had gone temporarily, pursuant to his business. her only child (also named george w. glover) was born in the following sept. after she had returned to her father’s home in tilton. thereafter, for nine years, mrs. glover lived at tilton with her father or with her sister, mrs. abigail tilton, and occupied herself to the extent allowed by delicate health in caring for her child and in teaching. fora time she conducted a private school for young children; at other times she was a substitute teacher in the new hampshire conference seminary. after mrs. glover had been a widow for nine years (in 1853) she married dr. daniel patterson, a dentist, of franklin, new hampshire. she wasreluctant to marry him, but consented largely because she wanted a home of her own in which her child would be welcome. when she had gone to live with her sister, the child had been put in the care of a nurse who had worked for the baker family. dr. patterson, however, disappointed her expectation, for he was not willing that the boy should be in their home per- manently. he even participated ina plot by which the boy was taken to a frontier state, so that she did not sce him again for many years. her marriage to dr. patterson proved to be extremely unfortunate. after a decade or more of alternate care and neglect, he finally deserted her at lynn, mass., whither they had removed from new hampshire. long afterward (in 1873) she obtained a divorce from him for desertion resulting from adultery. in 1877 mrs. glover (mrs. patterson having resumed this name) married asa gilbert eddy, of lynn, mass., an ardent christian scientist and the first of her followers to engage in the public practice of christian science. this union was most happy, but he passed away at lynn in 1882, at a time when she felt that his encouragement and support were of inestimable value tothe great religious work in which she was then engaged. mrs. eddy’s religious history began by contact with her mother, mrs. baker being devout and spiritually minded as well as distinguished for her culture and intellectual power. mrs. eddy herself had the courage and independence to dispute a point in theology when she applied, at the age of 12, for member- ship in the congregational church at bow. afterward she yecame a member of the congregational church at tilton, and continued her affiliation with this denomination until she became the founder of another. as a girl and young woman, she devoted more thought to religious subjects than was usual, even among the devout people of her class in the new england of her time. she was also driven by persistent ill health to ponder the cases of healing of discase related in the bible. in 1862, at the instance of her husband, dr. patterson, mrs. eddy went for treatment to phineas p. quimby, of portland, me., a magnetic healer. he was not religious; in fact, he was fond of arguing against religion to any and all who would listen. nevertheless, mrs. eddy was disposed, by her previous course of thinking, to attribute to spiritual power the apparent benefits which resulted to many of his patients, including herself, from what she afterward recognised as a form of personal magnetism or mesmerism. the relief thus obtained by mrs. eddy did not last, but she continued until her discovery of christian science to regard him as a gifted man, whose practice could be explained in religious terms. mrs. eddy regarded her discovery of christian science (q.v.) as a religious and scientific experience—an unfoldment of spiritual i};din burgh ideas—which continued and developed through many years. (see pages 24-9 of her autobiography entitled retrospection and introspection.) in particular she identified her discovery with her almost instantaneous recovery from a severe accident, a fall on an icy street at lynn in feb. 1866. as was related in the lynn reporter at the time, she was picked up in an insensible condition and carried to a nearby residence, where she was cared for during the night. a physician ‘‘ found her injuries to be internal and of a severe nature.” the next day she was removed to her home “ although in a very critical condition.” mrs. eddy has related the sequel as follows: ‘‘ on the third day thereafter i called for my bible, and opened it at matthew ix. 2. as i read, the healing truth dawned upon my sense; and the result was that i rose, dressed myself, and ever after was in better health than i had before enjoyed. that short experience included a glimpse of the great fact that i have since tricd to make plain to others, namely, life in and of spirit; this life being thesole reality of existence.” (afiscellancous writings, p.24.) speaking of her ensuing expericnce, mrs. eddy has said, “ t knew the principle of all harmonious mind-action to be god, and that cures were produced in primitive christian healing by holy, uplifting faith; but i must know the science of this heal- ing, and i won my way to absolute conclusions through divine revelation, reason and demonstration. the revelation of truth in the understanding came to me gradually and apparently through divine power.” (science and tealth with key to the scriptures, p. 109.) from her girlhood, mrs eddy had been an accomplished writer of both poetry and prose. she had contributed exten- sively to newspapers and periodicals and had acquired a con- siderable reputation as an author. thus, she had been offered a position, with a salary large for that time, as assistant editor of a magazine. as soon as mrs. eddy felt that she comprehended what she regarded as the restoration of primitive christianity with its healing power, her ability as an author became partic- ularly useful for the purpose to which she thenceforth devoted her life. she wrote and herself published (at boston in 1875) the first edition of the christian science text-book, then called science and health but later entitled science and health with key to the scriptures. beginning slowly, the demand for this book increased steadily, and still continues to increase. aided at first only by a copyist and a printer, mrs. eddy was aided for subsequent revisions by critics (both friendly and hostile) and especially by the development of her own thought, but, as she has said, in the final edition, “ i have revised science and health only to give a clearer and fuller expression of its original mean- ing.”’ other published works by mrs. eddy include the people’s idea of god (1886), christian healing (1886), unity of good (1891), rudimental divine science (1891), no and yes (1891), church manual (1895-1910), miscellaneous writings (1896), christ and christmas (1897), christian science versus pantheism (1898), pulpit and press (1898), ifessages to the afother church (1900; 1901; 1902), the first church of christ, scientist and miscellany (1913). naturally, mrs. eddy was the first christian science prac- titioner. numerous and wonderful cases of healing resulted from her practice, until work which could not be left to others required all of her time. likewise she taught christian science to pupils in classes, thus teaching about 4,000, until she was obliged to leave this work to those of her followers whom she authorised as teachers. in 1883 mrs. eddy founded the christian sctence journal, a monthly periodical, which she edited for 11 years and again later for nearly a year. in 1898 she founded the christian science sentinel, a weekly, and in 1908 she established 7ke chrisitun sctence monitor, an international daily newspaper. even after she ieft the office of editor, she continued to write for these publications, and maintained a close supervision of their contents. this she relaxed, as editors acquired qualifications, but did not discontinue until she passed away. mrs. eddy began to organise the christian science movement by forming the christian science assn. at boston in 1876. at qt9 first it consisted of herself and six of her students. three years jater, also in boston, she and a selected number of her students organised the church of christ, scientist, into which the earlier association was merged. again, in 1892, she and a selected number of her students organised the first church of christ, scientist, in boston, mass., which succeeded the earlier church and is the present institution. in one aspect, it is a local con- gregation of christian scientists; in another aspect, it is the mother church of the christian science denomination. from 1881 to 1895 mrs. eddy was the pastor of her church. then she introduced reading from the bible and from the christian science text-book instead of personal preaching in the services of her denomination. next to what she did as the discoverer and founder of chris- tian science, mrs. fddy’s greatest work was as the leader of the christian science movement. though living in a rather secluded manner (at lynn until 1882; in boston from then till 1889; at pleasant view, near concord, n.h., from then urtil 1c08; and afterward at chestnut ifill, a suburb of boston), she initiated every important step by which her religion attaired tke position it held when she passed away on dec. 3 1910; thus she laid the foundation for its later development and future progress. as has been remarked by intelligent observers, mrs. eddy’s faith in god, her dependence on prayer, her obedience to christ, her patience in adversity or opposition, and her combination of practical and spiritual wisdom were exceptional in the most extraordinary degree. beyond cavil or question, her life was an illustration and a demonstration of her proposition that “ prayer, watching and working, combined with self-immolation, are god’s gracious means for accomplishing whatever has been successfully done for the christianisation ard health of man- kind.” (science and health, p. 1.) see the life cf mary baker eddy, by sibyl wilbur, boston (christian science publishing society, 1923). | (c2p.s:)