CRIMINOLOGY

the tardiness of the social sci- ences in bringing light to bear on the vital problems of modern society is strikingly illustrated in the definition under crimti- nnotocy, vol. 7, ‘a new branch of social science devoted to the discussion of the genesis of crime,” and the exposition and crit- icism of the views of the italian savant, cesare lombroso. it seems incredible, but it is nevertheless a fact, that, prior to the publication of lombroso’s l’uemo delinguente (the criminal), which was given to the world in 1876, there had never been offered a serious, scientific approach to the study of the criminal. it is true that some 75 years earlier the viennese physician and phrenologist, franz joseph gall, then resident in paris, had laid crile—criminology down the proposition that criminal tendencies were probably innate, and might be detected by the conformation of the skull, but his suggestion was not taken up by his disciples. there is no evidence that it was known to lombroso. the positive school —lombroso’s theory of the criminal as a sub-human anthropological freak, marked by anatomical and other “ stigmata ’’ and doomed by his nature to a criminal ca- reer, was at once accepted by a majority of students in italy, and by scholars and writers of distinction in other european coun- tries. though subjected to weighty criticism, and though never received in any english-speaking community (due possibly, to the native resistance of what we call the anglo-saxon mind to ideas emanating from the other side of the channel) it became, and fora generation remained, the dominant doctrine of euro- pean students of the problem of crime. the aclherents of the doctrine, at first known as the italian and later as the con- tinental school of criminology, have, under the influence of its most eloquent and learned modern interpreter, enrico ferri, claimed the title of the positive school. but the central doctrine of these thinkers did not long stand in the unqualified form in which it was originally promulgated. even lombroso himself, before his death in rg09, had modified his views to the extent of admitting that the “ born ” anthro- pological criminals numbered perhaps not more than half of those committing criminal offences. these were the “ true” criminals, the other half being made up of the victims of cir- cumstances. these modifications of the original doctrine were the result partly of the researches and conclusions of some of lombroso’s immediate italian disciples, such as raffaele garo- falo and enrico ferri, but even more, perhaps, of the challenging writings of the dutch publicist, william a. bonger, who em- phasised the influence of economic conditions, and of the french philosopher, gabriel tarde, and others, who attributed crim- inality mainly to the psychic impulse of imitation. while all these efforts, like the doctrine impeached by them, were vitiated by the aim of furnishing a single explanation of the extremely complicated and puzzling problem of the persistence of crime in an orderly civilisation, each and every one of them, nevertheless, made a contribution to the criminology of the future. absence of physical criminal type.—it remained, however, for an english physician, dr. charles goring, medical officer of ii.m. prison service, to demonstrate the fallacy of the central assumption of the italian criminologists. adopting more rig- orous methods of examination and measurement of inmates of the english prisons and correlating the results with similar examination and measurements of members of the law-abiding community, he proved conclusively that criminals, as a class, differ more widely among themselves than they do from the community outside and that the latter show the same “‘ stigmata of criminality ” that criminals possess. in his work, the aiglish convict, published in 1913, dr. goring announced, as an “ in- evitable conclusion ”’ from his researches ‘‘ that there is no such thing as a physical criminal type,” a conclusion which is now accepted by every criminologist of standing. dr. goring’s further conclusion, stated with equal positiveness, that “ there is no such thing as a mental criminal type,” while it is also generally accepted, rests upon no such satisfactory basis ol evidence and may be regarded as open to contradiction. whatever may be the merits or the defects of the specific doctrine which will always bear lombroso’s name, his work has these outstanding merits: it first gave the study of the criminal a scientific basis and it powerfully stimulated technical as well as popular interest in the problem. prior to his time there had been few to question the traditional view of the criminal as a wicked person deliberately and perversely choosing the evil rather than the good. even the penal reforms with which the names of the italian beccaria and the english romilly and bentham are associated were inspired almost entirely by hu- manitarian motives. but since lombroso’s death the scientific study of the criminal and of the personal and social factors that are favourable to his development has been going on with in- : creasing momentum. croatia-slavonia american progress.—except in the field of penology, america was late in getting into the current of criminological thought. yicre there were eminent prison reformers before howard and romilly, and the first american penitentiary, for better or for worse, became the model of the european convict prison. it is in the united states, too, that the most hopeful and daring experiments in the treatment of the convicted offender were undertaken. but it was not till the first decade of the present century that the scientific study of the criminal began to receive the serious attention of students of the subject. teachers of the social sciences in several american universities incorporated the topic in their lectures and in 1909 the first american society for its study, the american institute of criminal law and crimi- nology, was organised in the city of chicago. it is worthy of note that the first half-dozen annual volumes of the journal of the society are almost exclusively taken up with criminal law and its penological developments, while of the 160 pages of the last number of the journal at hand (nov. 1925), 93 are devoted to studies and methods of study of the delinquent. the new psychology——this significant change of emphasis, which became apparent about 1915, was, perhaps, primarily due to the rapidly developing interest of the new psychology in morbid and defective mental conditions, an interest which has powerfully stimulated the growth of that branch of medical science now known as psychiatry (¢.v.).. the psychologist found his most interesting and revealing material for the study of the mind in the asylums or hospitals for the insane, and it was only a short step further to the study of similar abnormal types of personality in the prison, with the result that it 1s scarcely too much to say that in 1926 every psychiatrist is a criminologist. this development, which went on pari passu in england and on the continent and which was, in fact, largely inspired by the writings of freud, jung and other european students, has, in recent years, become the dominant influence in criminological thought on both sides of the atlantic. social mechanism and crime.—during the same quarter- century that has witnessed this extraordinary development of psychologic thought, the social sciences have been turning more and more from speculation and the discussion of general prin- ciples to the concrete study of the workings of the social mecha- nism. particularly in america, where sociology is a highly fa- voured study, the science has been greatly enriched and is being in a measure reconstructed through the critical investigation of existing personal and social conditions. thus we have “ sur- veys ”’ of cities and towns or of rural communities in which the social conditions which breed dependency and delinquency are brought to light, and “ case-studies ” of dependent families or of children “ in trouble,” through which the domestic or individual factors which he back of the trouble are disclosed and analysed. usually the psychologist with his mental tests or the psychiatrist, with his psychoanalytic apparatus and his interpretation of the reaction of the individual to his specific environment, is at hand to contribute his diagnosis to make up the sum of knowledge which the social worker requires. (see socrolocy.) present attitudes ~—from these combined influences three results of first-rate importance are already in evidence. the first of these is that criminology is less and less concerned with the identification and description of “‘ the criminal” and more and more with the understanding of the individual offender; the second, that the principal emphasis is being laid, perhaps to an excessive degree, on the mental siudy of the delinquent; and the third, that the medical concept of treatment is by way of super- seding the legal concept of punishment. the reference here 1s, of course, to the attitude of the criminologist and not of the public nor of the agencies of law enforcement, which cling to their idols. it is worthy of note how impervious the public and the courts are to the influence of criminological thought. even the doc- trines of lombroso, during the generation when they were in the ascendant and commanded the allegiance of most continental students, made practically no impression on the criminal law or procedure of any european country. there is still too much diversity of opinion among criminologists as to the nature and 761 causes of criminal misconduct to justify a confident statement of their views, but the following tentative summary may, perhaps, be ventured as representing the trend, if not a consensus, of opinion. relation to sociology.—thcere is no criminal class except in so far as criminal misconduct has with certain individuals become habitual. criminals are selected by force of circumstances (and here the economic factor comes into play) from the community at large. the insane, the mentally defective and the psycho- pathic stand the best chance of being so selected. it has been upon the whole a fortunate circumstance that, as outlined above, criminology has been adopted into the family of the social sciences. if this robs it of the independent status conferred upon it by its parentage, it*has, on the other hand, enormously en- larged its range and utility. crime now presents itself as only one of many inter-related social phenomena of a malignant character, such as the persistence of poverty, of widespread dis- ease, and of mental disorder and defect. criminology profits by, and it makes its peculiar contribution to, the study of each of these related disorders of the social body and, like the other social sciences, it furnishes a reflection of the state of health of the community in which crime is permitted to flourish. criminology in this later phase of its development, thus furnishes a solid body of knowledge as to the causative factors of delinquency, both the personal and the social, on which construc- tive efforts to abate the evil may hopefully be based. this analysis of the recent development of the science must record the great service that has been rendered by the american institute of criminal law and criminology, not only in the pub- lication of its journal, but even more, perhaps, by placing at the service of students in america and other english-speaking coun- tries excellent translations of the leading criminological treatises published in foreign languages. biblioograpihy.—only a few items from the abundant recent literature of the subject can be given here. for the purposes of the general reader the following are perhaps the most useful: james devon, the criminal and the community (london, 1911); charles goring, the english convict (london, 1913); kar) birnbaum, die psychopathischen verbrecher (berlin, 1914); william healy, the individual delinquent (boston, 1915); maurice parmelee, crimt- nology (new york, 1918); charles mercier, crime and criminals (new york, 1919); w. i. thomas, the unadjusted girl (boston, 1923); e. h. sutherland, criminology (philadelphia, 1924); jane addams and others, the child, the clinic and the court (new york, 1925); miriam van waters, youth in conflict (new york, 1925); j. l. gillin, criminology and penology (new york, 1926). | (g. w. k.*) croatia-slavonia (see 7.471), since 1918 provinces of yugoslavia (the serb-croat-slovene state). its area is 16,920 sq. m.; and the population (1920) 2,739,503. the struggle in the dual monarchy.—the triumphant vindi- cation brought by the friedjung trial to m. supilo and his colleagues of the serbo-croat coalition (see friedjung) gave a {fresh incentive to the idea of unity throughout the southern slav provinces of austria-llungary. on april 3 1912 the croatian constitution was completely suspended by royal decree and cuvaj invested with far-reaching dictatorial powers. an at- tempt on his life by the student juki€e (yukitch) june 8 was followed by still more reactionary measures, and on july r1 the autonomy of the serbian orthodox church in slavonia and ijungary was also suspended. the cuvaj regime had a magical effect in furthering the movement for yugoslav unity. hence- forward the slovenes—clericals no less than progressives— began to take an increasingly active part in the yugoslav movement. it was peculiarly unfortunate for austria-hungary that the cuvaj regime should have been at its height when the balkan league achieved its dramatic victory over the turks. when austria-hungary mobilised, protests were heard on every side against the bare possibility of war with serbia, which to the yugoslavs would be a veritable civil war. on dec. 27 1912 cuvaj was replaced by a colourless official, dr. unkelhiusser, who marked time until a fresh candidate for the post of commissary or dictator was forthcoming in the person of baron skerlecz (july 23 1913). this appointment at a 762 moment when austria-hungary was again contemplating war with serbia naturally increased the ferment. on nov. 30 skerlecz was made ban, the illegal decrees of cuvaj revoked and gencral elections ordered—the fifth since 1906. the coalition maintained its majority, the government only obtaining 10 seats; but though this time the diet was allowed to meet, no attempt was made to satisfy yugoslav aspirations or to solve the real issues at stake between hungary and croatia. more and more the situation in the south of the monarchy was allowed to drift. on the eve of war the university and middle school students had five or six newspaper organs of their own, in zagreb, vienna, prague and elsewhere; and every shade of opinion was represented, from doctrinaire radicalism to revolu- tionary terror. the bosnian group was the most extreme (sce bosnra-hercegovina), but the unrest was quite as pronounced among the croats as the serbs, and was rapidly spreading to the slovenes also, and even the moslems, who were the last to be infected by nationalistic feeling. the sarajevo murder on june 28 ror4 was the sixth outrage in four years, and four of these took place in zagreb. the war r914-8.—immediately on the outbreak of the world war measures of extreme severity were taken by the civil and military authorities of austria-hungary thrceughout their ‘yugoslav provinces. the exact number of persons arrested or interned will probably never be known, but the yugoslavs were regarded, and treated, as a hostile population. in croatia alone was there even a semblance of constitutional government. the diet of zagreb was allowed to meet, and the serbo-croat coalition pursued a policy of pure opportunism, avoiding any pronouncement on matters of high policy. meanwhile, a certain number of yugoslav leaders had man- aged to reach foreign soil before the outbreak of war, and during the winter of 1914 constituted themselves as the yugoslav com- mittee with its headquarters in paris and london. its two foremost leaders were dr. trumbi¢ and m. supilo (two of the makers of the resolution of fiume) and it also included dr. hinkovie (known as the chief advocate in the zagreb treason trial, and ivan mestrovi¢ (meshtrovitch), the sculptor. in dec. 1916 the yugoslav committee issued a manifesto in favour of complete independence and unity with serbia and the deposition of the habsburgs; but at home in croatia the coalition sent its delegations to the coronation of charles as king of hungary. by its compliance it obtained the appointment of its nominee mihalovi¢] as ban and was thus able to husband croatian resources and on occasion to practise passive re- sistance. it accepted the stafus guo, but no amount of pressure could ever wring from it a disavowal of trumbie and the exiles: and meanwhile by secret agreement the croats and slovenes of dalmatia and istria took advantage of the political amnesty and the resumption of parliamentary life in austria, to form a unified yugoslav club in close alliance with the czechs, and to demand the union of all the yugoslav territories of the monarchy in an independent state organism. the declaration of corfu, concluded on july 20 r91r7 between pasi¢ as serbian premier and mouthpiece of all serbian parties, and trumbi¢ as president of the yugoslav committee, defined the lines upon which the three branches of the yugoslavs desired unity and independence. 1 the birth of yugoslavia—tin sept. 1918 count tisza, with the crown’s approval, visited zagreb, sarajevo and dalmatia in order to win support for a magyar solution of the southern slav question, but he was everywhere met with a blank refusal. on oct. 1, encouraged by bulgaria’s surrender, the czech and yugoslav deputics in the reichsrat demanded separate rep- resentation at the peace negotiations, and proclaimed their absolute right to decide their own future state allegiance. on oct. 10 the yugoslav national council was transplanted from ljubljana to zagreb and strengthened by the inclusion of representatives of all parties. when a week later the hungarian govt. declared in favour of personal union and the emperor issued a decree in favour of the federalisation of austria, korosee (koroshets), in the name of the czech and yugoslav clubs, un- reservedly rejected this project and claimed that the future of croce both nations was an international problem which only the future peace conference could solve. ‘5 henceforth the yugoslavs acted independently of both vienna and budapest, and president wilson’s answer to burian’s peace note (refusing to negotiate save on the basis of a rec- ognition of czechoslovak and yugoslav national claims) was the signal for open repudiation of habsburg rule. local com- mittees were formed in dalmatia and bosnia, which recognised the authority of the yugoslav national council in zagreb and in its name disarmed the troops pouring northwards from“the broken albanian and macedonian fronts. as early as oct 23 a croat regiment disarmed the magyar militia in fiume and took possession of the town, and on the 28th the military command in zagreb handed over its authority to the national council. next day the diet proclaimed the independence of croatia from hungary and assumed conirol of fiume. the arsenals of pola and cattaro were already in the hands of the insurgents, and the emperor charles, in the hope either of winning the favour of ithe new regime in zagreb, or of throwing an apple of discord between it and the entente, signed a decree on the 31st, making over the whole austro-hungarian fleet to the yugoslav state. before this fact could become known to the entente a daring italian officer swam into pola harbour and blew up the tlagship “ viribus unitis’ with the new yugoslav admiral on board. the entente insisted upon the surrender of the fleet into their hands, but meanwhile prescribed the frontier line of the secret treaty of london as the line of occupation under the austro- hungarian armistice. this was keenly resented by the yugoslavs, as a violation of wilsonian principles, and when the italians proceeded to occupy trieste, istria, north dalmatia, and some of the islands, a dangerous situation arose. the zagreb govt. urgently in- vited the assistance of the serbian army, which during the final advance contained a large proportion of yugoslav volun- teers. on nov. 18 the first serbian troops entered fiume, and on the 23rd the zagreb national council, under pressure of events and alarmed at the equivocal attitude of the entent< towards the new state, proclaimed the union of the terri‘cries under its control with the kingdoms of serbia and montenegro, and invited the prince regent of serbia to assume the regency of the new state. this decision took formal effect on dec. 1, when 24 delegates from zagreb appeared before prince alex- ander in belgrade and invited him to proclaim the union. croatia in the yugoslav stute-—the first yugoslav cabinet was constituted under stojan protie as premier and the slovene clerical leader korosie as vice-premier: trumbic became forcign minister and the other portfolios were divided more or less equally between serbia and the new territorics. the dignity of ban of croatia was at first retained, but centralist tendencies soon gained the upper hand in the new state, and it was abolished under the new constitution of st. vitus’ day 1921, and the provincial administration gradually wound up. this was much resented in croatia, and trumbi¢ and other croat deputies voted against the constitution, but they were left in a minority owing to the fatal policy of abstention pursued by the croat peasant party under stephen radi¢, which made it possible for pasie to carry through his centralist designs and refuse a reason- able compromise. radi¢’s capitulation to pasie in the summer of 1925 and his acceptance of office in a radical cabinet marked the triumph of the centralist idea, at least for the time, but it also put an end to the conilict of serb and croat as a party issue and so marked a notable stage in the consolidation of yugoslavia. (see also yugoslavia.) croce, benedetto (1866- __), italian philosopher, was born feb. 25 1866 at pescasseroli, aquila, of an abruzzese family, the seat of which had been transferred to naples by his grand- father. there croce was educated at a catholic school. in 1883, having lost both his parents in an earthquake, he went to live in rome with his paternal uncle and guardian, silvio spaventa. he entered the university but did not pursue his studies there, returning to naples in 1886, where he occupied himself for several years with researches into local history and antiquitics. his con- crockett—cromer tributions to philosophy began with two essays (1893) upon the nature of history and the method of literary criticism the leading ideas of which he developed in two later papers in 1900 and 1904-5. between 1896 and 1900 he published also a group of essays on points of marxian economic doctrine. shortly after, in 1902, he began the systematic exposition of his philosophy of the spirit, divided into aesthetic, logic, philosophy of conduct (economics and ethics) and theory and history of historiog- raphy. in 1903 he founded the journal la critica, in which he reviewed the whole fine literature of italy for 50 years, and later similarly reviewed its contributions to historical literature. during all this time he continued to publish a great number of important works on philosophy, european literature and history. his collected works in 1926 filled nearly 20 volumes. though actively interested in educational administration, he never sought or occupied any university office. in 1910 he was nominated to the senate of the kingdom, and was minister of education in the giolitti cabinet (june 1920—july 1921). croce’s philosophy.—the philosophy of croce, often errone- ously classed as “ hegelian,” had its avowed sources in the ideas underlying the literary criticism of francesco de sanctis, and, more generally and remotely, in those adumbrated in the sctenza nuov of g. b. vico, both like himself neapolitans. more sig- nificantly, it arises from and perpetually returns to his own personal experience in his lifelong and multifarious activity as a student of literature and history. here he finds himself in vital touch with concrete reality, and deliberately confines his re- flections to'the content of actual or enacted history with a view to its interpretation. hence he has been led to assert the identity of concrete philosophy with history, and to define the task of abstract philosophy as the discovery and formulation of the immanent methodology of history. from the common domain of both he excludes any supposed realities which transcend ex- perience, and abstains from speculations about such, as he also does about primal origins and ultimate ends. history as enacted and occurring and history as interpreting what is thus “ given ”’ he views as the work of one spirit, which there expresses and em- bodies itself. in every part and moment of history that spirit is wholly and indivisibly present and active. its presence and operation are not confined to human history, but extend in all directions to the utmost bounds of experience. the spirit which is thus omnipresent throughout the whole content of experience is indivisibly one, but its unity is also a quaternity, and it has in its structure four eternally distinct and distinguishable “‘ grades,” the ordered circle of which in its life or progress it perpetually traverses, so endowing or filling itself with experience and ever enriching its being. its four functions in their conjoint exercise generate the contents of expericnce, within which we can and must distinguish four corresponding grades, stages, kinds or realms, the respective subject-matters of aesthetic, logical, eco- nomic and ethical theory, departments of philosophy, which to- gether without addition constitute the whole of it. in its total cognitive function this spirit manifests itself as art, the first or ‘ dawn ” form of knowledge. in this grade it expresses itself in individual embodiments; in so expressing itself it at once creates and beholds what it creates, and has for its objects (which are also its works) whatsoever in experience presents a char- acteristic individuality. in its second cognitive grade, as logic or abstract philosophy, it expresses, brings to existence and view, and so knows whatsoever is universal. uniting, as it cannot but do, both functions, and thus becoming concrete in history, it effects an 4 priori synthesis between what is individual and what is universal; in doing so, it wins actual understanding of the real and enters upon a course of knowledge which runs from sense- perception up to explicit history. the history which thus in history comes to be understood is wholly the work of the same spirit in the exercise of its total practical function, which has two cor- responding grades, in the lower or earlicr of which it enacts what is individual, in the higher or later what is universal, or, rather again, in its actual or concrete exercise, enacts both in one, and so fills the stage of history with its deeds. still more actually or concretely, it is active at once as making or creating and knowing 763 or understanding its own history, which is its whole sclf. the only reality which can truly be called absolute is a history with- out beginning and without end, self-begotten and self-explaining. the developments and applications which croce gives to this fundamental doctrine are extraordinarily various, and often highly novel and even paradoxical. they have excited widespread interest and evoked abundant criticism and oppo- sition. against his critics croce carries on a sustained and skil- ful polemic. he exercises an increasingly profound influence on the higher thought of his country and beyond it, and even those who most firmly dissent from his teaching acknowledge the dar- ing originality of his philosophy, the patience and vigour shown in its systematic development, the literary dexterity displayed in its exposition and defence. to many it seems already to have established a place in the world of contemporary philosophy comparable with that occupied during a great part of the roth century by the system of hegel. bintrogcrrarny.—g. prezzolini, benedetto croce (naples, 1909); il. wildon carr, the philosophy of benedetta croce (london, 1917); rk. piccoli, benedetto croce, an inireduction io his philosophy (new york and london, 1922), ~the following contain bibliographies of works by and on bene- detto croce: benedetto croce, contribite alla critica di me stesso, 1918, english translation (1926), clarendon press, oxford; g. castellano, iutreduzione allo studio della opere di benedetto croce (bari, 1920); g. castellano, benedetto croce (naples, 1924). (jeals.*) crockett, samuel rutherford (1860-1914), british novelist (sce 7.477), died at avignon april 20 1914. croker, richard (1843-1922), american politician (see 7.481), died in dublin, ireland, april 29 1922.