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CHILE
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Encyclopaedia Britannica (1926) / britannica_1926
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1926:chile:6eec5298ca9f
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a republic of south america and a mem- ber of the league of nations. its area is 289,810 square miles. by the census of 1920 the population was 3,754,723, an increase of approximately 15-5° 4 over that recorded at the previous census of 1907. the southern provinces showed an increase and the northern a decrease from 1907 to 1920, attributed largely toa movement into the towns. the chief towns and their populations in 1920 were: santiago, 507,296; valparaiso, 182,422; con- cepcien, 64,074; antofagasta, 51,531; iquique, 37,421; and talca, 36,079. the population of the country was estimated at 3,937,678 in october 1925. 612 i. political history apart from the economic repercussions of the world war, the period rg1o to 1920 was not of great significance in the history of chile; but the years 1920 to 1925 were more pregnant with troubles than any period since the civil war of 1891. the election on dec. 23 1910 of ramen barros luca as president marked a triumph of the moderate liberal over the conservative and clerical party. in the same year the celebrations of the centenary of chilean independence were held, and, apart from their effects in stimulating patriotism and national pride, they were made the occasion for according special honours and at- tention to argentina, thereby strengthening the rapprochement that had been growing between the two nations since the settlement of their boundary dispute in 1902. the opening in 1910 of the transandine railway, to connect santiago with buenos aires, formed another link with the sister republic. relations with the united states were strengthened by a settle- ment in ro11 of the long outstanding alsop claim, in accordance with the award of george v. of england. two years later the arica-la paz railway, built by the govt. of chile with the co-operation of bolivia, was opened; although a useful aid to the prosperity of both countries, the treaty governing its construc- tion and working later provided matter for controversy, for bolivia desires free and unhampered access to the sea. the immediate pre-war years were years of optimism and progress, with a comparative quiet in internal affairs. there was no really important political event, and little to record beyond the continuance, at intervals, of uneasiness in the northern provinces, because of the outstanding boundary dispute with peru, which assumed scrious proportions from time to time. the war period.—the outbreak of war in 1914 placed chile in a position of difficulty. an influential section of her population was dominated by german ideas and ideals, fostered by a thoughtful propaganda. the chilean army was trained on the german system, by german officers; the educational system was largely german; southern chile contained many german colonists; and the clergy were mostly favourable to the central empires, because of irance’s anti-clerical policy. the com- mercial position was also an important factor, for germany was the chief source of chilean imports, and ranked third amongst her customers abroad. the navy, which for some years had followed english ideas, was largely favourable to england. the third section of the population, that which leaned toward french culture, was small but influential, and showed its ex- istence by skilled propaganda. with these factors at work there was only one safe course for the govt. to pursue, and that was one of strict neutrality, which was not altered even by the entry of the united states into the war, or by the sinking of the german cruiser ‘‘ dresden ” in chilean territorial waters by british warships. the presidential election of 1915 was marked by great ex- citement and disorder, and resulted in the election of juan luis sinfuentes, representing a coalition of liberal democrats with conservatives and nationalists, as against a combination of radicals, liberals and democrats. the relative strength of the different political parties caused a continuance of the instability of cabinets, which had long been characteristic of political history in chile. the years 1917, 1918 and 1919 saw the fall of one government after another, and consequently the general impossibility of achieving any satisfactory solution of national problems. anti-peruvian riots at antofagasta and iquique were followed by the mutual withdrawal of consular officers of both countries. had it not been for a general wave of prosperity during 1917 and 1918 (due to the allied demand for nitrate and other materials used in the manufacture of munitions) serious unrest might have occurred. with this wave of prosperity came a consciousness in the working classes of the desirability and necessity of better conditions of life generally; the agitation which followed, and led up to the presidential election of 1920, was significant as the real turning point in the general conserv- ative tendency which chilean politics had, without serious interruption, always shown. chile post-war years—in 1920 the political parties consisted of three groups (a) the conservatives, (6) the nationalist liberals and democratic liberals, known as the union, and (c) the left wing liberals, radicals and democrats, known as the alliance. the union had a majority in the senate and the alliance in the chamber of deputies. the union candidate for the presidency was don luis barros borgofo, and don arturo alessandri represented the alliance. the presidential election was held on june 25 after a campaign of unprecedented intensity and ex- citement, and when the result was declared a month later alessandri was victorious with 179 votes against 174 to barros borgofio. under the constitution it remained for congress to proclaim as president the candidate who had secured an ab- solute valid majority (178 of the total 354 votes) and it was thought that, when the chambers met in joint session for this purpose, a means would be found of preventing alessandri from assuming office. a cry was raised that he was to be robbed of his victory, and it was generally felt that the defeat of the popular, as against the aristocratic candidate, would lead to revolution. it was finally agreed that a tribunal of honour should be formed of seven members to decide the question, and that their decision should bind congress. this was published on sept. 30 giving alessandri 177 valid votes and barros borgofo 176. alessandri assumed office on dec. 23 1920 in circumstances which did not favour the working of the ambitious democratic programme he had promised during his election campaign. polli- tical partics were so represented in the senate and the cham- ber of deputies that the formation of a cabinet capable of receiving sufficient support for government was almost impos- sible. the hizh cost of living, the industrial and commercial] stagnation and the steady increase in unemployment, with the inevitable instability of currency and budget deficits, all added to the difficulties. furthermore there was the relentless hostility of traditionalist politicians to the reform policy, in which the senate, with its safe union majority, could block any measure. the country itself was impatient to see some materialisation of the promised measures of reform. the political atmosphere of 1921 was one of expectancy, and was marked by a steady de- crease in the president’s influence: the forces against him were from the outset too strong, and, faced with the open hostility of his enemies, he began to lose his friends through his inability to carry out his promises. a split in the ranks of the alliance (which followed a general election to the chamber of deputies) added to the strength of the conservative groups; and a strong working-class agitation, resulting from increased uncmploy- ment, further jeopardised alessandri’s position. after several attempts to govern in accordance with his ideas, the president, finding the obstructions insurmountable, tendered his resignation on nov. 17 1921, partly for that reason and partly on grounds of ill-health. dissuaded from this step by don ismael tocornal, head of a non-party ministry, he re- mained in office, but almost powerless to effect not only his projected reforms but even the ordinary measures that were im- peratively necessary to the routine of government. the main activities of congress in 1922 centred round national finances and the old tacna-arica problem, which was productive of the most bitter controversy; a revival in the nitrate industry re- lieved for the time the pressing labour problem, which had been the chief cause of tension during alessandri’s first year of office. many ministerial crises occurred, for neither of the two most powerful parties—conservatives and radicals—would consent to take part in the formation of a cabinet. nevertheless two very important laws were passed, the first on feb. 6 re- serving all traffic along the coast to chilean vessels, and the second ratifying the washington protocol of arbitration for the boundary dispute with peru. the holding in april and may 1923, at santiago of the fifth pan-american congress helped momentarily to distract attention from the anxiety that pre- vailed throughout the year, during which no solution was found for any of the serious political problems. the coup d’ etat of 1924.—the year 1924 opened with a rep- elition of the events of 1923—ministerial crises followed by chile deadlocks, which continued until september. in that month a military junta was formed under gen. dartnell; having obtained the adherence of the navy, a joint memorial was presented in the form of an ultimatum to the president, demanding that certain legislative measures be immediately passed. the existing ministry of aguirre cerda thereupon resigned, and the president accepted unconditionally the terms of the ultimatum. a “committee of government ” (junta de gobierno), which had the support of public opinion and was received almost without disturbances, was formed under the leadership of gen. alta- mirano on sept. 5. having notified the public and his rep- resentatives abroad of the success of this coup d’etat, president alessandri resigned on sept. 8, his place ad inecrim being taken by gen. altamirano; congress rejected the resignation, and, instead, granted the sefior alessandri six months leave of absence, which he accepted. on sept. 10 he left for buenos aires by special train under the u.s. flag, escorted by the ambassadors of the united states and argentina. the self- creation of the junta de gobierne with executive and legislative powers, the dissolution of congress and the appointment of a ministry by the juufa on sept. 12 1924 marked the final de- parture from a constitutional regime. early in nov. a very elaborate scheme was passed, based upon electoral reform, for the restoration of constitutional govern- ment. a series of laws, in the form of decrees, was inaugurated and applied to the most varied subjects, with the intention of effecting the reforms which the wasted time of congress in pre- ceding years rendered imperatively necessary. the municipali- ties of santiago and valparaiso were dissolved and replaced by local boards appointed by the junta; provincial governors were replaced; general investigations into the working of government departments were instituted; and, generally, the activities of the junta made themselves felt everywhere. no violence or bloodshed accompanied this revolution; the country accepted the position, in the hope that at last it might be pos- sible to purify political life and thus obtain relief from the anomalous and uncomfortable state to which it had drifted. the return of alessandri.—the revolutionary govt. appeared to be making steady progress with the necessary reforms when, on jan. 23 1925, a new coup d’etat overthrew the provisional govt. and established a new justa in its place. the new move- ment was directed by sefior bello codesido, gen. dartnell and adml. ward, who, recognising alessandri as the constitutional president, appealed to him to resume office. all political parties approved of this appeal, which reached alessandri at venice; and he having assured himself that his return was desired by the whole country, agreed, upon conditions, to do so. a new cabinet was appointed to carry on the government until his return on march 20, on which date he was -recetved with en- thusiasm by ministers, officials and the populace. the system of decree-laws inaugurated by the first junta was copied by their successors, and the president found himself, in the absence of congress, obliged to legislate on this system. the public soon began to demand the return of constitutional regime, but alessandri, fearing a recurrence of political chaos (which he had attributed to the impractical constitution), refused, declaring that before congress could be convoked a thorough revision of the old constitution of 1833 would be necessary. on april 16 this was completed, and on aug. 31 a plebiscite was held to take the opinion of the country on the proposed changes. the re- vised constitution was given a great majority; it was pro- mulgated on sept. 18, and came into force a month later. the new constitution is presidential in character. its chief points of difference from that of 1833 are:— (1) ministers are now responsible to the president only; theorct- ically no amount of adverse criticism can affect their position if they can count upon presidential confidence; (2) the budget must be pre- sented to congress four months before it is due to come into force; it becomes law automatically if, by the end of that period, it has not been passed by congress; (3) a provincial assembly is created, to control the finances of municipalities and to report yearly thercon to the president; (4) all religions not subversive of public morals or peace are permitted—and the roman catholic is no longer the state religion, 613 apart from these important changes in the constitution the year 1925 was one of many changes in the general trend of affairs. after an embittered controversy (regarding candi- datures for the forthcoming presidential election), alessandri resigned on oct. 16, his place being taken by barros borgono, the vice-president. on oct. 24 the election was held—under the new constitution—and passed off without disorder, the result being that don emiliano figueroa was elected by a large majority over dr. salas, the ultra-democratic candidate. two days later the supporters of the defeated candidate declared a general strike, and on oct. 26 santiago was the scene of serious rioting; business and traffic were suspended, a few shops were looted, and at one time the mob was in complete command of the city. by the end of the year there were still many signs of the prevalence of the restless democratic spirit, and that, com- bined with the grave state of the national finances, provided a difficult problem for the new president. defence.—military service ts compulsory for one year, recruits being called up in their 20th year, followed by nine years in the active reserve, and thereafter up to the age of 45 in the second reserve. the active army in 1924 consisted of 18,700 men and 1,100 com- missioned officers. the first-line reserve numbered about 100,000 trained and 125,000 untrained men, with a second-class reserve of 200,000. the army has been trained and organised largely on the german system. cadet, artillery, cavalry, engincering and infantry schools are maintained by the state; in 1924 a school for non- commissioned officers was formed. the navy consisted in 1925 of one battleship, five cruisers, five destroyers, six submarines and various minor craft, personnel being 650 officers and 7,000 ratings. service aviation is divided between army and navy. in 1925 the army air force acquired some 83 new machines of various makes, giving a total of 100 machines; 36 pilots were gazetted in 1924. the naval air force was still in tts infancy in 1925, when 12 hydroplanes were ordered. the police force numbered 10,237 officers and men in 1922. education.—primary education was made free and compulsory in aug. 1920. the state also assists higher schools and the universities. in 1924 there were 3,271 primary schools with 8,779 teachers and 392,183 pupils; 92 secondary schools and 15 public norma! schools with 420 teachers and 2,39! pupils; a number of vocational and pro- fessional schools, and the university of chile with 5,000 students. il. financial and economic history national finance.—the unit of currency is the gold peso valued at 18d., but paper, issued by the govt. and guaranteed by a con- version fund, is chiefly used. exchange fluctuated ponsderbly from ig1o-25, declining from 9:°75d. in 1913 to §-73d. in 1924 with an increase in the premium on gold of from 85-31 % to 218-89 % in the same period. in 1912 a demand was made for a new issue of treasury notes, and permission was given to the caja de em1sion to issue notes against gold at the rate of is. to the peso. the govt. had guaranteed to convert the existing paper currency into gold at 18d. a peso, but this project had to be deferred owing to political conditions and to economic stress generally. in 1914 the conversion fund stood at 108,160,754 and in 1925 114,721,780 gold pesos. the following table shows the state of national finances in 1913 and from 1920 to 1925,the figures being translated into sterling:— year revenue | expenditure eens , £ £ £ 1913 13,714,270 | 12,395,582 | 46,936,000 1920 16,522,000 19,812,860 51,675,000 1921 15,150,000 15,675,000 63,050,000 1922 15,000,000 14,880,000 65,100,000 1923 20,775,000 | 23,250,000 62,608,317 1924. 15,500,000 16,350,000 66,612,534 1925. 17,945,000 | 17,950,000 |not available 1 includes government guarantees, the kemmerer financial mission spent three months in chile in 1925 inquiring into the financial system of the country. it dealt with tax laws, banking, currency and the financial administration of the state. a number of recommendations were made to the govt., three of which were adopted up to sept. 1925:— (a) acentral bank, called the banco central de chile, was created by decree law no. 486 of aug. 21 1925, for the purpose “ of sta- bilising currency and regulating the rate of exchange and discount”; the bank’s opcrations were to be limited to member banks and it was to have the exclusive right of issuing notes in terms of gold pesos as set out in the monetary law; (6) amoncetary law was signed on sept. 16 1925 (decree law no. ' the dispute with peru in regard to the provinces of tacna and arica is treated in a separate article. (see tacna-arica,) 614 528) establishing as the monetary unit of chile the gold peso con- taining -183057 gm. of fine gold; (c) a bank law was signed on sept. 23 1923 (decree law no. 550) creating a superintendency of banks, and making regulations for the establishment and operation of all national and foreign banking institutions. production.—that part of chile which lics between latitudes 33° and 44° contains the agricultural districts, the chief of which is the great central valley between the andes proper and the smaller range running along the coast. irrigation has been developed and this, together with the introduction of modern methods and machinery, caused considerable increase in production after 1910. wheat, the chief product, is cultivated from chiloe to atacama. other products are barley, dax, forage, fruit, maize, oats, potatoes, rye, and in tacna, sugar-cane. viticulture has been assisted by the government. in 1921 the area planted in vineyards was 66,585 hectares; from this 1,250 thousand hectolitres of wine, grape cider and other beverages were produced. in 1924 chilean livestock comprised 329,454 horses, 33,580 asses, 43,816 mules, 1,995,538 cattle, 4,569,166 sheep, 525,106 goats and 263,330 pigs. a ministry of agriculture was formed in 1924 to encourage and assist the development of national agricultural production. industry.—national prosperity depends mainly upon the nitrate industry, some 75% of the state revenue being derived from the export duty on nitrate; chilean companies produced 55°. of the total national output. conditions resulting from the war affected the industry in that germany (chile’s greatest buyer before 1914) was compelled to increase her domestic supply by synthetic prod- ucts; so that, whereas chile in 1913 supplied 54-7 °> of the world’s nitrate, in 1924 she supplied only 30‘; nevertheless 1925 saw an improvement, and it was believed that the synthetic product could never satisfactorily supplant the natural, in which chile has great resources. from 1910 to i918 the production of copper grew steadily, the output increasing from 38,231 tonsin 1910 to 44,665 tons in 1914, 106,814 tons in 1918 and 235,000 tons in 1924. the production of coal increased from 898,971 tons in 190g to an annual average of over 1,000,000 tons. imports of foreign coal decreased during the same period from 1,303,000 tons to 165,517 in 1923, with little difference during 1924 and 1925. manufactures showed considerable growth from 1910 to 1925, especially during the years of the world war. in 1910 there were 5,270 manufacturing establishments in the republic; in 1923 there were 9,000 employing nearly 100,000 work- people. the chief industries, apart from mining, were: foodstuffs, hour-milling, sugar-refining, and other by-activities of agriculture; next in importance came leather goods, clothes, chemical products, printing, lumber-mills, metal-working, textiles, tobacco products and construction materials, in that order. the mining industry is that upon which chile mainly relics for her prosperity, and, apart from nitrate, copper and coal, mentioned above,she also works iodine, iron ore, borates, silver, gold, sulphur, salt, lead, manganese, lime, guano and gypsum. kiesclguhr and apatite are found, but up to 1925 there was no export demand for them. trade.—a large portion of the national revenue comes from the customs tariff, of which a revision is considered every five years. the 1921 amendment provided for an increase of 50%; but the year 1923 showed a decrease of £864,393 on the 1913 figures. the out- break of the world war interrupted trading, but from 1915 onwards there was a steadily increasing demand for nitrate, meat, wool and metals. in the five years 1914-8 the value of exports exceeded that of imports by $1,200,000,000 gold. foreign trade 1913-24 imports exports ioi se ou 24,713,836 29,723,283 1914-20 (annual average) 24,568,321 39,285,145 rg2t. e : : 28,597,688 33,281,485 | 1922 17,788,618 25,394,027 1923 24,098,299 40,742,069 _1924 27,244,307 45,448,437 trade with foreign counirtes | british empire ls: germany imports | exports] imports | exports | !mports| exports a pe fn a’ a me o of ,o o re) o a ry) iqii 24 ai 13 5 20 2 iqi3 35 38 7 21 2 21 i9i9 26 2 4d i2 = 1924! 26 24 23 i 13 ! estimates. the chief imports in 1925 were: manufactured goods (chiefly textiles), machinery, crude petroleum, sugar, metal goods, printing china paper, chemical and food products, tea and yerba mate. the prin- cipal exports in order of importance were nitrate, bar copper, iodine, borax, iron ore and miscellaneous mining and agricultural products. communications.—in 1925 chile had §,624 m. of railway of which 3,100 in. were state-owned, the remaindcr being worked by private enterprise. ‘he state lines run north-south down the centre of the country, with branches to the coast. by treaty of 1904 chile agreed to pay bolivia the value of the chilean section of the arica-la paz international railway, and the last payment was made in 1924. a state line of 128 kilometers from iquique to pintados was com- menced in 1914 and was nearly conipleted by the end of 1925. the chilean and argentine sections of the transandine railway came under unified administration in 1921, and in 1922 a convention with argentina was signed for the construction of a second transandine line vid salta and lonquimay concomitantly. electrification schemes were begun in 1920 and by 1924 the first zone of the state railways was completed, from valparaiso to santiago vid llai llai and from llai llai to los andes, thus connecting with the transandine which it is also proposed to electrify. many minor schemes have been planned, since ample hydroelectric power can be made available. telegraphs in 1922 totalled 16,494 m., of which 10,141 m. belong to the state. telephones numbered 25,000 subscribers in 1922, and new trunk lines between valparaiso and santiago were planned in 1925. in 1922 there were 22,101 m. of roadsin the country. shipping in 1922 totalled ror steamers with 69,790 tons, and 26 sailing vessels with 9,252 tons. from aug. 9 1922 a new law reserved all coastwise shipping to chilean vessels, and this gave impetus to the national mercantile marine. a chain of wireless stations has been erected along the coast from arica to punta arenas. brsliography.—r, e. mansfield, progressive chile (1913); w. h. kocbel, afodern chile (1913); j. mills, chtle physical features, nutural resources (1914); f. j. g. maitland, chile, lis land and people (1914); h. g. jamesand p. a. martin, the republics of latin america (1923); w. s. robertson, listory of the latin-american nations (1925). see also anuarto ibero americano; the south american year book (london); department of overseas trade, reports on the industrial and economic sttuation in chile (1921, 1923, 1924, 1926). for official statistics in detail, see the boletin festadtstico (santiago, monthly}, the -lauarta estadistico (santiago, yearly) with its synopsis. (h. g. j.; c. du.) china (sce 6.166), a republic since rorz and a member of the league of nations. its area, including mongolia, chinese tur- kestan and tibet, is 4,278,352 square miles. the population according to the 1910 census is 342,639,000, including the chinese estimate of the population of tibet at 6,500,000. the years following 1909 were marked in china by changes which were to work a greater revolution in the civilisation of the country than had been known for many centuries. these changes were due primarily to the impact of western peoples upon china. the impact had been continuously in progress since the close of the 16th century, and in it traders, missionaries, diplomats and armed forces had all had their share. it was not, however, until the last decade of the 19th century that chinese culture had begun to show any marked modifications. then, after the fleeting reforms of 1898 and the spectacular failure of reaction in the boxer uprising (1900), the long resistance that had been presented to the west seemed suddenly to crumble, and old institutions, ideas and customs were discarded or modified with unprecedented and startling rapidity. the political revolu- tion of 1911-2, with the deposition of the manchu rulers and the substitution of a republican for a monarchical form of govern- ment, accelerated the alterations in other phases of the nation’s life, and by the beginning of 1926 this more inclusive revolu- tion had proceeded far and was still in progress. the changes were especially marked in the realm of government, of education and of literature, but they were also noteworthy in religion and economics, and had begun to appear in social customs and the structure of the family. the entire movement may in time prove to have been one of the most important developments in human history. it has already shown itself to be one of the most noteworthy in the long history of china. i. political history to the uninitiated observer the political history of china of the vears from the beginning of 1910 to the close of 1925 must seem a hopelessly confusing kaleidoscope of names and factions, accelerated as the years passed and tending more and more rapidly toward the breakdown of all ordered government. even for the expert observer it is often difficult to distinguish more china than the main figures of the drama, a drama that often appears to degenerate into melodrama. certainly the years have witnessecl increasing political chaos and a progressive weakening of the central government. there have not, however, been wanting some movements that give promise of a more stable and hope- ful future. it helps to simplify the situation to recognise that in the main two factors have been at work, the traditions of china’s past and contact with the west. it has long been one of the fea- tures of chinese history that when one dynasty has given way to another the transition has been marked by a period, some- times prolonged, when the processes of government have broken down in whole or in part, when banditry has been rife and when rival military leacdlers have been striving to achieve the mastery of the entire nation and to ascend the imperial throne. often no one of these rivals has been able to control the entire country, and the empire has been divided into warring principalities which have risen, altered their boundaries and then disappeared, all with disconcerting rapidity. eventually, however, some one has always succeeded in reuniting the country under one im- perial sway. this traditional process was in part repeated in and after 1911. the manchu dynasty had long been decadent, and after the death of the great empress dowager it needed only a timely rebellion to topple it off the throne. that rebellion came in totr1, and the manchus promptly collapsed. t'rom time to time various leaders, most of them military men, have been in supreme power in peking, but they have each had to face re- bellions and none has succeeded in long remaining in power. here and there men, supported by more or less well-organised bodies of troops, have for longer or shorter periods made them- selves masters of part of a province, an entire province or several provinces; and between these leaders, either acting singly or in cliques or “‘ parties,” there has been intermittent civil war. | the entire process was complicated by relations with the west, for this contact brought with it new political ideas, the inter- ference of foreign powers, and the incentive to a strong feeling of nationalism. for more than 2,000 years a change of dynasty had meant little alteration in the form of government. the new rulers adopted, usually with some modifications, the laws and institutions of their predecessors. now, however, there was an effort to substitute for a monarchy a republic—a purely western creation—and to recast political institutions in moulds that were partially occidental. no people, however, can hope to destroy its traditional political structure and erect a new one without a near approach to anarchy. then, too, as though the nation were not confronted with enough difficulties, foreign powers did not permit it to work out its problems alone, but insisted upon inter- fering, either to extend their possessions and privileges or to prevent others from doing so. on the other hand, contact with the west and the aggressions of foreign peoples helped to arouse among the chinese a new sense of nationalism, and this dis- played itself in deep resentment against alien interference and in the attempt to bring about the reorganisation. the fall of the monarchy yiian shik-k’at.—most chroniclers are agreed in dating the revolution of rg11 from the outbreak which took place at han- kow in oct., after the accidental explosion of a bomb and the arrest of a number of anti-dynastic plotters, but the country had undoubtedly contained all the materials for an upheaval since the death of the empress dowager in 1908. for 100 years it had been evident that the dynasty was about to pass the way of its predecessors. the ability of its leaders was declining, and internal rebellions and the encroachments of foreign powers were constantly bringing problems. with the passing of the empress there was removed the last person strong enough to post- pone the debacle. the manchus, seeking some means of averting the impending crisis, had tried several methods of concession intended to placate their opponents. in 1906 there had been announced a plan for reorganising the government. the central ministries of state were to be remodelled and the gradual intro- duction of representative bodies had been promised. in ac- 615 cordance with this project; provincial assemblies had been con- vened in 1909, @ national assembly had met in 1o1o, and a national parliament had been promised. in nov. 1910 the man- chus had yielded to the demand of the national assembly and had promised the convening of the promised parliament for 1913; six months later, the regent had agreed to replace the grand council by a responsible cabinet. the imperial clan was divided against itself at this critical juncture, but even had it presented a united front the forces which brought about the abdication of the dynasty were beyond its strength. if those leaders who came rapidly to the front after the initial successes of the rising at hankow were able to bring about the downfall of the manchu dynasty and the establishment of a republic almost without a struggle, it was not because they repre- sented any conscious objection to the monarchical form of govern- ment on the part of the masses, but because they constituted at the moment practically the only organised body of educated opinion in the country and were inspired by definite aims and ambitions. dr. sun yat-sen and other active leaders of the revolutionary movement had for some years been conducting an anti-dynastic propaganda in the central and southern prov- inces, and their activities led to the formation of numerous associations which displayed great activity in the press and in the national assembly. the signing with a foreign banking group of the hukwang railway loan agreement (april 5 1911) led to friction in one of the provinces affected, szechwan. in sept. the province was in rebellion. on oct. 10, in con- sequence of a revolutionary plot in hankow, there occurred in wuchang a mutiny of troops which was the signal for the formal beginning of the revolution. when, immediately after the outbreak at hankow, the mutineers captured the wuchang mint and the arsenal at hanyang, it became apparent that the regent possessed no resources either of strength or of statecraft. serious- ly alarmed by the rapid spread of the rebellion, he was persuaded to call to his aid the famous viceroy, yiian shih-k’ai, whom he had disgraced and dismissed from office in jan. 1909. in oct. rorr yiian was recalled from his retirement and appointed viceroy of hunan and hupeh, with supreme command of the imperial forces. yiian’s military operations on behalf of the monarchy were half-hearted at best, and require but little com- ment. he took the field toward the end of oct., but returned to peking in nov., having been chosen prime minister. at the end of nov., after desultory fighting, the position of the rebels in and around hankowhad become untenable, but by this time the propaganda of sun yat-sen’s emissaries, combined with the helplessness of the manchus, had borne fruit. the emperor's abdication.—yourtecen provinces had declared against the monarchy. nanking, moreover, was captured by the revolutionaries. in dec. yiian shih-k’ai agreed to an armi- stice. at the outset yiian was not in favour of a republic, but the manchus were hopelessly incompetent, officialdom and the revolutionaries would have made it impossible for him to seize the throne for himself even had he desired then to do so; he failed to win the moral and financial support of the foreign powers; the regent had abdicated (dec. 6), and tang shao-yi, the ablest of ytian’s lieutenants, had declared his sympathy with the cantonese republican party. the only courses open were surrender or negotiation. the armistice negotiations commenced at hankow in dec., with tang shao-y1 as imperial delegate. on the 18th they were transferred to shanghai. the result was a foregone con- clusion; before the end of the month the manchu court had agreed to submit to a national convention the question of monarchy or republic. late in dec., sun yat-sen, who had been out of the country when the revolution began, arrived at shanghai, and a council of provincial delegates at nanking elected him president of the republic. in feb. the empcror’s abdication was proclaimed in an edict which transferred the government to the people’s representatives, declared that the constitution should henceforth be republican, and gave yiian shih-k’ai full powers to organise a provisional republican govern- ment. the nanking govt. agreed that the emperor should 616 retain his title through life and receive a large pension. sun yat-sen resigned the presidency in favour of yiian shih-k’ai, who was thereupon elected provisional president by the nan- king parliament. li yiian-hung, who had come into prom- inence in the initial stages of the rebellion at wuchang, was elected vice-president. a provisional constitution was pro- mulgated in march by the nanking parliament. on april 2 the government was transferred from nanking to peking. yiian shih-k’ai’s position as president was one of great diff- culty and danger. from the outset he was held in suspicion by the radicals, who in aug. 1912 took the party name of kuo min tang! and who were in control of parliament. rival military leaders were, moreover, already beginning to appear and to engage in the time-honoured struggle for supremacy. then, too, ¥ytian was faced with grave financial problems, chiefly due to the fact that the fiscal machinery of the country had been dis- organised by the revolution. there were, moreover, difficulties in the field of foreign affairs. nevertheless during the next four years yiian brought something like order out of the chaos, and gradually restored in the provinces the authority of the central government. in april 1913, after prolonged negotiations, yiian concluded the “ reorganisation’ loan with a financial group representing great britain, france, germany, russia and japan. this loan was a large one, and was secured by a lien on chinese revenues, principally on the income from the salt monopoly. elis financial position and the moral support of the foreign powers thus assured, yiian proceeded to defy the kuo min tang. the latter had obtained a majority at the elections held in the beginning of the year, and came to peking for the opening of parliament in a belligerent mood, greatly exasperated by the assassination at shanghai of one of their ablest leaders, sung chiao-jen, the speaker-elect, whose death was probably due to the president’s orders. assembled under these conditions, the new parliament was destined to have a stormy career. yiian shih-k’ai refused to recognise its claim to supervise his loan negotiations, and ordered the conclusion of the agreement with the foreign banks in spite of the protests of the radical leaders. realising the danger of their position, many of these now fled from peking, and in the central and southern provinces “ a war to punish yiian ” was begun. it lasted only two months and ended in complete rout. yiian was now firmly in the saddle. monarchical activities—after thus forcibly asserting his authority, yiian proceeded to consolidate it. in the first place, in oct. 1913, he forced through his election as president for a term of five years, his title having hitherto been provisional. a few weeks later, by a mandate endorsed by his docile cabinet, he ordered the unseating of all the kuo min tang members of parliament, on the ground of their treasonable conspiracies. as half of the senate and more than half of the hlouse of representa- tives were thus disposed of, no parliamentary quorum was left. the surviving remnant of parliament was soon replaced by a political council, and ‘‘ an administrative conference for the re- vision of the constitution,” composed almost exclusively of officials and literati of the old school, selected by the president or by his agents and representatives in the provinces, and the provincial assemblies were dissolved. by the beginning of 1914 it was evident that yiian intended to restore the old orthodox autocracy. in 1914 a revised provisional constitution lengthened the presidential term to 10 years and gave the president decisive control over parliament. late in 1914 the president performed the time-honoured imperial wintcr solstice ceremony at the temple of eleaven. in the summer of 1915 the movement for the restoration of the throne assumed definite form and direction. the chou an hui, a group composed chiefly of yiian’s support- ers, organised an energetic monarchical propaganda at peking 1the kuo min tang was the first purely party organisation in china. with a strong nationalist and anti-foreign bias, it was evolved out of the tung meng hui founded by sun yat-sen and other advanced leaders in japan, and gradually acquired a membership ot 500,000, scattered throughout the world. throughout the revolu- tionary period it has been exceedingly active, especially in canton, and worked for the accession of sun yat-sen to the presidency. its left wing is very favourable to the bolsheviks. china and in the provinces. one of the ablest and most influential scholars in china, liang ch’i-ch’ao, who had strongly supported yiian’s fight for the preservation of the monarchy in ror1, boldly denounced the chou an hui's propaganda and warned the president of the perils which threatened the course upon which he was embarking. resigning his position on the state council, liang proceeded to publish his opinions in the peking gazette. ytian, well aware of the far-reaching influence of liang’s views, did ail in his power to win his support. failing in this, he made a pretence of constitutional procedure by referring the question of the monarchy to a vote of the provinces, or rather to the vote of a number of individuals appointed by himself to repre- sent them. the result, a foregone conclusion, was a practically unanimous vote in favour of yiian’s accession. yviian’s failure—ytian, however, was to fail to seize the cov- eted throne. the world war had broken out, in the far east the entente powers were submissive to the wishes of japan, and japan was opposed to the proposed change. in the autumn of 1915 japan, great britain, russia, italy and france joined in counselling yuan to delay the change to a monarchy, and japan later reiterated the advice. there was, too, among many of the articulate classes of the country opposition to a monarchy. moreover, and this was extremely important, many military chieftains were by no means content with the assured mastery of yiian and the formation of a new dynasty, for this might check their own ambitions. in dec. 1915 a rebellion, led by tsai ao, a military official educated in japan, broke out in far-wegtern yiinnan, and the province, through its officials and local gentry, declared its independence in opposition to the monarchy. the insurrection spread with a rapidity which justified the foresight of liang ch’i-ch’ao and emphasised the fact that, as matters stood, yiian had not achieved either the personal prestige or the pecuniary resources sufficient to command for his authority as emperor the loyalty of the semi-independent chieftains. by the end of jan. kwangsi and kweichow had renounced their allegiance and other provinces were waverirg. his star was so rapidly declining that his advisers persuaded yiian to issue an official announcement postponing indefinitely the establishment of the monarchy. having thus confessed to failure, yiian’s fate was sealed. by the end of march his oppo- nents had become so many and so active that his remaining friends advised him to resign the presidency. a month later he had been denounced as a usurper in nearly every province by the very men who had “ elected”? him to the thronein nov., and even at peking there were but few to do him reverence. nev- ertheless he declined to retire, but to placate his opponents he announced his intention of reintroducing parliamentary govern- ment without dclay. the kuo min tang leaders, however, were rot disposed to come to terms with pekirg. repudiating yuan, they proclaimed the establishment of a provisional government at canton and elected li yuan-hung to the presidency. but at this juncture yiian died (june 6 1916), li yuan-hung, as vice- president, duly succeeded to the presidency. while these developments were taking place in china’s internal politics, events of great moment were happening in her for- cign relations. the revolution had brought few startling changes in the country’s relations with the powers. tibet and outer mongolia, at best none too firmly attached to the empire, took the opportunity afforded by the change in government to effect their virtual independence, and great britain in the former case and russia in the latter were not slow to attempt to extend their influence over states which so directly abutted on their territory. china recognised the autonomy of outer mongolia in return for the acknowledgment of her suzerainty, but she was less pliant in yielding to british ambitions in tibet. on the whole, the powers made little objection to the republic, although recognition was more prompt on the part of some than of others. tire woritp war the outbreak of the world war, however, brought to china some very serious difficulties. germany was well established in shantung, with the leased territory of kiaochow and its port china tsingtao, and with railway lines and mining concessions. the british naturally looked askance at this occupation, and the japanese were not at all averse to finding in the anglo-japanese alliance a reason for coming to the assistance of great britain in the far east. japan had for some years been extending her influence in china. firmly seated in southern manchuria by the russo-japanese war and subsequent events, and with a rapidly expanding trade throughout china, the world war seemed to afford her an opportunity for assuming the leadership in the affairs of her great neighbour. to this policy her economic interests seemed to urge her. in need of a source of raw materials, especially of coal and iron, and of a large market for her manu- factures, she believed that both of these were to be most con- veniently found in china. western powers had threatened to close the door there against her, and now that they were ab- sorbed in war japan’s statesmen believed that theirs was the chance to control the inchoate republic. japan’s future prosperi- ty and even her existence seemed to depend upon propping open the door into china. accordingly, japan entered into the war against germany in aug. 1914, sent an expedition to shantung, and with the co-operation of a small british force captured tsingtao and the other german possessions. it was supposed! that the german property would eventually be returned to china, but japan had disregarded chinese neutrality, and had been high-handed in dealing with the chinese population in shantung. in jan. ro1g5 she presented to peking a formidable array of 21 demands in five groups. 1. in shantung, china was to agree to any transfer of german possessions to japan that the latter might obtain. china was not to alienate to a third power any territory in the province, she was to declare additional cities to be open ports and was to grant certain railway privileges. 2. in south manchuria and eastern inner mongolia, the lease of port arthur, dairen (dalny) and the railways was to be extended from 25 to 99 years. japanese might anywhere in these regions lease land and travel or reside. there were, too, demands for mining anc railway concessions, and for the japanese control of loans and the employment of japanese official advisers. - 3. the han yeh p’ing company, the largest chinese iron-mining and smelting concern, was to be made a chino-japanese enterprise and china was not to sell her interest in it without japan’s consent. 4. china was to promise not to cede or lease to any third power any harbour, bay or island along her coast. 5. china was to employ japanese as advisers to the central govern- ment; the police departments in certain districts were to be jointly administered by japanese and chinese; china was either to buy 50% or more of her munitions from japan or to establish a sino- japanese arsenal, which was to use japanese materials under the direction of japanese; japanese were to be granted the privilege of owning land in the interior of china for schools, hospitals and churches; certain railway concessions in the yangtze kiang valley were to be promised, and japan was to be allowed to scrutinise all proposed loans of foreign capital for mines and works in fukien. for a time japan kept the demands secret, but as they became known a wave of indignation swept over china, and there was criticism both in great britain and in the united states. after some weeks of negotiation, the first four groups were granted in a modified form, but the fifth was indefinitely postponed. japan had made gains, but at the expense of alienating the chinese. in aug. 1016 there was trouble on the manchurian-mongolian border between chinese and japanese troops which led to further ill-feeling and fresh demands upon china—demands from which, however, t6ky6 subsequently largely retreated. then, in feb. and march of 1917, japan made secret arrangements with great britain, france, russia and italy? whereby she was assured of the support of these powers at the peace con- ference in her demands for the former german holdings in shantung. internal difficulties —the war was, too, to bring still further problems for china. with the death of yiian shih-k’ai, the 14 statement made by count okuma, the japanese premier, early in the tsingta' campaign, ran as follows: “i now state to the ameri- can people and to the world that japan has no ulterior motive, no desire to secure more territory, no thought of depriving china or other peoples of anything which they now possess.” 2for the text of these understandings sce ii. w. v. temperley, ltistory of the peace conference, vol. vi. p. 63. - 617 prospect for the early unification of china under a strong central government did not immediately disappear, but it became remote, and in 1917 complications arising out of china’s entrance into the world war hastened the process of disintegration. tuan chi-jui, the premier of the new cabinet, endeavoured to disarm the opposition of the southerners by convening the tarliament which yiian had broken up in 1913. at the opening of parlia- ment two facts were speedily made manifest: first, the kuo min tang’s repudiation of peking’s authority had not been inspired solely by yiian shih-k’ai’s attempt to restore the monarchy and would not end with it; second, the existence and proceedings of parliament, no matter under what constitution convened, were completely at the mercy of the military goverrors. parliament, in which the kuo min tang predominated, declared its intention of adhering to the nanking provisional constitution, pending the completion of a new and permanent instrument, for the prepara- tion of which a special drafting committee was appointed. but the military governors made it plain that their practice would continue to be determined by their own recessities. during the latter part of 1916, however, progress seemed to be made toward the establishment of order and unity, and it is possible that this might have continued had it not been for an internal conflict over the country’s relations with the central powers. in the winter of 1016-7, the question of china’s joining the allies came to be seriously considered by tuan chi- jui’s cabinet. the premier and most of his colleagues were eager to take this step, but among the older officials there were some who preferred a policy of passive neutrality. in feb. 1917 the american minister at peking invited the chinese govern- ment to follow the example of the united states by formally pro- testing against germany’s submarine campaign and by sev ring diplomatic relations. on feb. 9 the chinese foreign office sent a warning to germany, and on march 14 broke off diplomatic intercourse with that country. the premier and his supporters were now eager, and especially after the declaration of war by the united states (april 1917), to secure the benefits of complete identification with the cause of the allies by declaring war against the central powers. a conference of military governors convened by the premier at peking on april 26 voted for war; a few days later the cabinet adopted a unanimous resolution to the same cffect. but members of parliament who professed to sec in the attitude of the military governors a menace to parlia- mentary government, or who were alarmed by the increasing rumours of secret agreements between tuan’s party and japan, constituted an opposition sufficient to prevent the cabinet from carrying its resolution into immediate effect. on may to parliament adopted a resolution to the effect that it would decline further to consider the question until the cabinet had been reconstructed. tuan countered the move by a com- munication from the military governors to the president demand- ing the immediate dissolution of parliament. thus challenged, the president issued a mandate (may 23) dismissing the premier. tuan fled from the capital and, taking refuge with the military party’s leaders at tientsin, announced his intention of defying the president’s authority. the military governors of several provinces north of the yangtze kiang thereupon proceeded to declare their independence of the central government, and at the beginning of june established a “‘ provisional government ” at tientsin with an aged ex-viceroy, hsu shih-chang, as titular head. at the same time they warned li yuan-hung that if he desired to remain president he must dissolve parliament. to enforce their demands they procecded to mass troops in the vicinity of the capital. ti yuan-hung now summoned to his aid as ‘‘ mediator ’? chang hsun, a famous swashbuckler chieftain. chang promptly came north with a ‘ bodyguard ” of several thousand troops, but the value of his mediation was discounted by the announcement that he would insist upon the dismissal of parliament. on june 12 li yuan-hung yielded, and parlia- ment was dissolved by presidential mandate. personal fends—the question of joining with the allies against germany was now by common consent relegated to the background, and all attention concentrated on the struggle of 618 personal ambitions at peking. tuan chi-jui, with his tuchun supporters, was still in watchful waiting at tientsin. many members of the kto min tang had fled to shanghai and canton and were preparing to take the field against peking. the vice- president, feng kuo-chang, announced that the region in which he was in control, the lower yangtze kiang valley, would remain “‘ neutral.’’ the danger of internal dissensions on a wide scale was unmistakably more serious than at any time since the over- throw of the manchus. in june the united states addressed a note to the chinese government deploring the prospect of civil war, and intimating that the restoration of national unity was a matter of more immediate importance to china than the declara- tion of war against the central powers. this advice aroused re- sentment in japan, and was proclaimed by the kuo min tang as an intimation that the united states was opposed to the policy of tuan chi-jui. chang hsun soon showed that he had no intention of attempting to bring about a reconciliation be- tween president and premier. his policy became fully revealed by a coup-de-main (july 1) which withdrew the young empcror from his retirement and proclaimed the restoration of the dragon throne. tuan chi-jui and the northern military chiefs were not, however, disposed to see chang hsun thus easily assume a dominating position, and while they had no especial enthusiasm for the republic their personal ambitions left them no other re- course but to denounce the change and to take active measures against it. tuan, therefore, led his army to the capital to defend the republic. after a few days of desultory and half-hearted fighting, chang hsun capitulated (july 12) and the young em- peror was consigned once more to the tranquil dignity of his court without a kingdom. tuan chi-jui now resumed the premiership, and with enhanced prestige and power. the position of li yuan-hung as president had, however, become impossible, and from the japanese legation, whither he had fled for safety upon the proclamation of the monarchy, he announced his intention of retiring into private life. he was succeeded by the vice-president, feng kuo-chang, who declared his readiness to en- dorse the policy of the premier. the declaration of war was formally issuej on aug. 14. the kuo min tang members of the former parliament con- tinued to denounce the peking govt. as illegal, and, under the leadership of sun yat-sen, in sept. organised a provisional goverment which they declared to be the only constitu- tional one in china. not to be outdone by peking, moreover, this government issued a separate declaration of war against the central powers. almost before the new president had as- sumed office at the capital, his adherents were in conflict with the premier concerning the policy to be adopted in dealing with the south, tuan chi-jui being for strong measures, and feng kuo- chang for conciliation. as the result of these differences, tuan chi-jui once more resigned; but again his friends intervened and proclaimed their intention of carrying on the war against the south, with or without the consent of the government, and chang tso-lin, the tuchun autocrat of manchuria, moved a body of troops into chihli. tuan chi-jui thereupon resumed the premier- ship and took the offensive against the southern provinces. ilaving “ vindicated the republic,” it was necessary for tuan chi-jui to maintain the appearance of constitutionalism. he thercfore convened an assembly, which proceeded to revise the law for parliamentary elections. this having been duly promul- gated (feb. 17 1918), a new parliament was chosen in time to deal with the quinquennial election of the president. on sept. 4 the presidential election took place, but the matter had been decided in advance by the tuchuns assembled in conference at tientsin. feng kuo-chang was passed over, because he could not work with tuan chi-jui, and hsu shih-chang was elected. china’s part in the war.—china’s internal discord and financial straits were such that she could take no active part in the world war. she permitted, it is true, the recruiting of labour battalions for service behind the lines in france, mesopotamia and africa, and about 175,000 chinese served in this way; but the govern- ment’s part was passive, for the initiative was taken and the transportation and organisation were conducted by the alles. china f china seized, too, the german and austrian vessels interned in her ports, and chartered at least some of them in the service of the allies. she obtained, moreover, relief from the payment of instalments on the boxer indemnities, for she cancelled the un- paid portions duc to germany and austria and was permitted to suspend for the time the sums due to the allies. there was some promise made of her helping in the maintenance of order in the north against disintegrating russia, and in may 1918 japan and china entered into an agreement for defence against disorder and possible invasion from that direction. a “* war participation board ” with a japanese adviser and an “ arms contract”? of jan. 1918 still further betokened the increase of japanese influence at peking. the augmented revenues were squandered, largely by selfish militarists. the united states had seemed to the chinese their strongest foreign support against the cncroachments of japan, and now (nov. 2 1917) washington, partly to insure friendliness with japan while the two were in the war, entered with tokye into what is known as the lansing-ishii agreement, which, while reaffirming the open door into and the territorial integrity of china, carried the recognition by the united states that japan had “special interests ” in china and seemed to surrender the asiatic republic to the will of her island neighbour. moreover, the group around tuan chi-jui, the ‘‘ anfu ” clique, were concluding agreements with japan for the construction of railways in shantung, manchuria and mongolia (sept. 1918) and were borrowing extensively from the japanese on the security—not all of it very reliable—of railways, mines, forests, telegraphs, taxes and bonds, the peace conference.—-when the war at last came to an end, china—thanks to her participation in the conflict—was allowed representation at the peace conference. the delegation was ably led, and presented a strong plea for the restitution to china of the former german properties in shantung. it also asked for the cancellation of spheres of influence within china’s borders, for the withdrawal of foreign troops, post offices and wireless and telegraphic communications, for the abolition of consular jurisdiction, the relinquishment of leased territories, the restora- tion of foreign concessions and settlements and for tariff auton- omy. in all of these requests, however, china was doomed to disappointment, the american delegation favoured the restora- tion of the shantung properties, but against it were the agree- ments of 1917 between japan and the european allies. the remaining questions were held not to come within the purview of the conference. by the treaty of versailles, therefore, japan was confirmed in the possession of her holdings in shantung. iler assurances that these would eventually be returned were not taken very seriously either by the chinese or by the rest of the world. the hopes of the younger educated chinese had been raised by the war speeches of president wilson, and this seemingly utter failure of their cause at paris both disillusioned and angered them. their indignation was so great and so forcibly expressed that the pro-japanese peking govt. could not but instruct the paris delegation to refuse to sign the treaty with germany, and two members of the cabinet who had been most prominent in the loan negotiations with japan were forced to resign. in 1919 there followed a very effective nation-wide boy- colt against japanese goods. china was not, however, to emerge from the war period with- out some gains. she obtained membership in the league of nations by signing the treaty with austria, for that document did not contain the objectionable shantung clauses. in her separate treaty with berlin, the german share of the boxer indemnity and german participation in extra-territoriality were cancelled, and her treaties with the new states that arose in europe out of the war did not concecle extra-territorial privileges. in r920 the payments to russia of instalments on the boxer indemnity ceased, and russian extra-territorial privileges fell into abeyance. moreover, in 1920 there came into existence, largely through the efforts of americans, a new financial con- sortium whose purpose it was to assume international control of all further foreign loans to china, and so to avoid the granting of special privileges to individual nations. china washington conference.—the treaty of versailles was followed in 1921 and 1922 by the washington conference (q.v.). not all the agreements and treaties which arose out of the conference affected china, but the chinese question loomed larger than any other except possibly that of disarmament. the main actions, in so far as they concerned china, were as follows:— i. one treaty between japan, the united states, the british empire, i’rance and italy, limited naval armaments and forbade the construction of new fortifications and naval bases on most of the island possessions of the first three powers. once of the effects of this treaty was to confirm japan in the naval domination of the north- eastern coast of ‘asia. no power could now hope to penetrate by force through her curtain of islands to the coast of china. 2. peace in the pacific was further assured by the “ four power treaty’ between great britain, france, the united states and japan, which pledged the signatories for a term of years to respect each other’s insular possessions in the pacific and to confer on any controversy which arose concerning these and which could not be settled through the ordinary channels of diplomacy. 3. a‘ nine power treaty ” signed by all those represented at the conference, was an agreement to respect the sovereignty, independ- ence and territorial and administrative integrity of china, to give china opportunity to develop a stable government, to maintain the principle of equal opportunity in china for the commerce and indus- try of all nations and to refrain from taking advantage of conditions in china to seek special privileges that would abridge the rights of subjects or citizens of friendly states, 4. the nine powers signed a treaty whereby the customs schedule of duties was within four months to be raised to an effective 5 %o and provision was made for the convening of a special tariff conference and for the periodical! readjustment of the customs tariff, first at the end of four years and thereafter at the end of every seven years. by a resolution a board of reference was to be established in china to which questions connected with the enforcement of the ‘‘ open door ”’ and equal railway rates could be referred. 6. a resolution expressed the sympathy of the powers with china’s desire to see removed “ immediately or as soon as circum- stances will permit existing limitations upon china’s pelitical, jurisdictional and administrative freedom,” and provided for the early establishment of a commission to inquire into the practice of extra-territoriality in china and the progress in judicial reforms, 7, on jan. i 1923 foreign postal agencics in china were to be abolished. ao 8. the powers declared their intention to withdraw their armed forces from china as soon as china “ shall assure the protection of the lives and property of foreigners,” and resolved that as soon as china should request it they would appoint representatives to see whether these conditions had been fulfilled. or g. there were resolutions concerning radios in china. 10. there were resolutions concerning the unification of the rail- ways of china, the employment of foreign technical experts for these railways and the chinese eastern railway. ; 11, the conference expressed the earnest hope that immediate and effective steps would be taken by china to reduce her military forces and expenditures. _ 12. there was provision for machinery by which the powers were to be notified of all treaties, conventions and agreements with or concerning china. so far as formal declarations could do so, then, the powers agreed to respect china’s independence, to seek no special privileges, and to look with favour upon the aspirations of young china to achieve freedom from foreign control. the washington conference also afforded japan and china an opportunity to come to an understanding over the thorny shantung question. following the signing of the treaty of versailles, japan had made attempts to adjust the dispute, but always on conditions which had been repulsed by the chinese. now, however, japan adopted a much more conciliatory attitude, and an agreement was reached whereby the former german holdings in shantung were to be returned to china. there were conditions attached into which there is no space here to enter fully. it is well to note, however, that the japanese still retained a share in some mines in the province and large commercial interests and land-holdings in tsingtao, that china borrowed from japanese on the security of the railways the sum needed for the redemption of the roads and that during the continuation of the loan the roads were to have a japanese traffic manager. the lansing-ishii agreement which had never been satisfactory either to america or to china, was terminated (march 30 1923). the better relations established between japan and china at the washington conference were to continue until after the close of 1924, but not always without difficulty. china still recalled 619 the humiliation of the twenty-one demands, and in the spring of 1923, as there approached the termination of the 25 years for which the lecse on dairen (dalny) and port arthur was originally made, peking requested that the sino-japanese agrec- ments of 1915 be abrogated. toeky6, of course, refused, but a formal protest which might later be useful had been lodged against the extension of the lease to 99 years. cuixna after tie world war post-war policy of powers—following the world war the powers were disposed to act somewhat less aggressively in china than they had in the preceding half-century or more. this change in attitude had been shown at the washington conference, and further evidence of it was to appear as the years passed. in may 1r924 the congress of the united states authorised the remission of the unpaid portion of the boxer indemnity and plans were developed for using it to promote education in china. russia, by an agreement dated may 31 1924, assigned her por- tion for educational purposes. great britain, france and japan also allocated their portions partly to philanthropic enterprises and education in china, the arrangement bcing completed in june 1926. the danger was that the sums so released would be used to promote educational propaganda in favour of the respec- tive powers; in other words, that there would appear in china edu- cational “ spheres of intluence.”” this danger was particularly marked in the case of russia, who, under the sovicts, seemed intent on using the indemnity once due to her—larger than that exacted by any other power—for the inoculation of chinese youths with bolshevist principles. at the close of 1924, indeed, one of the outstanding features of china’s relations with other powers was the growing influence of soviet russia. the soviet republic had (1919 and 1920) as- sumed the attitude that china was the prey of capitalistic states, and that she could look for different treatment from the new regime in russia. by agreements and declarations signed may 3t 1924 the soviet govt. seemed to adopt a most con- ciliatory policy, remitting the unpaid portion of the boxer indemnity, relinquishing extra-territorial consular jurisdiction, and recognising outcr mongolia as an “ integral part of the republic of china,’”’ and providing for the ownership and ad- ministration of the chinese eastern railway (gq. v.). this policy led to a growing admiration for russia on the part of many of the chinese, but others were not without a suspicion that the seem- ing change of front was only another form of the time-honoured russian policy of penetrating china under the guise of friendship. faction fights —<at the close of the world war, it will be recalled, 1isu shih-chang was in the presidential chair and tuan chi-jui, the premier, was in control. there was a separate government at canton, maintained largely by members of the kuo min tang, under the leadership of sun yat-sen, tang shao- yi, and wu t’ing-fang. for a time most of the provinces in the south and southwest were in sympathy with canton, and the alignment seemed to be between the north and the s-uth. then dissensions broke out in the south. a kwangsi faction ousted sun yat-sen and his associates from canton. these latter were offered support by t’ang chi-yao, tuchun in yunnan, but he was discomfited, and it was under the aegis of ch’en ch’iung-ming, who drove out the kwangsi faction, that sun yat- sen and his group returned once more to canton. here, in april 1921, sun yat-sen began another chapter in his varied career by being elected ‘ president of the chinese republic’ by such members (about one-fourth) of the parliament of 1913 as could be got together. his government professed to be the only con- stitutional one in the country, and he procceded to organise an expedition to scize control in the yangtze kiang valley and the north. in 1922, however, he fell out with ch’en ch’lung-ming anc for a time was an exile from canton. when, in 1923, he was able to return to that city he had support sufficient only to main- tain a precarious foothold there and in a part of kwangtung. southern and southwestern china were a confusing medley of warring factions, and leaders and troops from yunnan, kwangsi, hunan, kiangsi and kwangtung rapidly appeared and disappeared 620 on the stage. in 1923, sun, in dire need of funds, made an attempt to seize the revenues of the canton customs, but failed to do more than involve himself in controversy with the powers. peking in the meantime was largely the victim of warring factions. the group in control, the anfu clique, was arousing enmity. especially did one of its members, the notorious hsu shu-tseng (“ little ’’ hsu, assassinated dec. 1925) come in for criticism. in 1920 the rising powers in the north were wu p’e)- fu, a scholarly and able commander, his titular superior, the tuchun of chihli, ts’ao kun and chang tso-lin, the master of wealthy manchuria. these three came into collision with tuan chi-jui, and in the summer of 1920 drove tuan and the anfu leaders out of power. hsu shih-chang was for the time being left in the presidential chair, and rapidly changing ministries tried to carry on the nearly bankrupt government. in 1921 friction arose between chang tso-lin and wu p’ei-fu which in the spring of 1922 led to war. wu p’el-fu defeated chang tso-lin and drove him back into manchuria. wu thereupon took steps which he hoped would reunify the country. hsu shih-chang resigned the presidency and fled to tientsin. li yuan-hung, who since his retirement in ro17 had been living in a foreign concession in tientsin, once more assumed the presidency, and the parliament of 1913 (dismissed by yiian in 1913, reassembled after his death and dissolved by li in 1917), which seemed to be the last elected body on which the whole country had been united, was recalled to peking. the hopes of a unified china thus aroused proved disappointingly fleeting. funds for the government were in- sufficient. parliament proved venal, cabinets were unstable, and in june 1923 president li yuan-hung again fled from the capital. in oct. 1923 parliament, probably as the result of heavy bribes, elected to the presidency ts’ao kun. in the same month there was promulgated a ‘‘ permanent” constitution on which parliament had long been working, and which had been rushecl to completion to synchronise with the accession of ts’ao kun to the presidency. the christian general—during the remainder of 1923 and the first eight months of 1924 no new major incident occurred in internal politics. early in sept. 1924, however, there broke out a fresh civil war which was to lead toa new government at peking. lu yung-hsiang, the tuchun of chekiang and a member of the anfu group, and marshal chi hsich-yuan, one of the supporters of wu p’ci-fu and in power in kiangsu, fell to fighting. the struggle shortly involved the major military figures. chang tso- lin, eager for an opportunity to retrieve his defeat of 1922, espoused the cause of lu yung-hsiang, and sun yat-sen also announced his determination to support him. wu [’ei-fu could not but come to the help of chi. then, in oct. 1924, came a surprising development. general feng yu-hsiang, one of wu p’ei-fu’s major subordinates and in control of the forces in peking, abandoned wu, deposed ts’ao kun, and ousted the manchu ex-emperor from his palace. feng yu-hsiang, for several years past one of the rapidly rising men in china, had been brought up in the military life. he had become a protestant christian, and his new faith led him to make his army exceptional for its iron discipline and for the absence of the vices usually attendant upon camp life. a large proportion of feng’s troops professed the christian faith. feng’s defection from wu led to the with- drawal of the latter to the central yangtze region. chang and feng now conferred at tientsin with tuan chi-jui, who had helped to bring about the new alignment of forces, and late in nov. 1924 tuan assumed the office of chief executive (not pres!- dent) of the republic and announced a provisional government. sun yat-sen came north at the close of the year to have a part in the new regime. at the end of 1924, then, sun yat-sen, feng yu-hsiang, chang tso-lin and tuan chi-jui were co-operating— with more or less friction—and wu p’ei-fu was in the yangtze kiang valley, where he was still strong. civil war and strikes —the hopes entertained that 1925, which was to witness the opening of the tariff conference, would put an end to the civil wars, were not realised; on the contrary, the possibility of an increase of duties being sanctioned by the powers meant more money for the government of peking, and china therefore an additional temptation to war-lords anxious to in- crease their authority and replenish their waning resources. the year opened with better prospects for marshal tuan chi-jui, the “‘ chief executive of the republic of china,” who summoned to peking on feb. 1 a “ reorganisation conference ”’ for the pur- pose of securing some working arrangement between the central government and the tuchuns—a project impossible to realise in the distracted state of the country. in connection with this conference sun yat-sen as head of the kuo min tang and president of the southern republican party travelled to peking, but was seized with illness and died at peking on march 12. to the middle of oct. despite the continued rivalry of chang tso-lin and feng yu-hsiang, there was comparative quiet, but the uneasy peace was broken when the difficult position of chang tso-lin with his long communications and his heavy responsi- bilities in manchuria began to be realised. the first blow came from sun chuan-fang, the energetic tuchun of chekiang, who had driven out lu yung-hsiang in oct. 1924. he invaded kiangsu and after having driven chang’s forces as far as hsiichow on the pukow railway, consolidated his position in the five provinces of chekiang, kiangsu, kiangsi, anhwei and fukien. it was then expected that feng would make a move, but possibly owing to fears of the renewed activity of wu p’ei-fu, the christian general came to an understanding with chang tso-lin. the truce was short for an attack on fengtien troops retreat- ing in chihli was generally accepted as the beginning of another long struggle between the two war-lords. but a dramatic revolt on the part of kuo sung-ling, commander of a fengtien army, compelled chang tso-lin to retreat suddenly to manchuria and to tientsin, while another blow came from a declaration of in- dependence on the part of li ching-lin (tuchun of chihli and chang’s own nominee). feng was now master of the situation. kuo advanced 100 m. into manchuria, and feng prepared to advance on tientsin. ile, however, found himself confronted by a serious obstacle in li ching-lin, and it was only after desperate fighting and after the successful retreat of li ching-lin towards shantung that he reached his objective. chang’s fortunes now began to revive, and were greatly strengthened by an over- whelming and mysterious victory over kuo on dec. 24. as a result of these fluctuating struggles, chang was able once again to threaten an advance on peking and tientsin. wu p’ei-fu resumed activity by advancing slowly into honan, and feng took refuge in mongolia, declaring in reply to the requests of his hard-pressed generals for his return that he was finished with warfare. early in 1926 wu p’ci-fu and charg tso-lin join- ed forces and in the late winter and early spring drove the kuo min chun (feng yu-lsiang’s army) out of peking. the peking government was now left without a head, for both ts’ao kun, the former president, and tuan chi-jui, the chief executive, dis- appeared for the time from official scenes. the able w. w. yen was in june 1926 trying to gather a cabinet and to hold together some semblance of a national] government. in the meantime (may 1926) sun chuan-fang declared the independence of the province iithe yangtze basin. the early summer of 1926 found the chief figures on the political landscape chang tso-lin in manchuria and the northeast, the kuo min chun in the northwest, wu p’e1- fu in the central north and the heart of the yangtze valley, sun chuang-fang in the lower part of the yangke valicy, and the canton government in the south. large portions of china, es- pecially in the west, south and southwest were not under the control of any of these major forces. in addition to the vicissitudes of civil war, china was dis- tracted in 1925 by a recurrence of anti-foreign demonstrations “such as have not existed since the boxer rebellion ”’ to quote mr. kellogg, the american secretary of state. in shanghai particularly a strike in a group of japanese-owned cotton mills led to demonstrations and disturbances which, aggravated and brought to a head by the shooting down of some students on may 30 1925 by the foreign police in shanghai and then taking an anti-british and anti-japanese direction, caused seitous trou- ble to the trade and shipping of these two countries. this anti- foreign movement was fanned by the bolsheviks, by the red china government of canton, and by feng, who published a series of manifestos against what he called ‘‘ foreign imperialism.”? there was a widespread movement through the nation, partly led by students, which demanded the abolition of the “unequal treaties,” and which was directed especially toward the cancellation of cx- territoriality and the recovery of full customs autonomy. to- wards the end of the year, there were signs that the anti-british movement was losing much of its force, but in canton and ad- joining sections it persisted, and it produced a most scrious situ- ation in hong-kong. despite these struggles, the tariff conference, in accordance with the terms of the washington treatics, opened at peking on oct. 26 1925 but soon met with difficulties owing to the inability of chinese delegates to give any adequate guarantees for the abolition of that irregular taxation (likin) which has caused such damage to tradein china. an agreement was reached for the res- toration of full customs autonomy and the cancellation of likin, but delays were caused by discussion of ad interim duties, and with the increasing disorder in peking due to the civil war, the conference practically came to an end in june 1926. the extra- territoriality commission, also arranged by the washington treaties, began its sittings early in 1926. il. administrative and social conditions government and administration—the revolution of 1911 brought with it a greater change than had occurred since the han dynasties (206 b.c.-214a.d.). the institution of emperor, which had its origin in prehistoric times, was abolished, and with it much of the political theory of the confucian school on which the state had so long depended. in the struggle to find a sub- stitute, ambitious military and political leaders, old ideas and standards and new political concepts from the occicdent were inextricably mixed. it is no wonder that chaos resulted. of paper constitutions there were a number, chief among them being the provisional one of 1912, which, much as in france, made the cabinet responsible to parliament and left the president largely a figurehead; the various attempts under yiian shih-k’al; and the “ permanent ” constitution of 1924, with a division of powers between the central and provincial governments, a bicameral parliament, a president elected and partly controlled by parliament, and a premier responsible to the lower house. these constitutions were more honoured in the breach than in the observance, however, and were important chieily as tentative and interesting experiments. in practice there was a president with a good deal of power, a premier and a cabinet constituted by the faction or factions in control in peking, usually with scant regard to parliament, and during much of the time some kind of parliament. political parties in the european and american sense of the term were largely unknown. the kuo min tang, led by sun yat-sen and representing the radical elements that brought about the revolution, was probably the nearest approach to a party as that term is understood in the occident. the provincial and local administrations did not change as greatly as did the central government. the old 21 provinces were maintained and a new one, sinkiang, was added. new administrative areas were from time to time created, usually in the dependencies. at the head of each province there were in theory a military governor (tuchun) and a civil governor, with powers divided between the two, but in practice there was often no civil governor and the:tuchun was usually supreme. there were, too, usually major divisions of the province, taos, with a tao yin over cach. as in imperial days, the chief local administra- tive unit was the county, or /sicn, and over each ksten was a magistrate with judicial, tax-collecting and policing powers and duties. the method of choosing or appointing officials has, in practice, varied greatly. here and there were developments toward a different type of city government. modern police forces of varying degrees of efficiency appeared in many cities. civil service —the political unrest and disorganisation is to some extent ascribable to the suddenness with which the ancient system of classical examinations for the public service was abolished (1906), and to the subsequent failure to develop a 621 scheme which ensures the continuity of the competitive principle. under both the empire and the republic there were various at- tempts to construct a new system of examinations, but none of these had the prestige or the success of the old plan. neverthe- less, the holding of office remained the chief highroad to wealth and distinction in china, and the number of aspirants to position under the government continued very large. _ justice—even before the republic, beginnings had been made toward the compilation of new codes of law, partly on western and japanese models, but with the old code partly in theory and largely in practice remaining the law of the land. the chief new codes are the provisional criminal code promulgated in 1912 and amended in 1914, the penal procedure code, 1921, and the civil procedure code, 1921. the criminal code seems to be the only one of these that is widely in operation. there has been sitting uninterruptedly since 1914 a law codification commission, with able leadership and foreign advisers. a system of courts is planned in three grades, one in each department (f#), a higher one in each province, and a supreme court at peking. these courts are to have officials with purely judicial powers. for the most part, the new courts have not been organised and justice is still locally administered by the fsien official. military courts, too, have widely usurped the functions of the regular courts. here and there, however, the new courts have appeared. there — were, too, a good many modern prisons, the first one having been organised in peking in ro12. defence.—as the result of the political disorganisation the chinese army, as a national defence organisation, practically ceascd to exist, but the troops actually serving under one or other of the tuchuns are probably more numerous to-day than at any period of the manchus’ rule. the equipment and discipline of the troops have varicd greatly, some armies being fairly well organised, as, for example, that of feng yu-hsiang, and others being little ifany better than bandits. the transition from bandit to soldier has often been easy. no one knows the exact number in the various armies, but it is probably about a million. education.—fully as significant and important as the political changes, and perhaps more so, has been the revolution in the realm of the intellect. this has been due primarily to contact with the occident, a contact which has come through a variety of channels. chief among these channels have been the extensive educational system conducted by missionaries, the migration— unprecedented for size in the history of the world—of thousands of students to foreign countries, the translation of a great many western works, the writing of many books containing western science and thought, and a new educational system built up by the government and private individuals. probably the first of these chronologically has been the alteration m the educational system. when, in 1906, the ancient civil service examinations were abolished, the incentive for maintaining the older strictly classical type of education largely passed away. the new type of school which became popular usually taught some of the chinese classics, but introduced so many “‘ western” subjects that the former were rclatively neglected. the older classical scholarship was held in high respect and was in part perpetuated, but for a time it seemed in a fair way of becoming extinct. the new schools were conducted by various agencies—christian missions (protestant american ones leading), by chinese in their capacity of private citizens and by the government. in some fields of education missionaries ied in efliciency, but as time went on the government schools came to be more and more important. the educational institu- tions were of many kinds, primary, secondary and higher, with technical and professional schools. during the latter part of the period the most influential government institution was probably the national university of peking, but there were others which - attained prominence, notably the southeastern university at nanking, pei yang university in tientsin, nanyang university —largely for engineering—in shanghai and tsing ifua college at peking for the preparation of students for the boxer indemnity scholarships in the united states. | probably the most noted foreign-controlled institutions of 622 higher rank were the splendidly equipped peking union medical college, maintained by rockefeller money and setting a high professional standard for the new medical profession of china, canton christian college, st. john’s university, the university of nanking, yenching (peking) university, shantung christian university and west china union university. the chinese have had a traditional respect for education, and in their per- plexity over the existing disorder, with almost pathetic enthusi- asm and trust, thoughtful and patriotic citizens have turned to education as the door out of the nation’s difficulties. in 1922-3 there were said to be in all grades and types of schools 6,819,486 students, of whom 6,601,802 were in elementary schools, 182,804 in secondary schools, and 34,880 in colleges and universities. only a small minority of these students were in foreign schools. although education had improved greatly under the republic, both in quantity and in quality, it was badly handicapped both by a lack of experience in the new educational methods and by a paucity of funds. given a government with revenues already insufficient for its needs, and constantly drained by great armies, teachers were often unpaid and important forward steps could not be taken. since the great masses of the nation have remained illiterate, there have been various projects for their education. one of the most recent has been a plan begun after the world war by y. c. james yen for teaching illiterates to read the most frequently used characters. one of the outstanding features of the new educational system was the part that students took in school and national affairs. they often controlled the institutions in which they studied, and when dissatisfied went on strike. student strikes, indeed, formed one of the fairly constant features of this period. students were enthusiastically interested in politics, and from time to time organised for action on a national scale. thus the anti-japanese boycott of 1919 was in large part their work. they took an active share in the shanghai disturbances in 1925, and in the same year showed strong bolshevik tendencies in peking. since the number of university students was relatively small, the larger proportion of the members of the student unions were still not out of secondary school, although they were often directed by older men. youthfulness combined with other conditions to make the students often turbulent and lacking in poise and judgment, but they were ardent in their patriotism and were resentful of any infringement on china’s dignity or sovereignty. religion—changes in the ficld of religion between the beginning of 1910 and the close of 1924 were less marked than in some other phases of chinese life, but they were by no means absent. the monarchy could not be destroyed without serious damage to the dominant religious-political system (known to westerners as confucianism) which was bound up with it. the impcrial sacrifices to heaven and to other divinities that for centuries had been a part of the nation’s life were discon- tinued, to be renewed in part and for a brief term by yiian shih-k’ai and then again allowed to fall into abeyance. after the revolution confucius himself was partially discredited in radical circles. the confucian temples that were so prominent a feature of the cities tended to fall into disrepair. they and the cere- monies in them, however, were usually not abandoned, but were {frequently maintained, often by confucian associations made up of scholars, gentry and officials. ceremonies in the schools in honour of confucius tended to fall off, but were usually not entirely given up. a system that had so long moulded the life and thought of china was not to disappear cither quickly or easily. the time-honoured local ceremonies to the gods recog- nised by the older official religion largely continued, the ancestral cult had apparently as strong a hold on the nation as ever, and the ethics of confucius and his school remained on the whole the standards of conduct. even in the first flush of the success of the revolution, the power of old traditions was seen in the official announcement of the establishment of the republic before the ming tombs at nanking. there were various attempts to revive or reform confucianism. thus in peking was founded a confucian association, and in the “ model province,” shansi, china governor yen established halls for the regular preaching of con- fucian ethics and for meditation. all of these attempts, however, seemed singularly lacking in enthusiasm and vitality. buddhism fared somewhat differently in various places and times. in the early days of the revolution there seemed to be a reaction against it, but before the close of 1924 many temples were being repaired, many neophytes were being ordained in the monasteries, and especially in east central china there was a revival of interest with a new literature and the reissue of old books. taoism showed little if any new life, and the large mosl®m groups for the most part continued their existence without either decay or much new interest. quite a number of new cults appeared, most of them atiempts to combine older faiths into one. prominent among them were the tao yiian, the t’ung shan shih, the tao t’ung i hui and the lu shen chen. probably the greatest religious change was in the growth of the christian church. catholic missionaries had been in china continuously since the 16th century, and protestants since 1807. their communities had been increasing steadily for 100 years. after 1900, however, and especially for the first few years after 1911, the breakdown of resistance to occidental civilisation and the popularity of things western, together with a fresh influx of missionaries, had led to a rapid growth of the churches. in 1923 the number of roman catholic christians was put at 2,208,800, an increase of 71% since 1910, of foreign pricsts at 1,481, of native priests at 1,071 and of bishops at 57. protestant communicants in 1922 numbered 402,539, the total protest- ant community was estimated at 795,075 and the total number of missionaries at 7,663. the number of protestant communicants had increased 132% since rg10, and the protestant community 167° in the same period. although smaller, the protestant groups were more noticeable than were the catholic. the roman catholics were touching the life of the nation through churches, schools and orphanages, and the protestants through churches, schools, especially secondary and_ higher schools, hospitals, young men’s and young women’s christian associations and many kinds of philanthropic endeavour. a number of protestant christians were prominent in national affairs. this rapid growth of the christian church aroused the antagonism of some of the student class, and in the spring of 1922 there began a violent anti-christian movement which protested against christianity partly on the ground that it was supersti- tious and unscientific and partly on the ground that it was an agent of western imperialism. in 1924 the movement revived, and in addition to its earlier criticisms protested vigorously against christian educational institutions. it looked as though the christian church were for some time to come to have a less rapid growth. within protestant communions there was, too, an increasing demand for independence from the control of foreign missionaries and an impatience with what were decmed western interpretations of christianity. social customs and institutions social customs and institu- tions could not escape the change taking place in other features of chinese life. many of the older elaborate forms of courtesy were abandoned by the younger generation. at the time of the revo- lution there was extensive cutting of queues, for this form of head- dress was associated with subjection to the manchus. fora time many chinese affected foreign dress, but with the nationalistic reaction following the world war there was a tendency to return to native costume. women often claimed and were given greater privileges. during the carly years of the republic, for example, woman’s suffrage was here and there granted. as the years passed, coeducation was introduced in many of the schools, in- cluding the higher schools, and in student circles the sexes, long so carcfully segregated, mixed with much freedom. all this was, of course, a radical departure from the past, and in some cases led to moral shipwreck. the fundamental institution of chinese society, however, the family, for the most part remained un- shaken. tere and there it was threatened by the new customs, by life in the big cities and by the gathering of workers into the new factory communities, but for the most part it was unaltered. china ill. financial and economic history the economic side of chinese life was affected, on the whole, by three agencies: continued contact with the commerce and industry of the west, the world war and internal disorder. these agencies were helping to bring about the following changes: (1) a progressive disintegration of government finances in spite of attempts at budgets and the foreign supervision of some of the main sources of revenue; (2) an increase of the public debt, both foreign and domestic; (3) the continuation of chaos in the currency; (4) the growth of a western type of chinese bank; (5) the growth of chambers of commerce; (6) the beginnings of the industrial revolution, including the rise of modern factories: (7) a general increase of prices; (8) an irregular increase in foreign commerce; (9) the stability of agriculture, but certain modifications in it, especially the renewed cultivation of the poppy for opium; (10) a continuation of famines in various sections of the country; (11) the beginnings of modern forestry; (12) a slow- ing down of the development of mining; (13) a decline in railway building and the deterioration of many of the lines already con- structed, but a growth in modern roads; and (14) a rapid increase in the telegraph and postal service. these will be brietly considered in the order given. , finances.—the partial breakdown of the machinery of the central government at the time of the revolution led to trouble with finances. order was in part restored by yitian shih-k’ai, but after his death much of the revenue that would ordinarily have gone to the central government was absorbed by the military leaders. the chieftains in more or less temporary control of a district or province often collected the land tax for several years in advance and transmitted bittle or none of it to peking. official peculation probably increased rather than declined. in the face of this disorganised revenue, the govern- ment needed increased sums, not only to maintain the immense and profitiess armies of the tuchuns, but to mect such new expenses as those for education. the difference had to be met by loans. there were professed attempts at budgets, but these were not an accurate picture of the situation and had very little effect. the budget of the eighth year of the republic for july 1919 to june 1920 was as ollows:— revenue i. ordinary ij. extraordinary 1. land tax $86,845,388 41. land tax $3,703,399 2. customs revenue 93,268,907. 2. customs revenue 695,749 3. salt revenue . 98,815,071 3. tax on com- : 4. tax on com- modities . . 26,685 modities in- 4. regular and cluding likin . 39,224,837 miscellaneous. 5. regular and mis- duties 3,911,410 cellaneous taxes 29,182,693 5. income from gov- 6. regular and mis- ernment invest- cellancous duties 4,332,541 ment ; ‘ 31,522 7. income from gov- 6. miscellaneous in- ernment invest- come of prov- ment ; . 2,411,368 inces , . 293,037 8. miscellaneous 7. income of central income of administration 3,519,838 provinces . . 5,579,263 8. income directly g. income of central received by cen- administration . 3,195,869 tral government 17,451,910 10. income directly g. miscellaneous in- received from come of central central govern- government ment . 47,072,064 10. loans . 50,948,235 $409,838,001 $ 80,581,785 total revenue re ee cn 490,419,786 expenditure i. ordinary il. extraordinary 1. foreignaffairs . $ 4,807,336 1. foreign affairs . $ 1,168,555 2, interior 43,279,539 2. interior 4,891,183 3, finance . 39,154,446 3. finance (includ- 4. war 129,585,829 ing loan service) 136,112,435 5. marine 9,194,482 4. war... 78,243,053 6. justice 10,323,124 5. marine : ‘ 185,024 7. education . . 6,058,723 6. justice 6,852 8. agriculture and 7. education 461,912 commerce 3,257,050 8. agriculture and g. communications — 1,865,556 commerce 442,357 10. mongolian. and g. communication . 163,508 tibetan affairs 1,318,842 10. mongolian and 11, central adminis- tibetan affairs 50,000 tration . 22,441,350 1. central admin- istration 2 719,102 $27 1,289,207 $22 4,473,681 total expenditure . ; > & - . 495,762,888 in 1923 a commission for the readjustment of finance, under the chairmanship of dr. w. w. yen, was appointed. in a preliminary report it said that the income of the central government actually was only $148,000,000, that of this $141,000,000 went for domestic 623 and foreign loans and military subsidies, leaving $7,000,000 to meet expenses estimated at $128,000,000. a general report by the com- mission, submitted to marshal tuan chi-jui in feb. 1925, out- lined a series of financial reforms, including the consolidation of national indebtedness, the reapportionment of national and political revenues, the enforcement of economy in national expenditure and the encouragement of industrial development, but in its final recom- mendations it added: ‘‘ the key to the solution of the present situa- tion is to be found in the reduction of military forces. unless military forces are greatly reduced, the provinces will not be in a position to reduce their expenditures. if the provinces cannot reduce their expenditures, they will not be able to remit the entire collections of national revenues to the central government. if the central government be denied complete control of such national revenues, it will scarcely have sufficient funds cither to meet its loan obligations or pay all the administrative expenses. if that should be the case, then china will not be able to maintain her national prestige abroad, nor can she effectively carry out the work of consolidation at home.” customs revennte.—the revenues collected by the maritime cus- toms for the years 1916-20 were as follows:— hk. taels hk. taels i9t6 . 37,764,311 ig2! ; . 59,007,129 iql7 . 38,189,429 1922 - + 59,359,194 mi8 . ; 36,345,045 1923 63,378,000 i9qi9q . 46,009,160 1924 69,550,000 1920 . 49,819,885 sterling equivalent of the 1924 collection at the average exchange of the hatkwan or customs tael of 3/7 4% being £12,732,000. the maritime customs, under its foreign leadership, continued to function for the entire country, but most of its proceeds were pledged to meet sums due abroad. by an agreement concluded between the allied powers and china in the autumn of 1918, the import tariff was revised and new duties fixed at specific rates, calculated to produce an effective 5 % ad val- orem levy. there was an additional revision in 1922 by a commission authorised by the washington conference. salt gabelhe.—in jan. 1913, during negotiations for a loan from the group banks, it was decided that all salt revenues were to be held as a special account. the following figures show the net revenue paid into the group banks:— lg. www 60,$09,675.75? ig1i9 . : : ‘ ; . 80,607,000 i92t . ; ; ‘ ‘ . 77,988,000 1922. ; . . 85,789,049.57 1924 . . : . ' ~ 70,544,475.86 the decline in 1924 being mainly due to transport difficulties owing to the civil war. china's indebiedness.—with the revenues in such a deplorable con- dition and the government so disorganised, recourse was constantly had to loans. some of these were obtained abroad, and tlfe creditor usually insisted on fairly good security. large amounts, however, especially those owing to japanese, were not considered to be good risks, and by 1922 the foreign legations found much of their occupa- tion in trying to wrest instalments of interest and principal from an impecunious government. large loans were, too, floated in china itself. sometimes the ‘‘ loan ” was to a chicftain in control of some city, and was merely a euphemism for an illegal tax levy. the best report of late years seems to be that of dr. lo wen-kan, made at the end of 1922. it showed the total indebtedness at the end of sept. 1922 to be $1,726,400,000 (or less than $5 per capita of the chinese population), of which $208,400,000 were domestic loans with security, $249,000,000 were domestic loans without security, $1,029,000,000 were forcign loans with security, and $240,000,000 were foreign loans (including interest in arrears) without security. in addition, unpaid military and civil expenses amounted to $180,- 000,000. this total indebtedness was not large when compared with the total wealth of the country and the debts of other nations. given, however, a government whose income was constantly exceeded by its expenses, further loans were hard to obtain even at large prem- iums and high rates of interest. it must be added, however, to make the picture complete, that some loans, even some of those owed in china, have been repaid in whole or in part during the past few years. some of the sccurity, moreover, is excellent, including especially the maritime customs and the salt gabelle, which are collected under foreign supervision. since, however, the fairly re- liable sources of income have been so largely used to secure loans, the revenue available for current government expenses has been further reduced and further loans necessitated. the end of 1925 saw little il any praspect of relief, currency.—in the commercial treaty concluded with great britain in 1902 china undertook to create a uniform national coin- age. in 1908, the government considered that the best solution of the matter would be a standard “ tael,”’ and orders were issued to 1 administrative expenses amounted to $4,897,054, or 9-7 % of the revenue, while during the year $31,304,818.22 was released to the chinese government. 624 the provincial authorities accordingly. in 1910 this plan was abandoned and a 72 candareen dollar was adopted as the standard national coin. in april 1911 an agreement was concluded between the ministry of finance and the four-power consortium for a loan of £10,000,000 of which £8,500,000 were to be used for the reform of the currency. owing to the outbreak of the revolution, however, the loan was not floated. in 1912 the establishment of a gold standard was discussed, but in march 1914 the silver dollar was definitely adopted, and in 1914 and 1915 coins bearing the effigy of yiian shih- k’ai were minted at tientsin in large numbers. there had already been a considerable production of “ standard ”’ dollars by the mints at nanking and wuchang. a memorandum by the minister of finance in 1918 put the total coinage of new dollars (of 89 °4 fineness) between i914 and 1918 at 184,000,000, against which 52,000,000 of old coins were withdrawn from circulation. the currency law pro- mulgated in march 1914 was intended to secure a limited coinage of dollars and subsidiary decimal coins of fixed values. regulations to this end were adopted by a currency commission advised by dr. g. vissering, president of “‘ de javasche bank,” but the government authorities themselves failed to observe them and the output of the mints continued to be regulated by the necessities and opportunities of the officials concerned. the copper coinage, in particular, rapidly deteriorated. in aug. 1918 the minister of finance (tsao ju-lin) proposed the issue of gold currency notes and the establishment of a currency department under the direct control of the premier. the president endorsed the scheme by mandate, but the opposition was so strong that it was indefinitely postponed. with the increased number of dollars minted in china the number of foreign dollars, especially the mexican, has declined. many mexican dollars have been melted down and the bullion either reminted or exported. the chaotic condition of the metal currency has been aggravated by the fact that numerous native banks and provincial governments have issued large quantities of bank-notes, in tacls and dollars, for the most part unsecured by bullion reserves and circulating at vary- ing rates of discount. during the revolution, moreover, military notes were indiscriminately issued. the government has since re- deemed part of them. now and then there has been an attempt to put some of the provincial notes on a specie basis, the old issues being redeemed at a discount, but as a rule efforts at reform have been transient. many foreign banks having branches in china also issue bank-notes and these circulate freely in the treaty ports. the currency, then, is in greater chaos even than under the manchus. dollars accepted at par in one citv circulate at a discount in another; subsidiary coinage passes at various rates of exchange, and neither the copper ten-cash pieces nor the cash pieces are uni- form. paper moncy of various degrees of security and lack of security and many different kinds of tacls help to make the confusion worse confounded. ‘ banks.—there had been, of course, foreign banks in china for many years, and the number increased during the republic, especially by the addition of japanese and american firms, these were for the most part stable institutions, and the failure of the (french) banque industrielle de chine in 1921 made quite a sensation. there con- tinued to appear an increasing number of chinese banks organised on western models, some of them with governmental participation such as the bank of china (organised 1911) and the bank of com- munications (established 1908), but most of them are purely private concerns. afanufactures.—one of the marked developments has been the rapid growth of factorics. these are still largely confined to the treaty ports and to northeast china and the lower and central parts of the yangtze kiang valley. by far the larger proportion of chinese industry is, as it has been in the past, in the handicraft stage and organised by guilds. ilowever, in such centres as shanghai, the wu-han cities (hankow, wuchange and ilanyang), and tientsin modern factories are important and seem to presage a beginning of a great industrial revolution. in his report on trade for 1919, the statistical secretary (inspec- torate general of customs) observed that there were then few foreign type articles of domestic use that were not made in china by factories on modern lines, the majority of them without foreign assistance. in 1906 there were i4 cotton-spinning mills in china, with a total of 400,000 spindles; in the chzna year book tor gig, the number given is 56. the china year book for 1924 gives the number at about zoo and takes 62 pages to list the various factories—and the list is a:l- muttedly incomplete. the most numerous of those given are albumen factories, canneries and biscuit companies, cement and brick works, cotton mills, distilleries, breweries and acrated water factories, dock- yards, shipbuilding and engineering works, electric light and power plants, flour mills, ice and cold storage plants, iron and steel works, leather tanneries and factorics, match factories, oil mills and bean cake factories, printing and lithographing works, rice-hulling and cleaning mills, silk filatures, soap and candle factories and tobacco factories. the great majority of these are operated by chinese capital, although a good many important ones are owned by foreien- ers. with the shortage of raw materials and the growth of labour troubles in europe chinese capitalists, and the rich merchants of the treaty ports came to realise after the war how great and lucrative are the opportunities awaiting the industrial development of china, china with its vast resources of cheap labour and raw materials, in com- petition with the manufactures of the west. japanese capitalists and captains of industry showed themselves equally alive to the possibil- ities of the situation. as a result, the development of industrial enterprises of many kinds, but especially in textiles, in the period immediately following upon the armistice was limited only by the impossibility of obtaining the necessary machinery. there came in time the inevitable reaction, and since 1922 nearly all factories have been working only part time or with greatly reduced forces. the gradual industrialisation of labour has complig¢ated the situa- tion, particularly in regard to the employment of children, concern- ing which the child labour commission appointed by the shanghai municipal council issued a valuable report in july 1924. the in- dustrial changes have also led to an increase in the number and activitics of labour unions, particularly in the south, in central china and in shanghai; but owing to their tendency to work in the dark it is impossible to obtain reliable statistics. the most powerful union is that of the seamen, which organised the great strike at hongkong. serious strikes were those of the chinese workers on sha- meen (the foreign concession of canton), the silk workers’ strike in shanghai in the summer of 1924, and the strike in the japanese cotton mills in feb, 1925. the bolshevik propaganda in china is more political than economic, and is more successful among the students than the workers. labour too is mobile, and when a chinese artisan is dissatisfied with life in the city he can always return to his native village. | prices.—one of the features of the late years has been a rise in prices, with a consequent increase in the cost of living. this was probably inevitable. prices in china compared with those in the rest of the world were formerly phenomenally low, and increasing commerce with the west has tended to force them upward, par- ticularly during and since the world war. no accurate survey has ever been made of cost of living and wage statistics throughout the whole country, but the following figures may serve to indicate the general trend. in shanghai the wholesale index number of com- modity prices for april 1923 was 157-7 as compared with prices for feb. 1913 and 118-4 as compared with prices during sept. ig1g. this does not include the cost of rent. the cost of living of a middle- class family in peking is reported] to have increased from $77.50 in te to $116 in 1922, and the following is a table of food prices in eking:— 1902 i9i2 i9qi15 i9i19 ; cost cost cost cost ordinary cloth (1 foot) , 5 70. 120 146 rice (per catty) : : : . 40 80 90 = 100 flour (per catty) as 50 70 80 pork (per catty) . : : ; wo 200: “230° 220 beef (per catty) . ; ; . 60 180 200 200 mutton (per catty). : ‘ . 60 180 190 i90 cabbage (per catty) . ; ; 2 5 6 7 anthracite coal (perton) . ..’ $.. $3 $12 $13 these prices, of course, are in citics directly in contact with foreign commerce. the increase in prices has probably not been as rapid m the interior. whether the increase in wages has kept pace with the increase in prices is uncertain. the general level for skilled and semi-skilled labour has risen more rapidly than that for unskilled. agriculiure.—vhe principal industry of china is agriculture. probably from 70 to 80°%% of the population are engaged in it, and 73% of the exports of china are agricultural products. since the revolution it has been remarkably stable, the farming population being less influenced by the changes abroad in the nation than any other class. there have been some modifications in the crops raised, however, which may atfect the welfare of the country. such new economic factors as the widespread revival of opium-growing (for- hidden by imperial edicts and actively suppressed between 1907 and ig1t), and the extension of the cotton-growing area due to the suc- cessful devclopment of the spinning industry, probably involve a reduction of the home-grown food supply. these changes, unless accompanied by an increase of national wealth sumicient to replace it by purchases from abroad, may expose the nation to increased danger of famine in bad years. according to the report on trade published by the statistical secre- tary of the maritime customs in april 1920, the cultivation of the poppy had been regularly resumed on a wide scale in several prov- inces, notably szechwan, yunnan, kweichow and fukien. by 1924 anhwei, honan, hunan, kansu, kiangsi and shensi were also re- ported to be cultivating the poppy extensively. this was at least partly due to military commanders who found in opium a convenient source of revenue and insisted upon the cultivation of the poppy in districts under their control. in 1925, however, there was evidence of a decline in opium cultivation except in fukien and part of szechwan, yunnan and kkweichow due probably to economic disturbances. between 1913 and 1918 the area under cotton cultivation steadily increased, in response to the growing demand of the spinning and weaving industries in japan and at shanghai, hankow, tientsin and other industrial centres, the chief producing areas being chihli and niangsu. by 1919 china was third on the list of cotton-producing countries. by the close of 1921, however, there was a marked decline in the production of cotton. one estimate placed the crop at 1,002,- 000,000 cattics in 1918, 931,000,000 catties in 1919, 675,000,000 in china 1920 and 543,000,000 in 1921. the decline seems to have been due to internal war, brigandage and floods. the year 1922 showed an improvement, as probably did 1923. other recent features of the agricultural situation are the rapid extension of the bean-growing area in manchuria and the development of wheat cultivation (com- bined with a steady increase of the flour-milling industry) in north china and the central yangtze provinces. famines.—throughout her long history china has periodically suffered from famines, and with the disorganisation of the govern- ment which followed the revolution these naturally did not cease. a year seldom passes without one or more sections of the country experiencing an extreme dearth of food. in 1911 there was a severe famine due to floods in the hwai river basin, and there was a serious one in north china in 1917 following floods. the most extensive and severe famine of recent years was in 1920 and 1921 in chihh, shantung, honan, shansi and shensi, and was due primarily to pro- longed drought in 1920 following a poor crop in 1919 and floods in 1917-8. out of a population of about 50,000,000 nearly 20,000,000 were said to be destitute. relief on a large scale was undertaken by the government and foreign and chinese private agencies. much of the foreign aid, especially that of the american red cross, was given in return for work done by those relieved, especially in the building of roads which would help to prevent future famines. expports and imports the world war and the years immediately succeeding it brought from abroad a great demand for foodstuffs and raw matcrials, and chinese exports increased rapidly. the totals of imports and exports for the years 1918-23 were as follows: net imports! exports total year hic tacks ik. taels hk. taels 1914 569,241,382 356,226,629 925,468,011 i9i5 454,475,719 418,861,164 873,330,883 1916 516,406,995 481,797,366 998,204,361 i9i7 549,518,774 462,931,630 1,012,450,404 1918 554,893,082 485,883,031 1,040,776,113 1919 646,997,681 630,809,411 1,277,807 ,092 1920 762,250,230 541,631,300 1,303,881,530 1921 906,122,439 601,255,537 1,507,377,:976 1922 945,049,650 654,891,933 1,599,941, 583 1923 923,402,887 752,917,416 1,676, 320,303 ‘net imports, 7.e., the value of the foreign goods imported direct from foreign countties, less the value of the foreign goods re-exported to foreign countries during the year. the following statistics show the amount of china's direct trade with the foreign countries concerned and indicate some of the im- portant changes due to the war:— table tf, 7 1913 1919 1922 imports from | 11k, tacls | hk. taels | hk. tacls - | ——___._.___- ——_ | a ee 1923 hk. taels great britain 96,910,944] 64,292,239/145,292,550; 120,397,22 germany 28,302,403 368) 24,744,130) 3,735,472 france :299,517| 3,375,809} 4,555,519] 7,548,054 japan 119,346,662]246,940,997|231,428,885| 211,024,297 sal. | 35,427,198|110,236,706]169,004,534| 154,447,651 hongkong (for transhipment))171,366,099|1 53,631,544|239,347,671| 248,083,456 british india 26,980,705] 43,139,628 3 551240,982 9,431,450] 9,635,698 “ 1,724,603] 7,111,932 ixorea ‘ russia (over- land trade) . russia (amur and pacific ports) | 12,258,180 10,202,819! 12,323,532] 7,129,539) table tf. 1923 itk. taels 43,207,130 i-xports to great britain 16,346,413] 57,186,242) 38,507,574 germany 17,025,224 163,386] 9,804,806] 11,914,718 france 40,749,782| 34,285,959] 40,755,834] 39,577,059 japan 65,544, 186]195,006,032/159,754,351| 198,517,546 u.s.a 37,650,301|101,118,677| 97,579,046) 126,803,772 hongkong (f of transhipment)ji17,128,661/131,495,296|169,995,691] 175,796,249 british india 9,599,413] 9,816,734] 12,329,306 korea 22,617,954) 21,237,383 i russia (over- land trade) . | 3,095,826} 5,516,517) 7,597,051) 34,092,022! russia (amur and pacific ports). 15,770,598; 31,646,422 1these figures include imports and exports via f-uropean ports, russian amur ports, pacific ports and by the siberian land frontier. 625 the major articles of import and export had varied somewhat, as is shown in the following table: — imports nlet- to- bacco lxcro- scene food- stuffs opium oil- : cereals | animal yea silk sugar secds, flour food- oil and re ite | oil cake etc. stulis i are, a | |s ot | the returns of shipping entered and cleared at chinese ports dur- ing 1919 show comparatively little change during and since the war excepr in 1924, when the yangtze kiang shipping was seriously affected by the civil war. the figures for the principal foreign nations concerned are as follows:— nationality i913 igi9 vessels | tonnage | vessels | tonnage american - 2,458 898,750 4,433 2,569,887 british 32,186 | 38,120,300 | 36,074 | 36,284,312 norwegian 637 739,328 311 302,959 german 5,382 6,320,466 eee _—s french 1,020 1,232,763 471 414,161 japanese » | 22,716 |. 23,422,497 27,182 27,532,449 _dutch . ba 362 461,782 1923 vessels tonnage vessels tonnage american . 4,670 4,846,437 4,994 5,968,261 british _ 40,075 | 47,698,139 | 44,055 | 51,965,230 norwegian 699 959,463 588 848,138 german 126 447,050 364 1,369,016 | ' french 1,707 1,626,586 1,948 1,539,731 | | japanese 25,281 | 32,961,333 | 25,063 | 33,258,617 dutch 1,487,121 52 1,644,279 in addition, it is well to note that chinese vessels of forcign style, sailing under the chinese flag, increased in number from, 43,638 in 1918 to 52,146 in 1922, and in tonnaze from 16,984,523 in 1918 to 28,644,588 in 1922. vessels of chinese type, built and owned by chinese and cleared at the maritime customs, decreased in number from 87,164 in 1918 to 58,973 in 1922, and in tonnage from 4,798,181 in 1918 to 4,213,157 in 1922. forestry.—scientific and careful work in forestry has long becn one of the great economic needs of china, partly to provide needed timber and partly to regulate the flow of streams. various attcmpts at a scientific forestry policy, all more or less abortive, have been made by the central government under the republic. a few of the provinces have been somewhat more successful, among them kiangsu-~ its forest nursery near nanking has a yearly output of 3,000,0c0 sced- lings; and a number of private and semi-private ccmpantes, among them some of the railways, have undertaken reafforestation. fores- try schools have been founded, probably the best of which is that connected with the (christian) university of nanking, and there have been attempts at educating the public on the importance of forest conservation. the tsingtao forest reserve, begun by the ger- mans and continued by the japanese, is the most successful expcri- ment of its kind in china, but the progress made in this direction has not been great. mining.—the mineral industry in china has advanced under the . republic, but not as much as might have been. expected. in 1913, inspired by a minister of commerce (chang chien) with some prac- tical knowledge of modern industrial methods, the government of the republic took up the subject of mining regulations. the result was over 300 of these, issued under seven headings, at various dates be- tween march 1914 and july 1915. by this code the government for 626 the first time asserted the claim of the state to dispose of all mineral rights, and ‘*‘ no longer to allow landowners to hinder mining develop- ment ’’; at the same time, it reduced the hitherto exorbitant rate of direct taxation levicd on the industry. but it still left the miners’ produce exposed to export duties and transit taxes amounting to over 10%, in addition to property tax, land tax and output tax. the unwillingness of chinese officialdom under the republic to en- courage any extensive devclopment of mining enterprise by means of foreign capital has evidently been inspired, as it was under the monarchy, by fear that the employment of foreign capital and ex- perts is likely to produce the extension of foreign influence. the chief of the chinese geological department (v. kk. ting), writing on the subject in may 1917, declared that the chief obstacle to the rapid extension of mining operations hy foreigners in china lies in the con- tinuance of their claim to extra-territorial rights; that china cannot afford ‘' to allow people who are outside chinese jurisdiction to locate mining areas under the claim system.” quite a number of foreign mines have been developed, however, especially by the japanese. coal mining is the most important of the mining industries of china. the supply was probably formerly overestimated. late figures (those of the geological survey of china) give the reserve at 6,252 million tons of anthracite and 17,183 million tons of bitu- minous and lignite, and the reserve may total 40 or 50 billion tons. while at the present rate of production this would supply china for more than 2,000 years, consumed at the rate that prevails in america it would last only 70 years. the total production of coal in china was estimated in 1913 at 13,190,000 tons; two years later the estimate was 18,000,000, of which 8,000,000 came from mines equipped with modern plant and the rest from small native workings. in 1920 the amount produced was estimated at a little over 20,000,000 tons, and in 1922 at a little less than that figure. an increasing proportion was produced from modern mines. the amount of coal exported in 1918 was 1,708,149 tons; in 1919 it fell to 1,744,433 tons; in 1923 it rose to 3,108,682 tons. the most important coal-producing enter- prises are the kailan mining administration (an anglo-chinese co- operative company) in chihli and the i'ushun mines (japanese) in manchuria, both of which are rapidly expanding. the principal metals which china has so far been able to produce in quantities sufficient for export are antimony, tungsten (for these two metals and their ores china is the leading producer of the world), pig-iron, iron ore and copper. the trade in antimony was stimulated and the price advanced during the war, but in 1919 the demand had greatly dimin- ished. the iron resources of china, like those of coal, were formerly overestimated. the amount of ore is probably about 1,000 million tons. the output in 1917 was 890,282 tons, and in 1923 i,150,828 tons. much of this is shipped to japan for smelting. just how much petroleum is in the country no one knows. great expectations were aroused by a concession to the standard oil company in 1914, but after more than $2,000,000 had been spent in investigation, chiefly in shensi, work was stopped, presumably because the supplies found did not justify further expense. iv. communications waterways.—in dec. 1913 a national conservancy bureau was established, under the presidency of the progressive minister of com- merce chang chien, with mr. van der veen as consulting engincer, to deal with irrigation and river conservancy matters. the con- servancy of the elwai river, with a view to the prevention of floods in kiangsu and anhwi, received special attention. in july 1914 this river was survcyed by engineers sent to china by the american red cross; their investigations were followed by an agreement be- tween the american international corporation and the chincse govt. for a conservancy scheme. as the cost of the proposed work necessitated the raising of a foreign loan, the scheme was per- force postponed upon the outbreak of the world war. in 1922 the chinese foreign famine relief committce renewed the project by forming the hwai river conservancy board. conservancy operations were begun in 1916 to improve the bar at the mouth of the liao river. the bar at the mouth of the hai ho, leading to ‘tientsin, has been dredged, and a little progress made toward regulat- ing the streams of chihli and the yellow river. much work has been done in canalising the i[wangpu (to shanghai) and in improving the min river below foochow. railways and roads.—-the outbreak of war and the impossibility of raising further foreign loans resulted in the suspension of several railway enterprises, projected and commenced. several important agreements had been concluded by the chinese govt. in i913 and 1914 for the construction of new lines. most of these were compcll- ed to await the restoration of conditions favourable for financing these undertakings abroad. the railways for which preliminary or final agreements were thus concluded, included the following :-— tatung to chengtu (franco-belgian capital); approximately 960 miles. this line forms part of a gencral scheme intended to provide through communication betweeen french indo-china and kalgan, connecting with the peking-kalgan railway extension, with the ihlukwang system and with a french line to yunnanfu. yamchow (near pakhoi) to yunnanfu, and thence to chungking (in the yangtse kiang basin) (french capital); about 1,000 miles. sinyangchow to pukow (kiangsi province) (british capital). china this is the final agreement (nov. i4 1913) for a concession origi- nally granted in 1898. length of line, about 275 miles. shasi (ilupeh province) to singyi (british capital), a ‘ construc- tion ’’ contract (dec. 18 1913) for about 800 miles. nanking to hunan (british capital), about 1,000 m. of line, via ningkwo and nanchang to pingsiang. in addition to these, agreements were made by the chinese govt. with the german and japanese govts. respectively for the con- struction of a number of railways in shantung and manchuria and mongolia. (in oct. 1918 the industrial bank of japan issued a loan of 50,000,000 yen for the building of these lines, including two of the ex-german railway concessions in shantung.) two other important railway agreements were made by the chinese govt. during the war, namely, one (march 1916) with the russo- asiatic bank, for a chinese govt. ratlway from harbin to aigun, with several branch lines, and another (may 1916), with an american syndicate, for the construction of a number of proposed railways, aggregating 4,500 miles. in 1919 and 1920 acontract was signed for the construction of 37 m. of additional line on the taokow- tsinghwachen line. in 1920 a contract was signed with belgian and dutch concerns for the construction of the lunghai railway. the world war put an end to most construction work, although the line from wuchang to changsha was finished (on the canton- ]iankow road) and there was some work on the peking-kalgan line until the autumn of 1915. after the war, work was pushed on the lunghai railway and on the kalgan line, and there was some work on the peking-moukden line. financial conditions in europe and political and financial chaos in china, however, checked construction, during 1924 the extension of the lunghai railway was carried on, and wu pei-fu interested himself in a number of new schemes. coincident with the government’s adoption of the programme af active construction indicated by these concessions, the policy was definitely adopted of centralising control of the various provincial railway systems and unifying their accounts and methods of manage- nent. a commission was appointed for the purpose in 1913, under the presidency of tih kung-chao (minister of communications, 1920), with the assistance of an american adviser, on jan i i915 the unified methods came into operation, with the result that the annual reports on chinese govt, railways, subsequently published by the ministry of communications, afford a comprchensive state- ment of the financial and general situation. the following figures are taken from the ministry’s report for the year ending dec. 31 i919:— the total length of railway lines in china at the beginning of 1920 was 6,813 m. (10,963 km.), consisting of government and “ con- cessioned ”’ railways, as follows:— government railways— km. km. in operation ; i 6,027 operation by construction forces: lunghai 368 a hupeh-hunan. . . . . 15 383 total govt. railways - = & . 6,410 provincial and private ratlways— kwangtung ; : : . . ; 225 n wiukiang-nanchang . : , : 136 sunning ; ; : ; ; ; ; 171 , swatow-chaochowfu . ; og ; 42 : nanking city : , ; . ii a chung hsien mining co. . ’ 52 . liu chiang coal mine : 12 : ‘tayeh mining co. ; ; 30 <a ching hsing mining co, , 15 om kailan mining administration . 16 ae tayaokow mines ; , 29 ai tsitsihar city. ; j 29 ‘i ma chiapu narrow gauge : ; : 5 773 total subject to control of the ministry of communications . : os 7,183 “ concessioned ”’ railways— chinese eastern . 1,722 south manchurian 1,107 shantung 451 yunnan ; ; ; : : ; 465 - canton kowloon (british section) .-. . . 5° 37780 total kilometres of railway in china (6,813 miles) bee ee “awe a ee a 10,963 the ministry’s report for 1922 showed on government lines a sur- plus for the year of $29,584,800.49; the number of pagsengers carried, 35,600,834; and the number of ton kilometres, 3,981,534,813. the surplus in 1923 was $23,753,359 and in 1924, $22,641,643. progress- ively during the past few years, however, rail service has been disorganised owing to internal strife. contending gencrals have scized portions of lines, disarranged the schedule, mishandled the rolling stock, failed adequately to maintain the road bed, and appropriated much of the income. this disorganisation was especially marked after 1922. over most of the country, roads remained as they had been under the empire, in what in the occident would be considered a wretchedly poor condition. in some few places, however, notably as the result chinese eastern railway 627 of foreign famine relief agencies, better and modern roads began to [| 1922); hon. b. a. w. russell, the problem of china (1922); m. t. appear, some of them metalled. considerable progress has been made in niangsu, shantung, shanst and chihli. lelegraphs.—\n 1912 the head office of the chinese telegraph administration, until then located at shanghai, was transferred to the telegraphic bureau of the ministry of communications at pe- king and a uniform scale of charges was introduced. in 1915, the total length of lines in operation was 42,518 m., with 710 stations. in 1921, the length of lines was 55,331 m. and of stations 909. there has been, as may be gathered from these figures, a marked increase in the use of the telegraph. messages are transmitted either in foreign languages or in chinese, the rate for foreign messages being 50°) higher than that for chinese. a beginning has been made in wireless communication. a few foreigners (danes) are still employed in the administration, and a danish adviser is attached to the tele- graph departments of the ministry at peking. | posts.—it has been one of the anomalies and one of the encourag- ing features of the chinese situation that, in spite of internal disorder, there has been a great increase in the postal service. originally or- ganised as a branch of the imperial maritime customs, the postal service was separated from that administration and placed under the ministry of posts and communications in may 1911. under the republic it has remained a department of that ministry, but respon- sible for its own budget and organisation. since 1911 the department has been controlled by a chinese director gencral and a french associate director. its activities extend not only over the 18 prov- inces, but through the new dominion and manchuria. during the three years 1916-8, after the death of yiian shih-k’ai, postal operations and extensions in many provinces were seriously hampered by the depredations of bandits and lawless soldiery. in shensi alone, 78 post-offices were looted in 1918. nevertheless, in that year the number of district offices and agencies had increased to 9,367 (as compared with 5,357 in 1910), employing 27,000 chinese, with a foreign staff of about 110. the growth of the service is shown by the following figures:— offices courier| steam- articles }| parcels | lines | er and posted posted | 77 (33 | boat miles) | lines 71 1906, ; ; 2,096 | 31,994,143] 400,126] 153,000] 17,000 i9ii.. ; : 6,201 {¥15,748,914] 954,740] 319,000] 45,000 1916 8,797 |233,:234,373|2,232,100] 421,000) 64,700 1920 10,469 |.400,886,935|4,126,220] 603,300] 74,600 1921 11,032 1442,116,358|4,569,660| 637,800] 79,300 1922 [1,306 (426, 363,616|4,791,420/ 658,400} 82,900 1923 11,596 |473,041,716/5, 307,910) 667,900) 83,500 money orders cashed money orders issued 1904 $ 752,507.52 $ 749,773.69 iqii 5,937,582.36 6,008,958.95 1916 15,965,588.76 15,787,069.94 1918 35,335,840.56 34,798,589.80 1920 58,923,606.12 58,409,255.11 76,517,900.00 95,993,800,.00 the surplus of income over working expenses increased from $238,715.72 in 1915 to $4,456,823.94 in 1923. the staff increased from 8,863 in 1908 to 35,487 in 1924. of these, 97 in 1908 and 115 in 1922 were foreign employees. the minchu or native postal agencies which had flourished before the organisation of the postal administration continucd to exist, but with a declining importance. china joined the postal union in 1914. in 1922 the foreign postal agencies in china ceased to opcrate, as provided by the washington conference. the number discontinued was ninety-two. bibliography.—the china year book, j.o. p. bland, recent fvents and present policies in china (new york, 1912); and china, japan and the korea (london, 1921); p. il. b. nent, the passing of the manchus (new york, 1912); 5. ik. hornbeck, contemporary politics in the far east (new york, 1916); b. l. p. weale, the fight for the republic in china (new york, 1917); w. r. wheeler, cazire and the world war (new york, 1919); f. challaye, la chine et le jupon politique (paris, 1921); ch'en llo-hsien, les relations diplo- matigues entre la chine et le japon de 1871 a nos jours (paris, 1921); a. duboscq, l’ evolution dela chine, politiques et tendance, 1921-21, ete. (paris, 1921); s. d. gamble, peking, a social survey (1921); j. van a. macmurray, treaties aud agreements with and concerning china, 1894-1919, carnegie endowment for inter-peace, division of inter-law, oxford (1921); if. b. morse, trade and administra- tion of the chinese empire, 3rd. ed. (1921); m. j. bau, zhe foreign relations of china, a itistory and a survey (london, 1922); and modern democracy in china (shanghai, 1923); r. l. buell, the washington conference (1922); hsii shih-ch’ang, president of the republic of china, la chine apres la guerre (paris, 1922); g. reid, china, captive or free? a study of china's entanglements (london, 73:795,600.00 96,021,200.00 stauffer, ed., the christian occupation of china (1922); sun yih- seen, the international development of china (1922); w. w. wil- loughby, china at the conference (new york, 1922); and constitu- tional ‘government in china, present conditions and prospects, car- negie endowment for international peace, division of inter-war, pamohlet no. 47 (washington, 1922); hl. t. hodgkin, china an the family of nattons (new york, 1923); h. f. macnair, afodern chinese iiistory, selected readings (shanghai, 1923); t. t. wang, le gouvernement de la chine moderne (paris, 1923); i. t. williams, china, yesterday and ta-day (new york, 1923); k. 5s. latourette, the development of china, ar:|. ed. (new york, 1923); g. m. dutcher, the political awakening of the east (new york, 1925). (cs. s. l.) chinese eastern railway (sce 14.553).—in 1895 there was formed, under russian charter, but with a predominance of french capital and with some capital owned by the chinese govt., the russo-chinese bank. when, in 1896, russia obtained from china permission to shorten the trans-siberian railway by building a line across northern manchuria the tsar’s govt. had already paved the way, by an agreement with the russo- chinese bank, for the organisation of a railway company. ac- cordingly, in 1896, the bank formed the chinese eastern railway company. the statutes of this corporation were to be co-ordi- nated with those of the russian railway companies. only rus- sians and chinese were to be shareholders, and a chinese appointed by peking was to be president. after 80 years the line was to revert to china free of charge, or the chinese govt. might purchase it at the end of 36 years. the original board of directors was entirely russian in membership, and the capital stock was all owned by the russo-chinese bank. in 1898 a con- vention between china and russia provided for the construction by the company of the south manchurian line of the chinese fastern railway from harbin to port arthur and dairen (dalny). the roads so provided for were completed in 1905 and for that purpose the russian govt. advanced about 800,000,000 roubles. in 1905, as a result of the russo-japanese war, the south manchurian railway south of changchun passed into the hands of japan. such, in brief, was the history of the rail- way until 1910. in rgto the russo-chinese bank was amalgamated with the northern bank to form the russo-asiatic bank, and the new institution became heir of the russo-chinese bank’s interest in the chinese eastern railway. the new bank had a russian charter, but the majority of its stock was in french hands. the chinese govt. remained a part owner. in 1915 an agreement was formed for the operation by the chinese eastern railway of the short private line connecting tsitsihar and the main line, and in march 1916 an agreement was entered into by the russo- asiatic bank and the chinese govt. for the building of a line from harbin to blagovyeshchensk with a branch from mergen to tsitsihar. in a treaty of july 3 1916 russia ceded to japan 60 m. of the chinese eastern railway between changchun and the sungari river. the railway and the war—the world war naturally brought a strain on the railway, owing to the heavy and sometimes inter- rupted traffic and the depreciation of the rouble. then came the russian revolution, the bolshevik coup d’etat, and disinte- gration in siberia. the board of directors was scattered from petrograd and the manager espoused the cause of adml. kolt- chak. with the disorder in russia and siberia, the railway’s traffic and finances naturally suffered. the russian legation i peking, which remained loyal to the old regime, caused the russo-asiatic bank to call, in peking, a meeting of the share- holders to elect a new board of directors. china had meanwhile (in the summer of 1917) entered the world war and in march 1918 had signed an agreement with japan for military co-opera- tion. in pursuance of this agreement japanese troops appeared in the chinese eastern railway zone. the chinese saw in the disturbed conditions in the north an opportunity to extend their control over the railway and in 1920 displaced horvath, put pimenoff in his place, and appointed three chinese to vacant posts on thedirectorate. the russo-asiatic bank protested against this action and was supported by the french government. negotiations between the bank and the 628 chinese govt. followed and an agreement was signed oct. 2 1920, providing for temporary chinese control of the railway under a directorate, five of whose members were to be elected by the bank and four by the chinese government. the chinese eastern railway came up for discussion at the washington conference in 1921-2, but the chinese representa- tives could not agree with those of the powers, and while all accepted a resolution (adopted feb. 4 1922) stating that better protection should be given the railway, that the personnel should be more carefully selected, and the funds more economically used, the powers other than china reserved the right to insist later upon the responsibility of china for the fulfilment of the obligations due to the foreign stockholders, bondholders and creditors of the railway. under this reservation the consular body in harbin interfered when in aug. 1923 the chinese attempted to seize the land department of the railway. the 1924 agreement—when the soviet govt. began the re- sumption of russian relations with china, the railway became one of the chief topics in the negotiations. the agrcement of may 31 1924, by which normal diplomatic relations were restored between china and russia, contained a long article which, among other things, had an assurance that china might buy back the railway, a provision for a conference to settle more definitely the future of the railway and a clause which stipulated that the future of the railway would be decided by the two contracting parties to the exclusion of any third party or parties. simul- taneously, another agreement was adopted for the joint admin- istration of the railway by the two governments pending the final adjustment. until this adjustment, too, the statutes of 1896 were to remain in effect. it is interesting to note that in 1924, in spite of unsettled conditions, the railway showed a profit in its operation of 7,365,000 gold roubles, and for the first seven months of 1922 of 3,560,594 gold roubles, as compared with 6,406,702 roubles in 1913 and 7,896,436 roubles in ro1r4. events of 1926.— early in 1926 trouble arose between the sovict govt. and chang tso-lin over the transport of troops on the railway. in pursuance of a design, so it was alleged, for prevent- ing an advance of the manchurian troops into chihli against kuo min chun forces, m. ivanoff, the sovict general manager, closed the railway to the free use of the military. he was imme- diately arrested, along with three other sovict directors on the instructions of chang. m. karakhan, the soviet ambassador at peking, handed on jan. 24 an ultimatum to tuan chi-jui, who of course had no control over chang, demanding m. ivan- off’s release and the restoration of order on the railway. a copy of the ultimatum was also forwarded to mukden. after some delay, m. ivanoff was released and some kind of settlement patched up, but further complications are always possible, par- ticularly as chang is credited with a desire to secure complete control of the railway. (ks. 1) chinese literature (sce 6.222).—the intellectual revo- lution of the present century displayed itself not only in educa- tion, but also in the language itself. many new terms were in- troduced to express the new ideas, so that the vocabulary of the educated man was greatly altered. ; attempt was made to provide the country with a uniform spoken language to replace the numerous dialects which, especially in the south and southeast, have often been mutually unintelligible. to this end the pekingese form of afandarin was extensively taught in the schools as the k woyn, or national language. the written characters being numerous and at best rather difficult to learn, the effort to promote literacy led to the invention of a phonetic alphabet of 39 symbols, later increased to forty. in 1918 the ministry of education gave this official authorisation, but in 1925 it had not come into extensive use. more important was the production of literature in the spoken language. formerly the great bulk of chinese literature was in the classical style, and such literature as appeared in the vernacular was usually held in contempt by scholars. the classi- cal stvle resembled the spoken language but was for the eye rather than the ear and was sufficiently different to make its acquisition a serious bar to universal literacy. about 1917, some chinese chinese literature students in america, among them hu shih, had the courage to challenge the supremacy of the classical language and began to produce literature in the pei aua, a purified form of mandarin (which in one form or another is the colloquial tongue of most of central and north china). when they returned to china they continued their efforts and there came a literary revolution which may prove as important and significant as that which oc- curred in europe when the modern languages took the place of latin as the medium of scholarship. books and periodicals in the pct hua were soon issued in an increasing stream, all largely with the purpose of making literature and ideas more widely accessible to the public. the break with the literary forms of the past probably aided in the revolt against tradition in other fields. after the world war, the intellectuals of the modern school began to question all accepted standards, western and chinese, of conduct and belief. the older orthodox forms of ethics, philosophy and politics, as well as those of literature were subjected to re-exami- nation. since the 17th century the spirit of criticism and revolu- tion had been fostered by certain scholars who questioned the dominance of the great philosophers of the sung dynasty, but their rapid increase and their scope were the result of the impact of the occident. no custom, belief or institution, political, rcligious, economic, philosophic or social, foreign or chinese, was too sacred or well-established to be challenged. the movement had its centre in the national university at peking, and it was reinforced by the extended visits of such western scholars as john dewey and bertrand russell. the radical writers of the west were read with avidity and older chinese philosophers, long condemned by the confucian school as unorthodox, were re-examined. the new learning.—the new learning and the new ideas and questions were given wide circulation by a greatly increased out- put of newspapers, magazines and books. under the republic, newspapers multiplied rapidly. the vast majority were of rather low grade and they were often dominated by individuals or factions who used them for selfish propaganda and partisan attack, but here and there was one of better type. magazires, too, were issued in large numbers. many were short-lived, but they all bore witness to the intellectual ferment abroad in the jand. of books there were a great number— translations from other languages, new works in chinese, text-books, essays, his- tories and political and philosophical treatises. here and there an older writer, ike liang ch’i ch’ao, maintained his. popularity and influence. liang, indeed, wrote voluminously in the pez hua on many subjects—chiefly those connected with national and international affairs and philosophy and religion—and was prob- ably the most widely read of modern authors. there were many younger writers, however, such as hu shih—with produc- tions chiefly in the realm of philosophy, including a fresh study of the history of chinese philosophy—and liang siu-ming—the author of two widely read books, zhe civilisations of the east and the west and their philosophies and an introduction to the philosophy of india, and the student class seemed obsessed with the idea of expressing itself in print. the demand for the new literature gave rise to many publishing houses and the great commercial press, begun before the republic, was the largest concern of its kind in the far east. this ferment of thought, with its revolutionary and critical attitude toward language and ideas and its vast output of litera- ture, was so marked in the years just following the world war that it came to be known as the renaissance, new thought or, to use an expressive chincse term, “‘ new tide”? movement. it wes intensely patriotic, and before the end of 1924 it had be- gun to react against the popularity which everything occidental had had after 1911, and began to resent the aggressions of west- ern powers, and was antagonistic to christianity. largely de- structive in its criticism, and often immature, ill-informed, prej- ucdiced and superficial, it was not without constructive features. certainly it marked the greatest intellectual activity that china had known for many years, and may presage the dawn of a new culture. (ks: ie) chiropractic—cholera chiropractic, the name given to a method of healing em- ployed in the united states, is based on the theory that most dis- ease is the result of displacement of the vertebrae of the spinal column, resulting in abnormal pressure upon the nerves as they emerge. it is held that the articular joints are frequently thrown out of alignment, it may be only in slight degrec, and the con- stricted nerves are thereby prevented from transmitting to the various bodily organs the mental impulse necessary for proper functioning. the human body has been charted, and it is claimed that the nerves emanating above each vertebra regulate partic- ular organs; hence the cause of different diseases can as a rule be readily localised. health is possible only when all the organs function harmoniously, and disease of one organ may affect some other. the chiropractor attempts to find the subluxated joint, and with the bared hand to adjust it. he never resorts to drugs or surgery; he merely tries to relieve the impinged nerve and leaves the rest to nature. the first reported healing by chiropractic was made in 1895, when dr. d. d. palmer (b. near toronto, canada, march 5 1845; d. at los angeles, cal., oct. 13 1913), a “‘ magnetic healer,” in iowa treated a man who had been deaf for 17 years. he claimed to have discovered that a displaced vertebra was pinch- ing a certain nerve and that its adjustment was quickly followed by complete restoration of hearing. little was done to work out a theory in detail until 1903, when dr. 23. j. palmer (b. sept. 10 1881), a son of the discoverer, began its formulation, resulting in the development of a well-defined system of articular adjust- ment with the hands. he established the palmer school of chiropractic (chiropractic fountain head) at davenport, ia., which remained the best known, although later many others were founded in different parts of the united states. the course of study extends over three collegiate years of six months each, and the subjects studied correspond with those of the usual medical school, materia medica alone being ignored. in 1926 there were about 25,000 graduate chiropractors to be found in some 40 of the united states of whom 15,000 were practising. in several states they were still debarred from prac- tice, but 37 states had jaws which accorded a measure of recog- nition to chiropractors and in others legislation was pending. chisholm, hugh (1866-1924), editor of the encyclopedia britannica, was born in london feb. 22 1866. he was of scot- tish descent, the son of henry chisholm, who became warden of the standards in the board of trade. educated at felsted school and corpus christi college, oxford, of which he was a scholar, he graduated in 1888 with a first class in litlerae humani- ores. he then read for the bar, being called at the middle temr le in 1892, but occupied himself also with occasional journalism and finally adopted that profession. from 1892 to 1897 he was assistant editor, and from 1897 to the end of 1899 editor, of thre st. james’s gazetie, and during these years he also contributed numerous articles on political, financial and hterary subjects to the weekly journals and monthly reviews, becoming known as a literary critic and conservative publicist. on resigning the editorship of the st. james’s, he became a leader writer for the stundard, and later, in 1900, was invited to join the times, under whose management he acted as the re- sponsible co-editor, with sir donald mackenzie wallace and president a. t. hadley of yale university, of the new volumes, constituting the tenth edition (1902), of the encyclopaedia britannica, becoming in 1903 editor-in-chief of the eleventh edition. throughout his editorship he worked in close co- operation with horace everett hooper, publisher of the ency- clopedia britannica, and manager of its sales and publicity. the alliance between the two men, based on mutual respect and conhdence, was a very close one and productive of happy re- sults, h. e. ilooper supplying the business ability and hugh chisholm the scholarship. under his editorship the 11th edition of the britannica appeared in i9qio~i. rejoining the times in 1913 as day editor, he became financial editor at the erid of that year, and occupied this responsible position all through the momentous period of the world war, resigning his connection with the times in march 1920, in 629 order to reassume the editorship of the encyclopedia britannica and to organise the publication of the new volumes constituting the 12th edition. as editor of the encyclopadia britannica chisholm displayed remarkable ability. his gift for organisation, combined with his wide range of knowledge, enabled him to scheme out a subject, or an article, sometimes better than the expert whom he was in- viting to write on it. he had an unusual power of visualising the right arrangement of details, and his letters to contributors, written always in his own hand, were practically a synopsis of the contents of the facyclopadia. in politics he was a con- servative and tariff reformer with clear and definite views. in literature his taste was catholic and his judgment sound. as financial editor of the times, chisholm displayed great courage and remarkable quickness in grasping the financial situation. bringing a fresh mind to bear upon the intricacies of the money market, he wrote with lucidity and authority, and contributed in no small degree to the maintenance of a high standard in finan- cial journalism. his point of view was always that of a true patriot, and both privately and publicly he rendered very valuable services to the state in connection with the raising of the various war loans. the influence which he had won in the city led to the offer of one or two directorships, and the last two years of his life were mainly devoted to developing his gilts as a financier. he was a keen freemason and a man of many friends, both in london and in new york. he had a retentive memory, and his general knowledge of public affairs, in great britain and also in the united states, qualified him in a very special degree for the editorial positions he occupied. ife died in london sept. 29 1924. in 1893 chisholm married e. beatrix harrison, of ard- keen, county down, and had three sons. cledege chivalry: sce knigiitiiood and chivalry. chloroform: sce anaesthetics. chlorosis: see anaemia. choate, joseph hodges (1832-1917), aneta jase and diplomat (see 6.25&).—upon the outbreak of the world war he ardently eupnerted the british and allied cause, and severely criticised president wilson’s hesitation to recommend america’s immediate co-operation, but shortly before his death retracted his criticism. he was chairman of the mayor’s committee in new york for entertaining the british and french commissions in 1917. his death, which took place in new york may 14 1917, was hastened by the physical strain of his constant activi- tices in this connection. among his last works were abraham lincoln and other addresses in england (1910) and a‘merican addresses (1911). see t. g. strong, joseph choate, new englander, new yorker, lawyer, ambassador (1917); joseph choate, a great ambassador (1918); edward sandford martin, the life of joseph h, choate (1920). cholera (sce 6.262).—during the period of 1910-25 cholera continued to be widely prevalent in india, and the recorded mortality exceeded 500,000 in both 1918 and 1g19, when the disease was also epidemic in china, but, with the exception of moderate prevalence in eastern and southern europe, including italy in 1911, there has been jittle spread to europe. bengal maintains its unenviable reputation as the home of cholera, from which it extends over india, and no adequate attempt has yet been made to utilise the undoubted protective power of inocula- tion and good water supplies to prevent the disease being carried from puri and other pilgrim centres in the endemic areas, and to lessen the danger of further world-wide pandemics originating somewhere in india. treatment.—happily, during the decades 1905-25, important progress has been made in the treatment of cholera, which has robbed the disease of half its terrors when hospital accommoda- tion is available. leonard rogers of the indian medical service, as the result of his researches on the blood changes in the disease and of the action of permanganates in destroying the toxins formed by the cholera vibrios in the intestines, has established a system of treatment which has reduced the mortality in the calcutta hospital cases to about one-third of its former rate. 630 the great loss of fluid and salts from the blood, and the reduc- tion of the alkalinity of that fluid are combated by the intra- venous injection in severe cases of three to five or more pints at a time of the following solutions: (1) sodium bicarbonate grains 160 and sodium chloride grains 90 in a pint of sterile water, and (2) sodium chloride grains 120 and calcium chloride (as a cardiac tonic) grains 4 to a pint; one pint of the former alkaline solution and the remaining two to four pints of the second hypertonic saline being given whenever collapse occurs, or the blood is found to be concentrated by the specific gravity test; 20 to 30 pints being sometimes administered successfully in the course of a few days in very bad cases, while the alkaline solution is also given in half-pint quantities in enemata every two to four hours until the renal excretion is fully re-established. in addition two permanganate pills of grains 2 each are given orally every 15 to 30 minutes during the stage of acute evacua- tions to destroy the toxins in the bowel. kaolin, or fine china clay, has the power of loosely combining with cholera toxins and preventing their absorption from the intestines, so equal quanti- ties of kaolin and water should be given to drink ad libitum. pituitarin injections are of value to maintain the blood pressure and increase the renal secretion in the later stages, and injections of atropine in doses of 75 grain twice a day are also of value as first suggested by lauder brunton. as the cramps and other symptoms are immediately relieved by the saline injections, opium is unnecessary and should never be given in any stage of cholera, as it strongly predisposes to fatal suppression of urine. by these methods the mortality in over 1,000 severe cases in the calcutta cholera ward over a number of years past has been reduced from 60% to 20% and equally good results were obtained in china in rg19. in the bombay and central provinces the administration of large quantities of permanganate pills in out- breaks in villages remote from hospitals has reduced the death- rate one-half to one-third of that in untreated cascs in the same epidemics, although the severest types require intravenous salines in addition if life is to be saved. the great paucity of skilled medical men in indian villages alone prevents greater saving of life by these methods, and pre- vention, especially by good water supplies and greater sanitary control of cholera-spreading places of pilgrimage within the endemic areas of the disease in lower bengal and southeast madras, together with the compulsory inoculation against cholera of all pilgrims before being allowed to return to their homes from cholera areas, should be generally adopted without further loss of time if this very serious cause of mortality in india is to be reduced, as it well might be, and europe saved from further pandemics of cholera. (l. ro.) choral singing.—in great britain choral singing, from 1910 to 1925, falls into three periods— the splendid activity which was checked by the world war, the struggles during that dark period, and the efforts since 1919 to find the means of meeting the new situation. in the first period there was extraordinary vitality and much new impetus. : some notable figures—the old tradition of solid, square- toed choralism had been shaken to the roots by the personality of dr. henry coward, the sheffield chorus master. ile had turned the big, heavy, unwieldy body of the provincial choral society into a living, sensitive, functioning organism, and his exploits had created a sensationsal interest in this form of art. some of his disciples, no doubt, carried his ideas too far and lost sight of the end in exploiting the means. there were other nota- ble workers in the field, with different aims, each contributing to the general good. harry evans, by his work in wales and liverpool, his keen personality and penetrating insight, made a great impression on the choral world. he was particularly suc- cessful in modern works for large choirs exploiting vivid colour- ing. his comparatively early death in 1914 was a severe loss. two other choirs, also under men of outstanding personality, were beginning to attract attention. both were breaking away from the lines traditionally followed by the average british choral society. in 1904 charles kennedy scott, an able and ver- satile musician, founded in london the oriana madrigal society, choral singing a small body originally intended to arouse interest in the eng- lish madrigal school. it eventually widened its scope and de- voted much attention to modern british unaccompanied choral works, and in the period in question it was becoming firmly established in public notice. the choice of programmes struck out new lines and gave fresh ideas to choral conductors all over the world. in glasgow an amateur musician, hugh s. roberton, was attracting attention by the skilled singing of his orpheus choir, a body of about 120 singers, concentrating mostly on scottish song arrangements and unaccompanied works on a small scale. dr. e. c. bairstow, organist of york minster since 1913, was proving himself one of the ablest choral conductors in the land. an interesting episode in choralism was a world tour from march 17 to sept. 30 1911, by a choir of 200 voices drawn from sheffield, leeds, huddersfield, halifax, newcastle and other centres, under the direction of dr. henry coward. in 1908 a similar tour had been taken in canada and the united states of america, but that of 1911 was on a larger scale, and comprised, in addition to these, honolulu, suva, new zealand, australia and south africa. the large works given were the messiah, elijah, gerontius, the golden legend, berlioz’ faust, elgar’s the king- dom, verdi’s reguiem, parry’s blest pair of sirens, beethoven’s ninth symphony, bach’s sing ye and a number of madrigals, part songs, and humorous ditties. the period under discussion was also remarkable for experi- ments in choral composition. the new technique acquired by large choral societies and the enormous strides made by choirs in touch with the competitive festival movement opened up new possibilities to composers. the most daring experimentalist was granville bantock, who, in 1912-4, wrote atalania in calydon and the vanity of vanities. entitled choral symphonies, they are divided into four movements on the lines of the traditional orchestral form, and are written for unaccompanied voices. the voices are disposed in 20 and 12 parts respectively, not with a view of polyphonic writing, but to obtain contrasts of colour on the lines of strings, wind and brass of the orchestra. many highly original effects are obtained, and severe problems sct for choir and trainer. pre-war period.—during the war choral singing all but col- lapsed. not only were societies robbed of most of their men, but public halls were commandeered, the energies of active peo- ple were deflected, and subscription lists fell rapidly. many choirs were extinguished, others turned their attention to hospi- tal, camp and charitable work. some were suspended for the mistaken idea that people at home should not sing in times of trouble. at a later stage, however, the absurdity of this view was realised and societies began to struggle into existence again. some mixed choirs resolved into female voice bodies; in other cases societies in one district agreed to sing the same works and pooled their male forces at each concert. on emerging from the gloom, the task of reconstruction was even greater than had been anticipated. traditions had been broken and the formerly constant supply of tenors and basses was not, and has not, been recaptured. subscribers who had supported institutions for many years as a duty did not resume their help. the war, too, had accelerated a change of taste which had gradually been coming about. standard societies had always been able to rely upon the popular oratorios of han- del and mendelssohn to crowd houses and fill coffers. the messiah had paid many and many a deficit. but, generally speaking, this is no longer the case. moreover, costs of halls, orchestra, printing and advertising, are all higher, and in addi- tion there is the entertainment tax. consequently few societies can meet their expenses. competilive festivals —there has, however, been a new awakening in the direction of competitive festivals, which, firmly established before the war, have attained an extraordinary vitality since. nearly 200 of these exist and at every one of them choral singing is an important, if not the most important, feature. the great value of this movement is that it affords a raison d’tire for the existence of every kind of society, except the larger choral singing choral bodies. rural festivals bring into existence choirs in the smallest of villages, and the larger festivals stimulate the virtu- osity of the leading bodies. choirs connected with churches and chapels, women’s institutes, guilds, boy scouts, all sorts of male, female and mixed organisations, are encouraged, im- proved and given a new outlook. in this way the problem of finding an audience for a concert and making ends meet may be avoided. there has been a remarkable development of male voice choirs, mostly of working men, often connected with factories or works of various kinds and these have, to a certain extent, thinned the male ranks of mixed choirs. a much higher end of music is now used through the influence of these festivals. the singing of madrigals has received an immense impetus. choral arrange- ments of folk songs and compositions by the best of our modern composers are being brought within the ken of many thousands of people. for some festivals choirs prepare choruses from an important work which is finally given by combined forces. in this way tiny rural villages know their bach cantatas and are even intimate with the b minor mass and other large scale compositions. a striking development is the growth of “‘ works ” choirs, some of which are very fine bodies. the glasgow police and tramways choirs and the l.n.e.r. musical society are exam- ples. one interesting fact is being disclosed by this activity. it was thought that the best choral singing was to be found only in yorkshire, and that other parts of the country could not hope to rival that county. but the opinion of most adjudicators is that first-rate work can be produced anywhere. without doubt the most robust voices come from the county in question, and in other parts of the country the current quality is less adapted to powerful and brilliant results, but a good conductor can pro- duce superlatively good results from material existing in any district in the british isles. adjudicators of the widest experi- ence have found astonishing results in places which were sup- posed to be unmusical. the general consensus of opinion among critics at the leeds festival of 1925 was that although vocally the choir there was perhaps the finest in the world, technically it was inferior to many bodies in other parts of the country. this change of centre foreshadows a new era in choral! singing. in london the oriana choir continues to do excellent work, forming a model for madrigal singing, and producing the latest works of modern british composers. in 1919 the philharmonic choir was formed in order that a large choral body might be affiliated with the philharmonic society. kennedy scott was appointed conductor, and he has proved as brilliant with a large choir as with a small one. among the important works produced, in addition to classics, have been bax’s motets and the choral works of delius. in particular, the performance of the mass of life in april 1925 reached a remarkable standard. london pos- sesses, for the first time in its history, both a large and a small choir which can give performances unexcelled anywhere else in the kingdom. the glasgow orpheus choir has reached a state of popularity unprecedented in the history of choral singing. it attracts numerous crowded audiences in glasgow, gives concerts all over scotland, and makes annual raids into england. it has done much to stimulate choral singing; its policy has been to afford opportunities for the training of conductors and to give advice and assistance on the question of formation of new choirs. it is probably the first time that any choir has undertaken mis- sionary work on such a large scale. one significant feature in recent years has been the decline of interest in handel, or rather in one or two of his stock works, and an enormously increased interest in bach. at the beginning of the century bach was considcred only suitable for the finest choirs and especially cultured audiences. his cantatas were almost unknown in britain. now large and small societies pro- duce his larger works frequently, his church cantatas are becom- ing regular features in programmes. a newcastle experiment.—reference must be made in this connection to an experiment, the founding of the newcastle- upon-tyne bach choir in 1915 to perform the works of the mas- ee >? 631 ter, not with the wrong proportions of an orchestra of 50 and a choir of 300, but with forces approximating to those uged in his day. the choir, after a period of experiment, was fixed at 40, 10 to a line. ‘the orchestra varies according to the work con- cerned; in some cases it is practically equal to the choir in num- bers. besides all the large works of bach and the motets, 65 of his cantatas have been giveh. a three days’ bach festival was given by the choir in london in feb. 1921. british com- posers are also included in the scheme of work, over 60 having been represented. it gave in newcastle cathedral in 1924 the first known complete performance of byrd's recently discovered great service, and the carnegie united kingdom trust sent the choir to give three performances of it in st. margaret’s, west- minster, london, in november of the’same year. several choirs have been formed on its lines, and are helping to spread a knowl- edge of bach unrivalled in any other country outside germany. a bach cantata club began operations in london in feb. 1926, under the direction of c. kk. scott. it is impossible in a short article even to mention all the mani- festations of choral singing throughout the country. as a result of the competitive festival movement, new conductors of merit are appearing everywhere. works which a few years ago were looked upon as extremely difficult, for instance, elgar’ gs geron- ius, are now sung in many small tow ns. the work’! in question will receive so or 60 performances every winter. to take a single example, an isolated town like kendal, with a population of 14,000, can produce such works as holst’s cloud messenger and vaughan williams’ sea symphony. in 1925 a movement for establishing community singing was inaugurated. meetings are organised at which folk, national and simple classical songs are sung in unison, and casy rounds are rehearsed, the music being taught by pattern so that no technical knowledge 1s demanded from ne singers. visits of continental bodies have been few. in 1919 the choral union of moravian teachers gave concerts in london. it made a great impression by its enormous rhythmic vitality and the dramatic quality of its consonants, features somewhat lacking in our native singing. in 1925 a cossack male choir surprised london by its tremendous range of tone power and its fiercely dramatic methods. choirs in the dominions —the dominions bid fair to follow the good example of the mother country. dr. fricker, late of leeds, is doing splendid work in toronto. the winnipeg male voice choir, under mr. hugh ross, impressed visiting adjudicators greatly. possibly by virtue of its climate australia produces splendid women's voices, which rather overweigh the men’s. there is much choral activity in the main centres of that conti- nent. zhe dictionary of modern music and musicians, ed. by a. i. hull (1924), gives a list of the principal choirs in europe, the united states and the british dominions. (w. g. w.) choral singing in the u.s. a. u nited s isations in the united states still active on a large scale are the handel and haydn society, boston (1815); worcester musical festival (1858); the apollo club, boston (1871); cincinnati musical festival (1872); the apollo club, chicago (1872); the oratorio society, new york (1873); the cecilia club, boston (1874); the choral union and may festival, ann arbor, mich. (1878). choral singing in the united states is fostered as a social element rather than as an artistic force. there it may be said that practically every community, church and _ college maintains a group of singers either as a mixed chorus, a glee club of men’s voices or a women’s chorus. large business houses hive also found it a benefit to organise choral societies. most of these choruses appear annually in three concerts and not a few have already availed themselves of the radio to enlarge their circle of listeners. unfortunately, america has not vet produced a composer of outstanding choral works to add lustre to the festivals and concerts of these bodies. the voguc of the negro “spiritual. is —during the first decade and a half of the present century, american singing societies, 632 discovering little in contemporary choral composition to attract them, turned their attention to the folk music of their own coun- try. indian music was found from the first to be unadaptable to choral forms and was discarded in favour of the undeveloped melodies of the negro slaves. this interest animated a revival of the negro “ spiritual,” popularised by the fisk jubilee singers in 1871, replacing in part the stephen collins foster type of plantation song and sweeping aside the negro minstrel chorus. by 1926 the negro spiritual had won an attractive place on the programme of almost every american choral society and had even crept into some churches, occasionally taking the place of the customary anthem in the service. a second influence which left its impress on american choral activity was the introduction of russian church music. the aeolian choir (brooklyn, new york) under n. lindsay norden, the russian cathedral choir (new york) under ivan gorokhoff and the mendelssohn club (philadelphia), to which mr. norden later transferred his leadership, led the way to an american appreciation of the hitherto unknown musical treasures of the russian church. the influx of russian singers and companics, notably the russian ballet in 1916, gave a strong impetus to the movement. when the world war drew the united states into the con- flict, many choral organisations reduced their activities; some ceased altogether. most of the german male singing societies (gesangvereine) disbanded and in 1926 were but slowly return- ing to the field. their place was taken, to a certain extent, by the college glee clubs and private male quartets. during the war the country’s musical forces were organised to aid the cause of patriotism. song leaders, as they were called, were attached to the army camps and singing became a feature of the military routine. independent song leaders formed choruses in factories, mills and shops and in public squares. community choruses, too, sprang into being everywhere. since the war, colleges in particular have done much to pro- mote chorus singing. many have becn able to recruit much talent and have given creditable concerts in their auditoriums and local concert halls. some have bcen so venturesome as to arrange interstate tours for their glee clubs. annual compcti- tions after the manner of the german gesangverecine, which competed for the much-coveted kaiserpreis, have been insti- tuted. the third of these events occurred on feb. 6 1926, under the auspices of a board called the associated glee clubs. twenty-five glee clubs, numbering 1,200 male voices, partic- ipated in a programme conducted by walter damrosch at the 71st regiment armoury in new york. to stimulate greater interest in american choral composition, many choral organisations have offered monetary prizes to native composers. four such prizes, totalling $1,200, were announced in 1925-6 for works in smaller forms. whether the incentive thus given will be productive of significant results remains in the hands of the fates; in itself it is one of the signs of the growing desire in the united states to develop an american school of composers. (j. mar.) chosen: sce korea. christchurch, new zealand (see 6.274).—since 1907, 12 outlying suburban districts have been included in its area, and the population in 1924 was 115,360. the city has extensive re- serves and parks, totalling 7,071 ac., of which 3,200 are leased to farmers, and afforestation has been carried out in some parts. in 1922 the birth-rate was 19-7 per thousand, and the death-rate only 9:6. buildings to the value of over £800,000 were erected in 1924, the house shortage having been previously very acute. the fine new municipal offices, on the site of a theatre burnt down in 1917 and including the old facade, were opened in 1924, and at the close of 1925 plans were being considered for a concert hall to be built adjoining. at the same time land reclamation work was in progress outside the west breakwater at lyttleton; and a railway line was being extended to make the site available for factories. the water area of the harbour is 106 acres. christensen, jens christian (1856-— ), danish poli- tician, was born in north jutland. the son of 4 peasant farmer, chosen—christianity he was an elementary school teacher from 1877 to 1901. in 1890 he entered parliament and eventually became leader of the lib- eral party. in roo1 he was minister of education in the first liberal government, and from 1905 to 1908 was prime minister. in 1909 he was minister of defence and in this capacity carried through the army bill. from 1912 to 1913 he was speaker of the folketing (lower house), from 1916 to 1918 minister without portfolio, and minister of worship from 1920 to 1922. he re- tired {rom politics in 1924. he has published a book, fra min barndom og ungdom (1925). christian x., king of denmark and iceland (1870- )5 was born sept. 26 1870 at charlottenlund castle, near copen- hagen, the eldest son of crown prince frederik, later king i'red- erik viii. (1906-12), and louise, princess of sweden and nor- way. after matriculating in 1889, the prince embarked upon a military career, becoming chief of the royal guard, and attained the rank of major-general. he married, in 1898, alexandrine, duchess of mecklenburg-schwerin. in 1906 he became crown prince and in 1912 ascended the throne. during the world war the necessity of friendly intercourse be- tween the scandinavian kingdoms resulted in several meetings between the three kings of which the first was held at malme in dec. 1914. on june 5 1915 king christian signed the new con- stitution of denmark which extended the franchise to women. he signed, on dec. 1 1919, the federal act whereby denmark acknowledged iceland as an independent kingdom and king of iceland was incorporated in the king’s title. in july ro20 he rode over the old frontier into north schleswig, which had been ceded to denmark by the treaty of versailles, and received an enthusiastic reception from the people. in 1921 the king and queen and their two sons, crown prince frederik and prince knud, journeyed to iceland and the west coast of greenland. king christian, by moving freely among the people, increased his popularity with all classes. christiania: see oslo.